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Mona Antiqua Reftaurata 

A N 


O N T H E 



O F T H E 


The Ancient Seat of the Britifti Druids. 



A P P E N D I X, 


A Compafatlve Table of Primitive Words, and the Derivatives of them 
in feveral of the Tongues of Europe 5 with Remarks upon them. 


Some Letters, and Three Catalogues. 



Vicar of Llanioan, in thelfle of Anglesey. 

"*—*■*■ ■ M il * ■ I I > 11 — — ■■ ■■ I ■ i^l— — — *— ^M^J^BJMfc 

The Second Edition, Correded and Improved. 


Printed for j. Knoj:, near Southampton-Street in the Strand. 






. • ► * • 
* • • • 

<i- n' 

1^ ^ ^ ^ <^^ 



Lord Viscount Fitzwilliam of Merion, 

Baron of Thorn-Castle, 

Knight of the Bath, Sec. &c. 


ERMIT me, my Lord, to uflier into the 
world this Second Edition of Mr. Row- 
LANDS* Account of Anglesey — an Ifland which 
you well know — under the favour of your Lord- 
(hip's Patronage. It may be, perhaps, fome 
pleaiiire to you to travel the country over again, 
and view the Curiofities of it, by the light and 
diredUon of this learned antiquary. It is, I am 


' ; 



iure, great pleafure to me, that I have it in my 
power thus to acknowledge your kindnefs and 
friendfliip, and publicly to declare with how great 
efteem and true regard, I am. 

My Lord, 

Your Lord(hip*s mdl obedient^ 

and moft humble Servantj^ 

Henry Owe n. 

A D V E R- 


As this Book, notwithftahding the inaccuracies of the 
Firft Edition *, met with a favourable reception from 
the world ; we thought it a duty incumbent upon us, not 
only to clear it of thofe typographical errors, but alfo to ren- 
der it ftill more worthy of public regard by the following 
improvements; viz. 

1. By revifing and correcting the language throughout^ 
fo far as was confiftent with the refolution of preferving ther 
Book the fame. 

2. By rectifying the miftakes which our author had com-* 
mitted in relation both to FaCls and Infcriptions, and adding 
explanatory notes, where they were thought neceflary. 

3. By inferting a new and corred Map of the Ifland, in- 
dead of that ridiculous^ imaginary one^ that diigraced the 
former edition. 

4. By continuing the Catalogues of Members of Parlia- 
ment, &c. to the prefent time. And by feveral other im- 
portant additions. 

For moft of thefe improvements the public is indebted to* 
the late ingenious Mr. Lewis Morris ; whofe Work, entitled , 
Celtic Remains, whenever it is publiihed, will exhibit a 
Qoble and curious fpecimen of his great abilities and know- 
ledge of antiquity. 

• The Firft Edition, printed at Dublin A. D. 1723, for want of fomc proper 
•crfon to revife the fheets, came out very incorr^ft. The author died befoic ic 
'as publiihed. 



ARCH-ffiOLOGY, or an Account of the Origin of 
Nations after the Univerfal Deluge, admits of two 
ways of enquiry,— either beginning at Babel, the 
place of mankinds difperfion, and tracing them downwards < 
to our own times by the light of records, which is Hrftory,, 
and of natural reafon, which is Inference and Conjedure ;, 
or elfe beginning from our own time, and winding them up- 
wards, by the fame helps, to the firft place and origin of their 
pfogreflion ; both which ways are ufually taken by Hifto- 
rians and Genealogifts, and are equally to be allowed in their 
manner of proceeding. By the former of thefe methods I 
have in the following Sections adventured through fome of the 
darkefl tracks of time, to calculate the Archaeology, and to- 
fetch out and put together ibme rude ftrokes and lineaments 
of the Antiquities of the Isle of Anglesey, from its firffc 
planting to the time of the Roman Conqueft, moftly in an; 
hypothetical way, or a rational fcheme of enquiry* 

A method, I confefs, very unufual; viz. to trace the foot- 
fteps of hiftorical anions any other way, than by that of an- 
cient memoirs and records. But where thofe lights are want- 
ing, what fliall we do ? Shall we lie down with our forefathers 
in the general flumber, blaming the paft ages for leaving us 


viii The author's PREFACE. 


ill the dark ; or like the men of Egypt, fliall we only confine 
our view to the preterfluent ftream of Nile, and refolve to 
look no higher, becaufe, it is (aid, its fountain>head lies hid 
bfeyond the mountains of the mOon ? No j that were to a£t: 
unfaithfully with the defigns of nature : Knowledge is her gift 
from Goj. to us ; and we ought to employ all the means and 
helps fhc affords, to improve and enlarge it. 

The main and principal helps to guide us through the dark 
recedes, of time, are the teftimonies of unexceptionable records, 
and fuch confequences as are naturally deducible from them. 
Thefe are like the folar rays ; where- ever they fhine, there is 
iure and perfedt light ; and the motion guided by them is 
even, fteady and regular. 

There are other things, as analogy of ancient names and 
words ; ancient laws, conftitiitions, and cufloms ; coins and 
medals ; ereftions-j monuments, and ruins ; edifices and in* 
fcriptions; the appellations of places; the genius, tempers, in- 
clinations, and completions of people ; and a variety of fuch 
remarks, which afford here and there little ftreaming lights to. 
\>c cautioufly and warily made ufe of, and which we ought 
likewife to fcan and examine jointly and feverally, and from 
them extrad fuch (econdary fupplies and afliftances, as may 
help to fill up and enlighten thofe obfcure chafms and inter- 
lineary fpaces of time, which interrupt the brighter ftrokes, 
and more undeniable certainties of records. And in this man« 
ner, by a juft proportionate difpofal of the lights and (liadows 
of Truth, we may undertake to reprelent the accounts and 
Iranfadions of the remoteft time, though not as certain, yet 
what is next to it, as highly probable, coherent and inteUi^We. 



The author's PREFACE. ix 

By the firft of thefe, viz. the unexceptionable teftimonies 
of Records, divine and human, and the coniequences I could 
juftly draw from them, I was afTifted to lay down the main 
draught and ground-work of this* rude i^flky. Here I had fure 
footing ; and I have been careful all along, to conclude no- 
thing with aiTurance and certainty, but what is built on this 


• The other collateral helps I make ufe of, according to the 
degree and quality of their evidence, to complete and iill up 
the vacuities of this draught with fhadows of conjed:ures and 
probabilities ; and what conclufions I draw from that (brt of 
evidence, I always propound as uncertain and only probable ', 
leaving every one at his own liberty, either to judge them fo, 
or to make (if he pleafe) better guefles ; preferving always a 
tuft and ftrid regard to the due proportions and meafures be- 
tween caufes and efFeds, and effeds and caufes,' as they come 
in my way ; which I ever reckon the main concern of hypo^ 
thetical difcourfes. 

And indeed I muft confefs I could never yet fee a reafbn 
why in fome cafes an hypothetical difcourfe or a conjetElural 
way of accounting, when it is performed with caution and due 
regard to peculiar circumftances, fhould not be as applicable to 
the hiftory of places and actions, as it is allowed to be to that 
of nature ; and that in fbme cafes it is fo, 1 (hall in a proper 
place endeavour to evince. 

I own that This now offered to public view was at firft only 
defigned for the exercife of private thoughts and the perufal of 
a few friends; and that it is at.beft but a weak teftimony .of 

b the 


the ilrong defires I had of retrieving the almoft-loft accounts 
and antiquities of my Native Country, out of the deep ol>- 
fcurities of time and prevailing oblivion ; towards which if my 
poor endeavours can but contribute the fmalleft mite^ I have 
my aim ; and do wiOi that fbme abler haQid> better qualified 
for fuch a performance, would undertake to> give the world aa 
ample fatisfadory Account, from the Nature of Things, from 
Records, Traditions, remaining Monuments, and from fuch 
other lights and evidences as occur, of the Antiquities of this 
Ifland ', which I find hath been e0e£ted in other parts of the 
nation, with no fmali acceptance and fatisfafiion. 

This I fliall yet farther premife, that where I have bcca 
inclined to derive many ancient names of things, appertain- 
ing to religion and other ancient ufages, from the [nimitive 
Hebrew tongue, I would entreat the reader not to determine 
in prejudice thereto, till be fees the accounts I give, relate 
ing to that matter, in my Remarks on the Comparative Ta- 
ble towards the end of the book ; where I hope he will 
upon' perufal find good grounds for what I did, and therein 
to his doubts, if he has any, a reafbnable fatisfa^ion. 

As to the origin of nations, and many things depending 
upon it, it is very prefumptive that the moft ancient me- 
mcNrs of things, the Sacred excepted, were at firfl built on 
this foundation ; viz. on Inferences and Conje<3ures ; yet, 
when recorded and tranfmitted to pofterity, their credit ad- 
vanced as they grew in age, and they foon came to be what 
they called Authentic Hiftories ; as if being recorded had been 
a fufficient pledge of their authority, and the befl title to truth 
and certainty.; and a farther reafoning into things, never after 


The AUTHOil*s PREFACE. xi 

to be attempted ; whereas upon a juft confideration of this 
affair, it will (I prefume) appear, that it is the beft fervicc and 
the greateft juftice done to hiftory to have its foundations well 
afcertained ; and where they are not, no age is too late, by all 
the means and helps that reafon and naiture can afford, to en* 
deavour their being fo, which is the aim of thefe Effays j and 
where thofe means appear to be earlier and clearer than fuf- 
peded records, I hope the reader will be more juft and candid 
than to defpife and rejed: them ; the reafons whereof fhall be 
more fully explained in the Introdudtion to the Second Eflay. 

To conclude, whatever is offered to the public of this kind 
muft undergo variety of cenfures : Every one there has a right 
to judge, though few have the abilities to judge rightly. Cri- 
ticifm is an undefined thing, under no fettled rule, often go- 
verned by prejudice or paffion, by humour or fancy ; whence 
it frequently comes to pafs, that what is agreeabFe to one 
tafte is difpleafing to another. To pleafe All is impoflible; 
to have Faults is Unavoidable. - 

Vitiis nemo Jine nafcitur : o^imus ilk eftt 

^i minimus urgetur. Hor. lib. I. fat. iii. 

<* To have no errors is a privilege above the condition of 
kumanity ; under it, happieft is he who has feweft of them." 

b 2 THE 




HE terraqueous globe 
Menai river 

New banks of beach made 



PwlLCerifs ibid 


The univerfal flood demonftrated 7 

Alteration on the face of the globe S 

The Produftions of marflies, meadows, low-lands and turbeiies 1 1 

The declivity of the Illand iz 

Carreg y forwyllt 13 

Malltraeth 14 

Aber Breint i5 

Llandd wyn 1 7 

Mon, why fo called 20 

Porthaethwy and Tyndaethwy, why ib catted 2} 

Ynys Dowyll 24 

Dinas, why fo called 25 

Rhofydd 25 

CyttieV Gwyddlelod 27 

Tlie etymology of Gwyddel ibid 

Tyranm, whence derived 28 

Bdd, Tref and Caer accounted for 28, 29 

Britifti Caer Edris and Irifh Mur-OUavan the fame in fignifieation 30 

Cwmmwd, whence called n^/^ ^^ 

The firft language uled in the We of Anglefey i'^'—iS, 

The BritiQi language aboriginal ^ 05 

The laws and religion of the firft inhabitants 30, {-f^. 

Derivation of the names of the Titans or Heathen gods note^ 4Z 

Cromlech, what and whence the name * 42 

Carncddau, what and whence the name . 48 




Coel-ceithjc 49 

Mcini-Gwyr, what 52 

Druids 53 

Why fo called ' 55 

Brachmans ibid 

Grwes, the firft temples 56 

Why the Druids chofe the IQe of Mona for their eftablilhment 58 

Their improvements in fciences 60 

Their philolbphy ^ 61 

Their difcipline 63 

Tfaeir diftinftions and charafters 64, ^c. 

Their authority and jurifdiftion 6S 

Their religious groves and facrifices 68 

Miffeltoc, Pren-awyr ^ ^9 

Gorfeddau *«I 

Mon Mam Gymru 7^ 
Anglefey and the Ifle of Man fuppofed to beiibr tw); RnrtMate Iflaads ibid 

The Ifles of the HaaoBk 75 

Jcfcyperborean Iflands 7® 

^aris the Druid 77 

JHumph. Lloyd and Polydore Virgil 7« 

Gftuls came to Britain to perfect their ftudies, &c. 79 

Drudau, OfFywr and Beirdd 84 

Caer-Idris and Cerrig-Brudyn ' ibid 

Copper weapons, what they feem ta h» *^^» ^^ 

Bfyn-Gwyn, a druidical temple 9^ 

The great druidical temple 9\» ^^* 

O^r Saviour's medal 93 

Druidical monuments i^ 

Thp conftruftion of thofe monuments 95 

Anglefey called Ynys Von, Ynys Dowyll, . and Ynys y Gcdcirn mley 97 

Angjefey facked by Suetonius Paulinus 97^ i^c. 

Anglefey facked by Juliua Agcicok loj 

Bod-jor^ Prefaddfed and Caftelljor 107 

The Druids efcape to the Ifle of Mart, ta Iceland and Scotland 108 

The Irilh Druids ^^ 

The Old Irifli alphabet called Beth-luis-nion no 

the divifions of Anglefey i »4 

The extent-books ' ^^^ 

Cylchatf "^ 

Copper coins ^3^ 

6 Mcpii 



Jofeph of Arimathea ^39 

The Second Sights a relid of the Druids noU^ 14 k 

fiangor-is-Coed 143^ 

Cafwallon-law-hir 147 

Parifhes iirft eftahlHhed 15s 

The building of churches in Anglefey 154 

Old infcriptions 155* £siV. 

Giidas, his charge anfwered i^^ 

The line of our Britifh princes i6j 

The Cornwal family i6i 

Roderic the Great defcribed 173, &?c* 

Anglefey, a place of refuge to the diftreffed i yB 

Gwyl Mab-bant, whence fo called 1 84 

Menau, whence fo called 1 9$ 

The ftory of Brutus, how far true 196 

The names of the patriarchs, a prophecy of Chrift 204. 

Cromleche accounted for zo6 

Carnedde accounted for ' ft 10 

Meini Gwyr accounted for ^ Zlg 

The etymology of the word Druid 237 

The etymology of Bodowyr 239 

Old BritiQi habits and manner of living 245 

The fpeech of Boadicea note^ 247 

The fpeech of Galgacus 24S. 

The fpeech of CaraAacus 252 
A fpecimen of the Druids way of inftrufting and communicating their 

knowledge 253 

Adam's great knowledge of nature 255 

The poflibility of its being derived and communicated to the Druids 256 

Rules to dire£t the reconciling the various dialeds of the Celtic language 261 

The Comparative Table 264 

Propofitions relating to the fiirft language 272: 

The nature and origin of that language 273. 
The houfe and family of Heber preferved among them that original language 275. 

Nimrod the builder of Babel o^^g 

The difperfion of nations and the divifion of the earth 280 

The confufion of tongues 282: 

The laws and ftatutes of the patriarchal age 290 . 

The Gomaritae and the Gomarian tongue 291 

The countries inhabited by them 292^ 

The Titan empire, its extent and power 293. 


T H E C P N T E N T S: 

The Ifle of Creta dedicated to religion, and pofleflcd by the Curetes, or 

Celtic pricfts 
The Titan empire diflblved, and their language diverfified into abundance 

of dialefb 
Of the laudable endeavours of Monfieur Pezron and Mr. Edward Lhwyd, 

in tracing the origin and preferving the remnants of that language 
Of our Saviour's medal 
The etymology of feveral Britifli names 
The Greeks eafy voyage to the Ifle ,of Mona 
Mr. Lhwyd's letters to the author 
The Bride Stones 
A catalogue of parliament men 
A catalogue of the iherif^ of Anglefey 
A catalogue of the clergy of Anglefey 







O B S E R V A- 








Of IJlands in general, 

ANGLESEY, antiently by Latin wjiters called Mona, li an 
ifland, and one of the counties of North Wales according to the 
f refent drvifion, feparated from the main land by a narrow arm of the 
ifea. It is feated in a temperate air, enlivened by a benign fun, and 
enriched ^ith a good and^30untiful foil. But to account for its pri- 
mary and natural origination, I muft beg leave, from the confideration 
of fo fmall a fpot of ground, to make fome refearch into the original 
ftate of things, and lay down the phyfical immediate caufes of all 
iflands in general 5 which I fhall endeavour to unfold by thefe propo- 
rtions following 5 and then eftablifh a particular conclufion relating to 
this ifland. 

First, The creation of this terreftrial globe, Ijoth by the word of 
Cfod and the light of nature, feems to fuppofe two diftindl confiftencics 
in the inferior chaps, viz. Earth and Water ; at firft commixed anfl 
liuddlcd together in one formlefs blend or fluid, till the Almighty Spirit, 
moving upon the face of that deep or fluid, made the diftindt parts qif 
it exert their peculiar tendencies and gravitation: which parts fo moved 
and agitated by the Creator's hand> and then purfuihg the mechanical 
<Mds of motion, at length formed and brought forth thofe feparations, 

B which 


which the Holy Scriptures call «• the gathering together of the waters>^ 
»cl the appearing of the dry land J' 

Secondly, Then it follows that the grofs and heavy particles of~ 
the arid or dry earth, the fediment of that fluid]^ by the mechanical 
law of motion tbey were obliged to> purfue, gfavitatiog aad (inking 
lowermoft, by cloiing and uniting together, compreded and fqueezed 
out the more thin and fluid ones^ /. e^ the watry particles : the former- 
by their tenacity knitting together formed one folid but uneven and chan- 
nelled round; and the latter more light and voluble /onqf, feeing alib^ 
the center of gravity, but being borne- off by the denfe orb, flowed: 
about ; and by filling up the depths and bottoms of the earth's uneven, 
and channelled furface, left the protuberant and more elevated tracts . 
thereof to be habitable Land,, and the : deprefllod apd lower regions, , 
covered with ihefe waters, to be that which is called Sea or Ocean^ 

Thirdly, This watry heap, being held up by the indiflbluble den-* 
fity of the earth, and being every where of its oMti nature a. ponderous > 
lubric fluid, aod as a confequent of that, of the like diftance from every 
part of its fuperficies tcx^the center of gravity j; I fay, this watry heap . 
mud therefore neceflfarily keep up in all parallels of the terraqueous . 
globe to a conilant exadt altitude i aad the arch .or altittide being (a« is : 
laid) every where ecpidiftant from the central point* it will hence 
neceflfarily follow that the univerfal furface of the water, , confidered in 
its intire and fpreadiog bulk, mud be exadly globous ; as when lines > 
of equal length are drawn. from, one point or center,, their. cods muft: 
neceflfarily terminate in a perfect circle,. 

Fourthly,. This has been the approved and eflablifhyed- theorem of - 
the rotundity of the terraq^ueous globe, . but is. nor/. of late indeed fomer 
what (hdcked by the new notion of the fpheroidal figure of the earth, , 
and corf fequently of the incumbent fluid :. which is the hypothefis of : 
Huygens, Sir Ifaac Newton, Dr. Burnett^ and other«. . But as^ to the : 
ftrefi of my argument, viz. that there mufl: be allowed a given arch .« 
. or altitude of the watry furface from. the. common center always con- 
ftant and certain, in refped to the central point;, that hypothefis ^St&» 
it not : it may indeed a little alter the form,^ but not the force of the 
reafon. For fuppofing the fpheroidalnefs (whether oblate oc oblong 
. it matters not in this cafe) of the terraqueous globe to be undeniably 
demonftrated (which as yet is not *) by thefe perfons ; and that . the 

* Since the publication of this book in 1723, the (pherotdical figure of. the earth haf been 
undeniably demonftrated by the menfuralions of the French academicians. But this. aA{& not 
•or author's hypothefis* 



<tiiurnal rotation of the earth and water about their common axis fhould 
in fomc part contradl, and in another part dilate the convex furface of 
the globe, fomewhat out of an exad fpherical roundnefs ; yet this ro- 
tation being always determinate and uniform, the arch or furface of the, 
fluid, though it be not/cxadlly fpherical, mufl keep to a conflant exaft 
altitude ; that is, it muft have a diftance from the furface to the cen- 
ter always equal to itfelf in every particular parallel ; which in effect 
amounts to the iame thing as if it were perfe(5tly globous. 

And therefore from thefe propofitions it is plainly demonflrable, that 
the cavernous and furrowed parts or regions of the earthy furface, 
which lay beneath this determined arch or altitude, the flowing Ele- 
ment (wanting proper bounds) if it iinds a way irreflflibly breaks in 
and covers ; I fay, if it finds a way; for there may be fume depreflions 
of the earthy furface, occafioned perhaps by earthquakes or other ac- 
cidents, which are even below that altitude, and yet remain dry ^ be«- 
caufe the fea may be either artificially banked and kept out, or na- 
turally defended from flowing in : but it is rarely that any continues 
long fo, without an inlet opened by Nature's own hand ; that is, gulphed 
er furrowed at the original formation of the earthy or forced and broke 
open by the impetuous aflaultings of this furious element to run in and 
pofl!efs its own limits. 

Of this Jatter particular Geography fupplies us with feme injftances, 
«ame1y^ that of Gibraltar ; wher^ the narrow Gut (whether naturally 
or adventitioafly fo is uncertain) Jets in the whole Mediterranean fea to 
all that tra£t it now poflfefTes, and unites it to the ocean. 

Thus we find the whole globe to be but one heap of earth and water, 
lodged and fettled within their appointed limits. And though upon 
this fame globe, the largefl: trafts of earth, becaufe fomewhere fur- 
rounded, may be called iflands; yet thofclcflfer circuits of land, thofc 
fiiialler wens ^nd protuberances of the folid round are more properly fp 
called, to diftin^ulih them from the greater, which are more fitly called 
continents.: as Britain from Europe^ Anglefcj^from Britain, 6cc. 

On thefe grounds therefore I conceiv:e the fret or channel of Mevar^ 
which divides the ille of Anglefey from the adjacent continent and makes 
it an ifland, to have been originally (at leaft the greateft part of it) be- 
neath that arch or global point before fpecified -, and coniequently that 
the great fluid or running bulk of water, finding accefs at both ends of 
it to flow in, made that trail in the beginning, or foon aftec, an ifland 
environed by the fea. 

B j2 -SEC t: 



Qf the river Menau and whether Anglefey ivas originally divided by it 

from the continent. 


I WILL not Affirm that tBis fpot of ground was an illand from tHe 
creation. For it is highly probable that the univcrfal deluge made 
great and remarkable alterations on the face of the globe, raifing fome 
places which had been fea inta dry land, and deprefling others that were 
land beneath the irruptions of that liquid element, made them feaa. 
Yet it is not altogether unlikely, that there was for fome fpace of time 
after the divulfions of the deluge, an arm of land joining the country of 
Anglefey to that of Caernarvon (hire. If any fuch there was, it muft have 
been near Portbaeth-huy ; where there is ftill to be feen a trace of fmall 
rocks jetting out in a line and croffing the channel, with other jgreat 
fpJinters of rocks fallen and tumbled down, and appearing as if the fea 
had confumed and eaten away the foil in which they had been origi- 
ftally fixed, leaving the rocks bare^ and rugged, and the ftones and 
broken (hivers of the rocks in the bottom of the channel fallen and 
tumbled one upon another. 

In the hollows and cavernous interftices of thele fallen and brokei> 
Tocks the fea for an hour or two at the beginning of flood (two cur- 
rents feparated by a rock conjoining and ftrongly claftiing in that place) 
violently boils and fluftuates, making it for that time a very dangerous 
paJfTage ; and giving it the name of Pwll-^Ceris *, I conceive, as being^ 
the to weft ftream or current,. Cer-ifa : There being (as I faid) a divi- 
ded current in- that place. 

But if there was a fmall iftbmus or ridge of land blocking the cur- 
rent in that place, as indeed thefe rocks fcem to have been the natural 
foundation fupporting an arniofland that extended from one fide to 
the other , if fuch there was, yet the fea with its unruly furges daily 
coming up at both fides of it in an uninterrupted channel, foon eat 
away the foft ouzy foil that landed and made up the intervals of thefe 
rocks, and by its repeated irruptions and frequent overflowings quite 
confumed it in a fliort time ; and forced a paflTage fo as to become one^ 
continued channel from one end to the other. 

• It fhouki have hetn Kirhy and not Csris. In Mr. Vaughan of Hengwrt's MS« of Neonius- 
it is PwU Kffrifi^ Ctr-sffa is only a £uici£ul derivation* 

. It 


It may well be affirmed, that this fret or river of Mcnai to this men- 
tioned middle place is the original work of nature; or a great crack 
or fciffure in the internal ftrata of the earth, at what time foevcr that 
happened. ' And though this channel might become one entire dividing 
arm of fea bfetween thofe two lands in a few years after the flood, yet 
it may in no wife be granted to be then near fo broad and fo deep as it 
is«now: *for we muft allow the force and agitation of ftorms, the flux 
and reflux of tides, to have beaten and waflied upon, worn and funk 
iway, agreat deal of the foft and earthy banks on each fide of it ; and 
the bottonvalfo to have been confumed and hollowed by the'fca's (harp 
acrimonious quality ^ $ {o that it muft be now much deeper and wider 
than at firft we can imagine it to have been. 

To this alfo we may add the quarrying and carrying oflTftones frorrr 
the rocky banks of it, for building public and private edifices ; whicli 
eafe of digging and conveniency of water-carriage invited men to, and 
which did not a little enlarge and widen the boundaries of it. And 
whoever does but obfervc and take exadt notice of the natural defcents 
and declivities of (bme grounds on each fide of it, and withal takes a 
proportional eftimate of what was torn and wafted away of the banks, 
from the lower part now of thofe defcents to the furface of the water, 
fuppofing (as it is v^ry reafonable fo to do) thofe defcents to have been 
equal and uniform to the brink of the channel, will find reafon to think 
this channel at the beginning to have been very narrow, and in fome 
places perhaps not very deep. 

I have obferved on fonje coafts along this river^s fide long rows of 
large ftones lying iff a line one by another many yards below the now 
full fea-.mark, as if they had been antiently terfynauy fences or boun- 
daries between the land and (hore. And in fome places yoju may ob- 
fcrve another feries of fuch ftones running parallel to the lowermofl: 
row, and lying between it and the land, as if that likewife in fome 
ages after had been piade boundary : of which I can give no other ac- 
count than that the lowermoft row was the firft and moft antient boun- 
dary, fixed on a deep earthy foil ; which the fea undermining and per- 
petually confuming and waftiing away, the ftones fixed thereon funk by 
degrees lower and lower, one row after another, till they became as we 
how find'them. And there is little doubt but that thofe walls or row^' 

• Salt water wears the bottom of rivers where the tide conws no more than frcih water ; and. 
therefore we can allow this affertion but littk weight* 


6 M O N A A N T I QJLJ A R E S T A U ft. A X A, 

of flones which lye now as prefent boundaries between Tea and land on 
deep earthy foils, future ages will behold alfo like others fallen and 
tumbled, funk and covered under water. 

And as the depredations of the fca^ on >the foft^ yialding, earthy 
fliores, on the ifland's fide of this channel, has undermined, funk» and 
fwallowed fome quantities of land ; io the icouring off and throwing up 
of the fmall flones and pebbles from thofe ra¥i(hed battks.into great beds 
of beach« on fuch places andjetts as moftoppofe the ^dired currenqr 
and undulation of the water along the channel, has gained fome, and 
barred it up from fwallowing more; as may be ob&rved, Firft, At 
ABermenai^ where a formed bank of beach extends from * Jnxyfi 
Ceinwen to the ferry ; and being broke there by the channel reaches oq 
the other .fide to Hinas Dinilow ^^ as a pier or bulwark ^o Dinllow- 
marfli. Secondly^ At Piwll y Funvch by P^rthameU where a bank of 
beach h^ hemmed in and recovered a large field from the fea. Third- 
ly. At Moel y JDvn, the Fenrbyn^ where th^e ferry-^boat .rides, ieems 
to have been anciently anifland, at leaft at full fea; where a bank of 
beach to the S.W. and an accumulated bed of fa^d at ^he back of the 
beach, has now iilled ^p the interval, and made it one continued point 
of land. And, laftly. Near Beauntares^ the Point called Ofmond's Air 
and the Green by the town arc a mere colle<StioQ of fmall pebbles landed 
there by the undulating tempeftuous force ^f the fea; though betweea 
thofe two beaches, a confiderable .piece of land was, in lieu of what 
it ftored up there, ravifhed and xronfumed away by the infulting element 
-to the very walls of the town. 

Now, as to thefe inundations and demolifhings of the iea that have 
happened here as well as in many other places, they are not to be 
afcribed to any increafed eleyatlon of the watry body in one age dnore 
than another, but rather to fome accidental depreflion of the earth ia 
fome places; though chiefly and mofl frequently to this depredation of the 
fea upon a lax diffolvable foil, which it inceifantly tears and confumes 
without refiftance. As to the elevation of the fea in fonac ag« above 
others, which fome fancy, it has no foundation in ordinary nature (foJT 
|he approaches and attradion of comets, if there are fuch things to be 

• The word is Tywyn and not T*wyn, It is derived from tywoJ aj;xd gmyn^ u ^. miktu fmnd i 
being hillocks of white fiind blown together by the wind. 

t We have no authority to write this D/W/mv ; for in all our MSS. it is fpelled DimHe^ as it is 
^tninonly pronounced. This Dhms is an ancient Aimmer -camp on the m'arih near the edge of 
the fea, and was doubtlefs intended to defend the entrance ioi the river Menai. 

3 granted 


granted, arc extraordinary, and therefore not to be urged as any proof). 
(fay, it has no foundation in. nature; for the fea (excepting its daily 
and monthly fwellings, which yet make no variation in the whole bulk) 
makes of itfelf^ as far as it extends and continues fluid, one round and 
globous furface ; and what it depredates of the earth in one p^rt, it 
throws up into another ; and therefore, without addition of new matter,, 
which is naturally impoflible, this body of water^ in the aggregate 
bulk ofiti i& incapable of augmenting or diminiihing its given arch 
and determined altitude. As to local Deluges, concerning which hif- 
tory is not to be difcredited, they may be very well accounted f6r an-^ 
other way ; as proceedings from great' unufual rains- and land-fioodsj . 
and other particular caufes^ 

But that of the • umverfab deluge, if if be objedcd' as an inftance of 
ftich augmentation, is of no force in this particular. For that was di-» 
vine and miraculous ; and as it didnot^pend upon, fo it cannot beac-- 
counted for, and explicated from> the known power *and^ opcratioa of 
any natural 'principlesi 

This being fettledi 1 niay^now conclude that the channel of Menat^^. 
though at firft narrow and fitted only to difcharge and carry, off the 
many freffi brooks that fall into it, might in a long, continuance of-, 
time, , by the conftant motion ©f the water wearing and confuming its 
earthy banks and bottoms, become as broad and as deep as it now is* 
Add undoubtedly where the (hores arc flat and earthy, foft and yielding; 
as they are in many places^ the fea will daily, enlarge its encroachments, , 
and purfue oppofition as they give: way, . till it meets with unpaffable re- 
finance. For although the Almighty has afligned to this liquid element 
its bounds aver which ordinarily it (hall notpafs; yet when thefc 
bounds driH and moulder away, it will inevitably break in and lean upon, 
others: its very nature obliging, it,. a& to feck its bounds, fo to reft no* 
where without them.. 

Now, it being in my way to explicate fome things that will occur in: 
this difcourfe by that great phoenomenon, the deluge, I am obliged be- 
fore I can build any conclufions upon it, to prove the univerfality of it ; 
and confeqtiently that it reached not only here, the place I undertake to 
account for, but equally round the globe; which fome would very ilre- 
nuoufly deny, contending that a topical one fufficiently anfwers the ends 
of that divine judgment. To prove this, I fhall only ufe this one ar- 
g4jment, which I hope will clear the point, or at Icail give ftrength to- 
what 1 (hall affert in the next fedtion in relation to this ifland : 



It i$ agreed by all that the earth and water^ as they conftitQ&^*Ofif 
^lobe, have one and the fame center of gravity ; and as a coitfequent cf 
this, that the great bulk of water» however raifed or deprei&di: wiU 
naturally form itfelf into a fpherical, or at leaft, into a fpheroidal Air 
perficies; it being a fluid body, and having «every vtrhere an equal ten« 
dency to the common center. Now, I fay, if they allow (as Come do) 
a local deluge, they m^uH; allow it to be fuch as did actually ov«r-top 
and cover all the mountains of that place where that deluge happen^di 
elfe it contradicts the exprefs words of Mofes, and defeats the great de- 
cree of drowning all mankind but tbofe in the ark. Now, if it b^ 
granted that this local iiood did by ibme cubits overflow the higheft 
mountains of Afia (as the fcripturc plainly fays it did) which are fome 
f)( the mofl afpiring mountains in the world ; then it follows that the 
global arch, or circle of that elevated water, kept the fame height and 
diftance from its center round the globe ; for being a Eoid body it natu- 
rally flowed to all declivities, and confequently muft overflow all the 
mountains of the earth within that circle ; and therefore upon this 
granted fuppofition it mufl be univerfa], or at leaft deeply cover thcfc 
lower regions, which is all I conttend for^ 


Of the OrighiAl Form of this Ifiand^ the alterations . ^bicb the univerfid 
Deluge wrought on the face xind borders of it, jmd other accidents and 
effeSis of that prodigious mafs of Water. 

NOW, finceit is no lefs than mathematically evidctfit, that Noah's 
flood univerfally overflowed the face of the earfh to a height 
icqual to the higheA mountains of Alia \ and flnce we have natural prin-* to afford «s evidence, that that overflowing .made great changes 
and alterations on the furface of the globe ; it may well become a quef- 
tion. Whether this ifland was feaor land before that univcrfal cataclyfm? 
To which I anfwer. That although the furface of it be for the moft 
part flat^ and not many perches * higher than the ambient fea ; and 
though feveral are of opinion, that many more elevated regions were 
formerly under water, and no other than the bottoms of feas ; yet, we 
have ftrong inducements to aftirm, that this was never fince the creation 
under any, fave that of the flood. For as, on the one hand, we find 
no f) mptoms of fuch a fubmerfion, no indication of Co long flceping 
2 under 


isoder TOate9f> and as a neceffary confequence of that, no marine remains/ 
properly ibcb, interfperfcd in our inland foil 5 fo on the other hand, we" 
find in txiany places: of it ibme e^ences of its being land before the 
delugrJ .We find great bulky trees buried in flatch and mud, which* 
in all likelihood the deluge laid along, and found growing on or near 
th&p^ce^ where we now find them. And if they grew near the places' 
whcre,they.are,found, as. there are many figns they did, ' then there is no\ 
qacftion but it was terra firma before that deluge-. • * 

•Now it being fuppofcd to be land, and probably an iflarnd, before the. 
food, it is impoflible t6 determine what addition, 'diminution, ai^d* 
other iiiperficial alterations it fuftained under that mighty prefifufe of 
waters -daring, the. ~ continuance of them ; yet fomelhing maybe faid 
and rationally accounted for in regard to thefe particQlars. And there- 
fore in the explication of them, I (hall wave the ungrounded hypothefes 
of Qtir late theories in rekktibn to the deluge and the confequenbes of it, 
and fhall rather chufe to rely on more indubitate certainties ; that is, on' 
the diyioe: authority and the vifible efiFeAs of things, that there was^df 
deluge, and that it was uniycrfeL And confe^uently, in order to fet 
Ibrth the natqral piixrumiibanc^es of this illandfince that epochay rKhatl/ 
from the. CMnmon anki moft undeniable ffffedlions and properties of that 
mafs. of waters, fuhmerging andtfurrbandtng'theterreftria!! globe» af-^ 
fame fuch plain and eafy principles as will be very intelligible in them- 
felves, and fufiiciently. refponfihle for thoie pboenomena that will Vail* 
ttoder.thexnnfideration isf. thefe prebiifed pafticujars ) * which I (ha)l let 
dowil generally in a few Theorems explicating the natural efforts of 
thofe waters y aful particularly in a few Corollaries neceiTarily refulting 
from thofe caufes, with refpeft to the place I account for. 
, First, therefore, whatever divinity or philofophy may warrant us to 
afiirm of the.prodi^ous rife and increafe of thefe waters two or three 
miles at leaft above their prefent level, we may well conceive that the> 
weight and force of fo huge a heap of water, fo long preffihg upon and 
foaking the whole face of the earth, which was probably then not fo' 
much petrified as now it is, muft needs loofen, difiblve, and take afun-' 
der.tbe fpft, . earthy, and claiy mould and*rfurface of it to a confiderable 
depth ; and with its weight and prefifure lay fiat and bear dotvin all that- 
grew on that broken and difiTevered foil*: 

All this may be concluded from, the natural and ordinary tffe&^of' 
fuch a mighty weight of water, waving and prefling on the foft and 
yielding ifurface of the globe. But befides, it is very probable that; 

C this 


this prodigious mafs of water was attended with extraordinary conttmo^ 
tions and violences; which indeed is not only fuitfldble to the nature 
of the thing» but the letter of the text feems alfo to point out fomp- 
thing of that kind to us. Mofes (it feems) not contenting himfelf 
with a word that might only exprefs the tik and incareafe of the water^ 
but to ihew us that there wsrs fomewhat ilM>re in the mitter, Ctts it 
forth with an. energy f Febamajim gabru meod meody Gen, vii. 19. yiz. 
'* The waters grew robuft and violerit more and more/' The word 
gahary which be there makes ufe of> peculiarly implying a Taft giigan- 
tic ftrength ;^ ceu gigas aliquid profitrnerci i% ibme expofitors commeat 
Upon it s to ravage and deftroy all things before it. Now the more 
ilrong and violeilt the rife and increafe of thefe waters^ were^ the more 
havoc they made, and the more thby broke, and dilacerated of the foft 
and yielding forface of the earth. 

Si&coNDLY,. The continuance and long ftay of this keavy iha& of 
water, fo long preffing and penetrating the porous fpungy. earth, foaked^ 
mollified^ and diiTolved the fuperfictal cruft or cover of it> . ia the moc^ 
£at and level places, to a very, foft, . ouey* and fluid coniifteoce ; and 
that tda, where it was not.ftony ankl rooky^ to a depth proportiDaaUe 
to the weight and duration c^ the iikcumbeiit fluid. Aad this foft^ 
quaggy, and much diflblved and loofened furface of the ground^ fo 
long ileeped and bumedtatedj. remkred it very apt and eafy to be moved,, 
brbkbn, and furrowed, wherever the motiofi, weighty and currenqr o£ 
the water drovt and prefled it« And we^maiy alfo tainceivey thatm 
fmall proportions of the fineil and moft diflevered pant of the looifeflred 
earth, being taken up and fuftained in the fweliing fluids made it to a 
confiderable height very thick, fflsoulent,. and muddy ; and that coa^ 
iequently in that float of things the trees of the lighter fort fwam aloft,, 
and the heavier one^ either fhick in the qiog or trailed in the bot^ 

Hence it is that the earthy mould, falling off'from the fkles of the 
more eredt and elevated fituatiom, left the more hard and petrified 
portions thereof, as we now find, to be craggy, precipitous rocks. And 
when the outer coat or flratum,* which before,, in all probvbiU^, covered 
thofe heights. Aid down into the ad|acent bottoms, a great deal of the 
more loofe and crufly parts of thefe rocks, being then left naked and 
Unfupported, fell off and tumbled in many places in great fplinters and 

* Trees of the lighter fort, as fir, wiilowS; and alder, are found aaongft the oak in Mj^jdd 
^al-iff near Trj/glw^, in this ifland. 

6 frag- 


ifre^ments one upon another; as may be feeti on thd verge and borders 
pf all rocks aod rocky precipices. So that fr<»n hence it is mechanic 
iCsUy evident^ that what was foft and earthy on the hills and mountains^ 
by the weight and pceiTure of this water Aiding downwards^ ftuck in 
^q4 filled^ ofi: the lower grounds^ all uneven nefies and hollows : and 
what alfo on tjiefe lower grounds was before uneven and rugged^ by 
having t^ir holes^ chaps, and crannies filled up with the deicending 
^It and fseculency, became more plain and level : infomuchi that what 
was thereby abraded and waihed off from the hills and eminences, wa^, 
by the tutn^bling of that water, ftrewed and levelled on the plains and 

EJuvie mams eft didu&us in nequor. Ovid. Metam, xv^ 267* 
Thirdxy, in the fall and decreafe of thefe waters, when the higher 
grounds and jbiUs b^ af^ar, and the Almighty had ordered the 
putr^eous dement to fiadl and couch wil^n it6 own limits ; we may 
naturally coQcdve, that as ikefb^ waters fell lower and lower to the 
leiTer hills^ they defcended flill with greater and greater violence and 
Impetuofity towards their original channel, efpecially where the grounds 
were uneven aod (helving ; carrying along with them their muddy filths 
And ilo^tings, and making hideous eruptions in their paflage, inhere 
they were any wife fiQjspcd and retanied, tmtil 4hey bad • lain all they 
cairried along with them in the loweft bottoms, and refeated and lodged 
.thcmielves within their appointed allotments. 

Some idea of this we may form in our minds from the great and 
frequent excaviftiQhs which extraordinary land-4floods lefFed, when they 
tmk h^adlotigiTer grounds of a loofe ^yielding coniiftency; 

Thus when with hafte and precipitancy, thefe recoiling watery rolled 
9fid tumbled, through the great gaps and outlets of the earthy furface, 
to their peculiar channels ; it is eafy to imagine, how their impetuous 
/orce and viojbnce broke and furrowed the univerfal quag, or difiblved 
gind:loofenedfAurface.of the earth, into guts and dingles; and that with 
.viarious windings and turnings, as the foil broke and yielded to the 
fqfce and violence of thofe furious eruptions, and as the difpofition of 
the rocky ftrata of the earth gave way to them : andhow they threw up 
and lodged h^e and there, iasthey defcended, in thedepreiTed cavities and 
receptacles, :vaft .profibrtioiis of ouze mixed with trees and other rub*- 
biih ; which afterwards condenfed and grew up in fuch places to be 
.whatw6 (^aU moorst fens, turberies, dales, and meadow-lands/ , 

G 2 And 


Aad b?(idcs that quantity of this miry fcdiment and eluvies, whicli^ 
ftuck ia the larger battoms to become dales, and meadow-lands, and 
in the leflir and.deeper cavities to become moors and turberies; we may 
likewife conceive, that vaft and mighty heaps of it, overflowing and 
trailing with this retiring dement to . its own great fjeceptacle, the 
-oceam, ilufcrk and accumuUtdd there in the great bays <and oftiums ; 
where the fea having recovered its wonted nv>tion repelled and hoarded 
it up : whereby that muddy eluviea having, after fome time, fpcnt it^ 
moifture, and been confolidated,.. it'i became in after ages (as the v^aft 
♦plains of Egypt, ; a great part of the Neth«riands, agd feme of 6ur 
marflies of England, &c.) the richeft and moft fertile foils. Fdr theie 
plains arc, in my opinion, with, better appearance of reafon to be re- 
ferred to that great and mighty, deterration and eluvies of the univerfal 
deluge, tban» as Mr. Ray, jatid. others would >hnve^ it, tothe^oods ar^ 
fcourings. of great tiver$ ; th6ugh.ibmewfaat may be alledged-that way 
of thf fprmatipn of fuch flat , -and lev:el lands a^s drejail ini the oftiums, 
or the places where fuch rivers difcharge themfehres into the (ea. ^- 

Thefe general Ptopofitioris being thus far premifed, and being in 

jthemfelves ui>exceptiotiabl^» andibut the ordjn^^nylaihd conftant r^Aihs 

^of nature in thej^ circumilaocos f: I (hall now: attempts tp dfaw fuch 

Corollaries fr^m; thetn las will cifily aiid intelligibly^ 'affcotmt-feir' fnahy 

phoenomcna that will occur intheconiidefation of the original ftate and 

appearance of this ifland, both before and immediately after the un^ 

verfel deluge, or at leaft when it was inhabited. • . ^'> - • ''- 

, Now if the queftion were put, what was the. form of this iffand, 

and what figure did it reprefent ?t that time?. I do confcrfjt it to be very 

;hard to determine. But what ihape Toever it was then of, I have great 

inducements to affirm it was neither before nor immediately after the 

fiood, of the fanxie form and dimeniions as now we find it« ^ - 

For it is very probable, nay, almofi: demonftrable, thfait the fda oh 
the fouth-wefl fide of this ifland^ before the deluge,, came up at maAy 
places in little bays and angles very far into the inland part. And to 
reduce what I faid to a particular application^ I (hali affirm from -the 
foregoing Theorem s> . 

FiRST,^ That the fouth-weft indented- fide of this iilarid being a 
.little lower and more depreflfed in its fituafeton than the oppofite one, 
by that declivity, the deluge at the ebbing muil needsf bear down and 
carry with it into thofe bays and angles on the. fouth* wei): fide, what- 
ever the weight and preiTurcof the waters had eraded and broken ofi^from 



the Ibofened furface ; and that in the trailing and rowling down of the 
dreggy fediments of the retiring fluid, fome proportions of that elu-* 
vies (luck here and there, both in the more extended depreffions, whith 
foraged our flats and meadow-lands, arid in the deeper eavitieS) which 
became our moors and turberics, it . 

Secondly, ift this receflion of the recoiling waters, the furface 5f 
the ifland being fomewhat flat and level, though a little (helving to the 
fouth-weft fide, we may imagine that great proportions of -thiit water 
were 'flopped, pent up, and as it were, land-locked, in many places j. 
till the foi'ce^ weight, and overflowings of it tore and opened it 'a vent 
and paflage through the fbaked and foftened ground from one bottofii 
to another ; and thofe vents and irruptions made our narrowguUets, or 
nentydd; of which that at Llangefni is-, a remarkable inftancc > where 
a great fofs or gullet of confiderable length and depth is broke' throiigb 
a large ridge of lancfi to give vent and paflfage to a larg;e extended' bot- 
tom which lies- behind it, and which otherwife had been all to this day 
under water ; in which place it is obfervable, how the impetuous cle-* 
ment, after fome windings as the ground gave, at lad brok^out-its 
paffage thrbugh a heap of rocks, which, perhaps, from that -pcffceived 
e<Fe<f^, w4s, and is, to this day, called Careg' y forwyllty or the erup^ 
tion r6ck. 'And I dare, appeal to any man's* obfervation, if ever he hfaa 
feen lany large extended bottoms without either a natural opening *, or 
a forced; breach and paflfage, made by this rapid element, -to difchargb 
and carry off what CollefKons of water may be otherwife coruteivei^ to 
fwell dnd ft^gnate in thofe bottoms ; and to attribute thefe breaks and 
excavations to the conftant drilling of brooks and gutters, will hot 'be 
fo much asfuppdfed by any that (hall diligently obferve the pofltibn £(nd 
circumftances of thofe placesi 

. THiRi)LY, that the bent and Aiding of the cliivies of thc' d6luge o» 
the fice of this ifland Was to the fouth-weft fide of it, is evident ; firftj 
from the hills, rocks, and precipices of the north-eaft fide, which are 
oclnfiderably higher and mareefevated from the fea than any on tfafeop«^ 
pofite fide ; and, fecondly, from the con^atit courfe and running of the 
greateft and longefl: of our brooks -f- from the north-eaft to the • ibuth- 
weft of the ifland i the flope and declivity of the ground direding, as it 
dkocs thefe brooks now, fo that eluvies then, to fix its repofe'and fettle* 

* Are not all lakes formed in bottoms by the want of fuch openings ? 

t The rivers JSraiMt, JUrw, Kisnt, i^€». 



njent ob the fouth-weft borders of it ; yet fome proportions of the clu-^ 
vies flan ted alfo to the north-eaft i)de, where ibme little defcents fa«^ 
voured its motion. 

Fourthly, with regard to fuch parts of this eluvics as ftuck not 
here and there in holes and cavities producing our moors and turberies^ 
or in the large and extended bottoms and depreffions becoming our flats 
and meadow-lands, but trailed and followed the receding waters to the 
fliores of the fea; we may imagine that that reillefs element, having 
then recovered its wonted poiition and motion, foon repelled and threw 
back that earthy filt and mixture, the fpoilsof the higher grounds, and 
therewith filled up thofe bays and inlets of the weftern fide of the ifland, 
forming there thofe moors and marfhes which we now find zt New^ 
korough^ Malltraetb^ Aherffraw^ Utrewin*, and in other Icflcr angles 
^f that cloven indented fide* 

Fifthly, in this eluvies and miry Hoatings of the deluge, thus car- 
ried down to the fea, and thrown up again into thofe bays and inlets, 
we may fuppofe two forts of fubflances that had their different place 
Hfljd pofidon in that fettling mafs : 

Firil, the earthy parts, by their weight and more clofe adhefion ia 
that accunralated mixture, Aaticallj fubfided and kept to the bottom, 
and made, next the fea, a more loofe and quaggy^f-, and to the land*- 
ward, a. more firm and compact, body of fand. The fea- water at every 
flood, ctibrating through that feaward portion of it, which was probably 
Vicry Jidofe and pervious, repelled and kept back the more flimy and ouzy 
part of the mixture ; which being fo &parated and driven back, after 
ibtxie fettlingy conglutinated and hardened ther# into a firm iandy clay, 
fqoh as: we generally find the under foil of our marfhes to confiflof. 

Secondly, the more light and voluble portions of this eluvies, being 
ti medley of all floating fubflances, as grafs, roots, leaves, trees, &c^ 
p^fTeffing the upper part of the aggregate mafs, were, by the fea's agt* 
tation, driven yet furthefl oflF to the landward, and there fettling, grew 
into a turfifh matter, or bkck fpungy peat ; fuch as is generally found 
|>ebind our fandy marfhes in this and other countries. 

Sixthly, this lafl mentioned fcurfy floating. part of tlie eluvies, fluck 
ever uppermoft in all the places where it fixed and fettledj unlefs it 
happened in fome places to be expofed to, and covered with^ drifts of 

* It fliould be written Tjovj^m Tre Oiuain^ it being the townftip's vasxm. 

t Matt'troitb. 



iknd hurried by j(torm& and winds ; which is the reafon that peat arid 
turfarenot feldomdug up in fomc fands and marfhes under a layer <9£ 
fand:.and fonictimes in inland turberies they find a layer of marle^ 
clay, or gravel, fpread over that peaty fibrous matter ; which feems to 
l^ve. happened, either from fome after-eruptions of the pent and ftag^ 
nated fluid, burfting and overflowing it with a new fediment j or it may 
have come to pafs from ordinary floods wafliing and carrying down thfe 
offals of the higher grounds, and ftrewing them upon thefc already 
formed, and grown turberies : and hence thofe ftreaks of clay, marie, . 
gravely and the like, that are ufually found in peat and turf, or the 
layers of that fluff . overfpreading and lying upon them, areeafilyAc-* 
counted foe 

Seventhly, in this peaty turfifh matter we frequently, and almoft 
every where, find trees of nU fizes buried and lyingaldng in the midft 
of it; .and fometimes trees of another fpecies than are ufually growing 
near the places they are found« Thefe muft be lodged there bf the in*^ 
undation of the univcrfal flood : for if they had beeft there cut down,- or 
fallen of themfelves, thereby forming the peat and turfifli mattfet th^t 
now grows over them, as fooit would feem to objedl, they muft have * 
been all found lying on the very ground and loweft bottoms of thofe 
p^ats^ and not difperfed throughout the fubfl:ance of that raafs 2 where^^ 
aathey are found to lie in deep turberies feveral yards Ibove the bott6ta^ < 
fouM with their roots uppermoft, and others in other pofitions, and 
that too on . our higheft mountains ^ *, which furely nothing but ttt i 
ttniverfal deluge could effed> leaving them with the recoiling^ ^ateri • 
One above another, .according to their fpeci fie gravities, difperfed and 
buried in that flutch and mud which ftuck in thefe cavities, and in ^e^^ 
ages, conftituted and formed thofepeats.andturberies wherein they art 

This is what I find moft confenant to the works of nature, with re-^ - 
gard to all flats and level grounds, and confequently to the original form** 
ation of thofe trails of land or marfhes, that now fill up thofe arms and ' 
branches of the fea, which on the fouth-weft fide of this iflahd, I foppofe 
to have at firft run up a confiderable way into the land, and are now 
firm ground, making that fide of the ifland more ftraight and uniform ' 
than originally it feems to have been. 

Now to prove what I affirmed, that the fea did really come up at firft : 
in thofe bays and inlets, which are now firm land and turberies, to the . 

• Particularly on J^«;iW i*«rw near r7>^Atty«. ' 

very i 


very edge and borders of the fifing grounds, on each fide and at the ends 
of them, I fliall offer thefe inftances : 

First, the under-ground and lowermoft bottoms of thofe mentioned 
fandy marfhes, that is, the uppcrmoft coat of the true folid earthy 
.xnould or foil under thofe plains ; and that in fome places very far from 
the fea^ is found to be lower than the full fea level ; and confequently, 
before the fand and dutch crowded in and filled the places, the fea mud 
naturally overflow and cover it, as I have before demonftrated. 

Secondly, at Mall-traetb n^arfii, about the middle place between 
thafea and the farthefl inland points of it« and very near the land, they 
find, by digging for coals, apcrfedt fca-fhore with all its fymptoms, as 
pebbles, (hells, &c. under five or fix yards of pure fand, as I have been 
credibly informed by an intelligent perfon concerned in thofe coal- 
works; and yet the furface there is very little above the level of the fea; 
as: appears by its frequent flowing up to diat place.; and if the channel 
was originally fo deep there, fo near tlie fliore of it, any one may pro- 
portionably conjecture, not only how deep the whole bay was, but alfo 
how far the fea flowed up to the adjacent rifing grounds towards Keint 
and Kefenny ; two brooks discharging themfelves into that marih. 

Thirdly, 2it Touyn Ceimven * ncTiv Aber-^Mmai, at a placed called 
jiow Dwyran, the very utmofl point to the landward of that bay, juft 
where the river jBy*^/;// goes into the marfh; I have found that place in 
fqpue ancient records called Aber-Breint^ as if foraetime the riv€r m'^ade 
its entrance into the fea, which is now a mile from it, at that place; 
which though it might be an argument rather that that bay was landed 
many ages after the deluge, becaufe fometime feen and then calldd 
an Aber ; yet it is a fufiicient evidence to ihew that once it was jTea to 
that very place. 

Further, it is tobe confeflTcd, that thefe mentioned -clefts and inter- 
fpaces on the fouth-weft fide of this iiland, being thus filled with tlie 
filt and faeces of the deluge, had alfo in after*ages confiderable additions 
of pure fand thrown up by the fea, and blown and fcattered by the 
winds, gradually ilrewing and covering the whole furface of them : fof 
it is demonfirably true, that the fea, by its inceflfant eating and wafting 
away the earthy yielding {hores it beats upon, quickly converts what it 
raviihes away from thofe banks into fand and flutch; which it throws 
up again and lodges in fuch nooks and angles as are moft expofed to its 

* It ihould be 7ywym Kilnwm* 


r^geaticjltCOjftHnotton; aiid like wife that fuch portions of thofe fands; fo^ 
difcharged and thrown up on the fhore, as are light and voluble, the 
wjndf take away, when they are dry, in vaft drifts and fhowers, blow 
and difperfe them over the whole plains, thereby not only augmendng^ 
the extenfion of tjbofe flats and levels, but alfo raiiing*' the furface^ of 
them, ^ efpecjajlly flear the fea 5 where generally thofb plains fccm mor© 
advanced aqd higher than towards the inland parts of them. 

Thegreajtefl accumulation andincroachment of thefe volatile fandson 
the borders of this illand, was about the fouth angle of it near Abir^ 
M^^/ 1 *^ which place the fea threw up, and the. winds, frequently 
blowing from that quarter, drove,* yail fhowersof theic flying fands^not^ 
only enlarging the fandy plains, but covering alfo with the drifts of them 
a great neck of lapd, called Uanddwyrij all over. 

Thefe pro^igiQu s heaps of fand fo thrown up, Avhich have totally ruined 
the habitation of that place, I conceive tb^ fea, in the manner I men«> 
tioned, took offfrooxthiB fliores oi Caernarv attire i from Dmas Jbtn^ 
/law * all along to the fartheft point of Lfyn ; whence, undoubtedly, 
great quantities of land, efpe<;ially from Caer^Anrbawd to the Rhle, 
w«-? . tal?wi , ^vray by. the fea. And the winds, .a& I iaid, frequidhtiy 
blowingj fr^m. that poa^i forced (he tumultuous wavts to difl;harge and^ 
unhurtlxep.thcnifelves of thofe fpciils upon that part, of this ifland ihit^ 
was dire&ly oppofite to thofe vacations of the fea on the othei- ihbre, 
which was this Llanddwyn i thojugh fome proportions of thofe fands 
were i|0 like tkmf^^ ^^ difcharged and difperfed on the other pJains oflf 
i^berfra'm ^Ti^l'rewin '^'^ Neither is it uoreafonable to imagihei; that 
a great part qf JL^9 , likewife, towards the middle and the fbrtheft end 
of it, being generally pure fand under the upper (oil or ilratufld, wis 
fome time covered with fuch drifts of fand from the fea on the ibutbem 
fidq of it. For we have fon^e memorials of a vaft trade of fiatiaAdthet'(E!,- 
caUed Cantref WailodX^ all confumed and eaten up by the inc^nt 
beating of the fea. upon it. And, in all probability, the fand of it be^ 
ing carried by the waves on the fhore, and thence difperHbd by Aorms 
and wind over the face of that country, made it for fome while a defo- 
J^tc r^on, as now. our lalandd'wyn is, till that encroaching ftock of 
fand was exhauiled, and the fusface of the land* after long fettling, hf 
the new growth of vegetables, by plowing and manuring, and by the 

* DinM Diallt, f Trt Owaim, 

, I CaMtrif-Gn^aiUdf u e. a hum or Uw land, containing formerly a hnpirtd Trffs or manfions, 
, Aow all ^^owed up by the fea. 

D operatiop 

operation of the flin» and air/afid rains uptn* it^wafi re/i4cre(l habtN 
able ;, ami came at length, by degrees, to be converted to a good arable 
ibii and plentiful pafturage ^ as now for many ages it has been known 
to be, • . ' 

The two other fides of this, iiland (for it is ibniething triangnkr) 
have, it feems, tmdergone little or no alterations^ either' in additi6n of 
diminution, to this day. The north and north-eaft fide of it, being, 
for the greatcft part> precipitous and rooky^ were liable to the leaft al- 
teration. . . » • 
, And the fouth**eaft» verge and border of it/ fmce the river Mekailmd 
made out its pafiSigein an vninterropted channbl from onfe' cAd to an^ 
other, is much the fame as originally it may be prefumed to have been ; 
only the ground from Biaumares to Penmon^ being a deep earthy foil, 
lias fafiered fomid diminution ; e%tcia][ly the place whett SeaumHres 
ilands. But what the fca, by washing and Ol^ernfiining the marly Coiii 
of that fi3L0re> raviffacs ilnd fweeps avvay, it*/totes up^dnd aceuftiuktes on 
tht fandy fhdves on the other fide. 

As to die inland part of the ifland, this method of furveying effeda 
hjf thefr icnovvtn and certain caufts only warrants iDe (o fay, -that as the 
((Mat weight of tho& waters of tlM univetfal deluge levt^lled a great deal 
^f tbQ.unbven fandTUggfd face of it, lea^ring Che tocIcs bare ahd n^ked, 
^Skd flUng all the chinks^ pits, and hollows of it With the earth that 
ibroctfrly dad and covered thofe rocks'^ {o alfo the gfekt pregnancy and 
fertility, wUrch the foil had then attquired from «he remaining filts and 
fliiAiQeisof the receding water; qiaickly Invigorated the face of the land 
to .getoiinate and put. forth ^freth and Icvely growths ef trees, Shrubs; 
and vegetables of all forts, whofe feeds lay difpierfed and Cov^ed in -the 
bkndcd foil ; it being in theie climates a little after autumn, by the beil 
accodnts^ Mrhcn the flood began. And to confirm that the more, ¥i*h 
sot unafualto take up nuts *from the bottoms of titrf-pits, with all th6 
i^tid of pbrfed ripenefs upon them i which is a great ahd vifible argn^ 
inent of Providence ; which as it fecared the race, of animals in an ar^ 
tificial ark, fo it wifely contrived to preferve a ieminary, a new fticcefiion 
of all the kinds and fpecies of vegetables, to refit and ^niih the earth 
ifi the natural ruins of that ftupendous cataftrophe. 

i . • 

* Nuts arc taken up finom the bottom of Dulas fands> and moil boggy grounds. 

s E c t*. 

MONA ,ANTf OP.A TK:|:f -j^AUI^ATAf t<^ 

C T I O N tV. 

0/ tbe^rjl lahdbitants tf this IfianA: Wbgu^ hvn^ andhy i^ln^Ji wal 

firji planted,. /tnd.wJi^ calied M&n, or MaoAi: .i 

AN T I Oy I T V recordeth* and th? co^ftnt of »atioft« cekbritethi 
the fofif pf Japhet to hv^t, h§^ \ht fifft planters of Enroot ..Qiktk 
commonly received (lories make 0vr Britain, (o be peopled by the(e vmsm 
very ibo|i gfter ^e floofqL : Qut it is; not e^fy to m^f^mik hwfn f« l^e 
and remote a territory (hould bepoiAe tiioroughly plai^ted and peepj^d tui 
fo ihort a time. 

For though ejgl)^ perfo^s did then muUiplyi in » imsXX ^c» to aa 
iqcredibl? number j ycft> cpnfidering the greet dift9«(G^ of.thi$ place 
frpm the ^f^dle pp^nt <^ cieQtw pf ^ifsdokiod's prp^QfliPn^ yhs^ ; Ajuneoia 
or CaucafuSy and the tedious difficulties thoib people met witb in ex-* 
tending their colonies through huge defarts and over dreadful rocka and 
mountains f 9iQd. haying 'tw!»fefi» to p^fs overj if they did Aot ^maooli 
about the Euxine and the Palus Moeotist together with thcif* cooikiduai 
toil of hewv>grd»wii the^pods a^d huqtifig of be^jlis^ «Hil^« ,kiid be- 
fore them bedn^ one gireat continued wafb or w^demefs % codfidering 
the/e thingSj I Czj, ^11 which they ^.uft hav^ ^onei exoept pa^g 
roptid th^Eii^ifte, w^ cannot but conjclivde that they ndijifl: jlty^^ om- 
umcd a Joqg :%Mb of tijaafi before fhfiy .^pivjid AxlugAclkabliih .tJttiQiel^efl 
kere a d>(li4))i^ .iettl^ ntiMli<Q».« ■•.*.'. 

But prpbabjie it lis* j aind ^e hav<e no^ng i9H prob^kbiUties and ton« 
jedves ftp gui(4p fts in things of that rQmot^nofs itOid obfcurity, I fay> 
prQba|>le it js^ tJ>Mt whejo thc^eji«Qple* f^hp .Qiovedr Ao the w^ward^had 
fxtended their (^fjloj^i^ to tbe B!^0K fit Gi9i)ic ^Qm^ .wAhxd tbeooo 
takena^iew of ^gi^e^t^ ^/^nor ^ of Brj^(U9j tftiey fooA \kafted 
over; and being entered, i^^p, and poiTe^d of that rich and Q)acious 
land, tl^ir mujtiplje^ f^niilie« proceeded on in the /like manner, hewing 
a|)d hunting (the work of that time) until they came to the end or ut^ 
pipft CQr;ncr of xh^ laftd> which, xm. the w^jexn jfide. pf it* was this 
ifland I am accounting for. When thefe prime colonizers camii into rti 
and foitnd it the hindmoft Hland, or the utmoft corner of the land that 
way, we njay well pr^funxe that they plight then pi^operly call it, y FSn 


* What Dr. Pezroh relates from hiftory cohcerntthe Titan conqueih of thefe countries^ and not 
the firft planting of them 

ID 4 ^V^ 


Tnys^ that is, *' the hindcrmoft or furthcrmoft ifland/' or y F6n Wldd^ 
viz. ** the lowermoft country :'* B6n being in the 6riti(h ftruiSure the 
radical of Moriy and fignifying in the ancient Britifh^ as alfo in the 
Irifli, • the fame as Caudex^ or 'Pixrs inferior^ docs in* the Latin tongue. 
Neither is it unlikely that the Latin Pints (labial founds being promif* 
caouily pronounced in ancient times) might be owing to the fame de- 
rivation a little varied \ that is^ what we call Von or F6n^ the Latins 
called Fin or Finis \ as Finis^-Ter^^ the utmbft cape or point in Spain ; 
the fame with I'ir-MSn* in (ignificltion. 

That the relative fite -aod pofition of ihis ifland gave it firft that 
jiame, will appear the more probable, in that the ancient Celts or 
Britons frequently denominated themfelvcs (or were by others denomi- 
nated) from the dtuation of their territories, and fuch other comparative 
refpe<5ts. For what were the -f* Cattiuchhni and DcSum, fo named in 
Roman authors^ but the upper and lower inhabitants Of that part- of 
Britain where they rcfided ? What were the Ordovices and Silures, but 
gwyr Mr Dbyvi and Ifjelwyr^ viz. the men inhabiting above Dyvi, and 
the men ie/0w it^ or towards the fea ; which is ftill in our dialed 
reckoned loweft or lowermoft ? » - . 

And we have this farther to obferve, that 2ts'I^'Ot'Cyn, in the 
ancient Britifli tongue (and is ftill retained in the Irifh) betokens head 
propcriy, as JCj^»wjr and Cynvefyn, bead-ri^er and yeUow^bead; and 
improperly or metslphorically, Jirji or foremdfi j as Cyntav^ firfi ; Cyn^ 
before^ &:c. So in the fame manner is B6n properly taken in that Ian-* 
guage for tail^ Jiump^ butt-endi but improperly for Idjl or lowernioji. 
And we may alfo take notice, that thofe regions or countries in this ifle of 
Britain^ w^hich border on, and lie next to, the continent-land (which 
countries were probably firft inhabited, as having the fliorteft cut to 
come into them from the main-continent) do fecm to have anciently re- 
tained the found Kyn^ in the compofition of their names, as betokeriing 
firft or fonmoft^ though diftinguilhed by their refpedlive fites and pofi- 
tions. Thus we have Kyn or Cynta%^ by the Romans called Cantium, 

* / by 

* Tfr^Sm, k e.' Ulfima Tirra, by the^ antlent poets called Uiiima Tkwkt which Statius takes to 
b< a Briciih Ifl^ . . » » . • i i 

f Catwwehlattiaid ^nd Dyfniaid X Tal I^^ Forehead. 

r Cjnia, 
) Tjchcyni 
t QhrieyHtdi 

CCaniii, ,,,.. .j , , „ ,t :> .j 

Expreffed by the Romans, i^^«V or Ictni^ ' 

C Bri^aMffu I wcH 

§ Vrom^l/ci^cyntM^ L come yUchcyniaiJ, i /. #. the firft inhabitants. 

r, J ^ Ohricyniaid \ 


by us Kent. A Uttle fidcways of that, we have Ucb-Kyn\ i. c, Iceno'* 
rum Regio by the Romans, now Norfolk and St^hlL And beyond that, 
down towards the north, is Obri-Cpiy or Obrigantum ; Brigantium Re- 
gzd by the Romans. And. thefe, with fubmiffion,- I take to have been 
iheifir^, the upper^ and farther Kents^ or lands which were firft ar* 
rived unto and inhabited ; they all lying along oppofite to the Gallic and 
Belgic ihores. 

And as thefe countries^ being the mod eaflcrn parts of the ifle of 
Britain and next to the main continent, were originally^ as it feems to 
me,^ called by iiames importing frft or faremoji ; , fo it may feem very 
agreeable, from the then manner of impofing names, and the allowable 
rudenefs of exprefiion at that time, to call this loweft^ utmoji^ and one 
of the moft weftem provinces of the Britons, in^refpeft of thofe firft 
inhabited countries, y F6n^Wldd^ or Gnxryr ym M6n y wldd* On which 
account, I thinks that not only this iile of Mona was fo called in ref<- 
pcdtof itsfite and pofition, but, for more confirmation of this conjee^ 
ture, one may trace the found M^n in many other corners of this and 
other countries, where we may prefume the ancient Celtaa to have ar- 
rived ; as if the firft inhabitants of theft wcffern regions called thofe 
fartheft points or ends of land, which put a ftop to their progreffiou> 
Mon or BSn. Thus we find Cornwal called by the Romans Dan-- 
monium^i and the furtheft point of it is, to this day, called Pen-von^ 
liz^ or wlM. Tine ifle of Martf Moneda. And mlrelitid^. tht far-* 
theft part of it to the weft is called Momonia or Mo^n^ So like Wife 'is 
one of the Ortades (the fartheft iflcs of Scotland) called. Pomona^ 
Nay, three of the largeft rivers in the fartheft end of Spain, and^. 
indeed, of all the weftern world, fcem to have in their name,, at this 
day, fome refemblance of a Celtijh origin. Two of them have appa-r 
reritly this found, viz. Lifbon ztidL-Monday and the. third, to fhew it$ 

I well know that the laft of thefe, /. t. the BriganitSy have an hiilorlcal account and derivation^, 
paiffable enough, in good writers ; neither do I oppofe it : but this obfervation naturally occuring, 
I could not but lay hoild on it, and, ar fuch# offer it to the reader ; yet confidering that the naoiet 
of places*. anfl confequently of peoplp denonnnated from thetn, often continue, from t}\e firft in^ 
pofing of them through many generations among the fame people, and in the fame language, 
how far and wide foevfer thoib» people may have.fpread their colonies,, it ti not unrfeafbnable.t# 
aicribe this, in conibrt with ^e ,othpr two,^ to thatorigiOr the diflin^on arifingfromtherelfir 
tion the two laft have to Kent, or ti^nta, i. e. the. firft and. greateft' landing-place of the whole 
ffland. • " 

t Some-read it /)4BgMMi4r«y, firom the Britifh Dyfnamtf which is Devonfhire. But the aw» laa or 
W^, at the land's end, makes it probable that Danmcniitm is the true word for Cornwal, and* 
Damnamum for Devonfhire or Djfnant ; both thefe, names occurring in the Roman geography*. 
The Comifli pronounce and write i/ as a «. Ptn-v^n-lax with them, is /VflN«f« /a/ with us. 

'-'**^ cxtraiaiom 


extradion, is called Douro^ frcrtn the CeltHh Dwri the 
having ancient]/ inhabited that part of Spain. 

Now thcfe ancient names^ agreeable to the propflrlety of thmg»» ht* 
ing thus taken and fettled (|! they open. a way ndt only to account £at 
the nomination of this ifle of Mona^ but may alfo fenre to cnnfirm whicc 
is generally conceived to be moft coherent and natural in this particuiart 
viz. that iflands were fird arrived into and inhabited in thofe parts of 
them which border nearefl: to other adjacent iflaikis or continents* 
This is what I tdkx^ to be fuflicient in order to account io€ this iiland*8 
ancient name Mona^ and its.prefent, M$n^ For tf-tt didferves to bs 
granted that Cantatm, Brigantium, and Icemrum Regia^ may have r€-» 
lation to the Celtic or ancient Britiifa word Kyn^ as it betokens jSrJl 
or foremcft^ it is» I thinks bat fair lo oondude^ that the fitrtteft and 
utmojt places 4>r the land (hould be called by names tmportuig! iUla , and 
M&n ; for being correlatives they mnft mutually plead for and prove 
each other. 

S E C T I O N V, 

Of tie ftjl phnting of this IJldnd: the manner of peopiing its attd tt^ ap*^ 
prdpriating the divided parts of it t6 particular properties and poffejions^ 

THE<S£> the (bid progeny of Japhet^ having once pai^ over tike 
•Gallic and Belgic freights, and in g^reat munibers cotonized 
tsfur fruitful AiSian in ):he eaftem and ^uthem parts ^f it } it if^ I 
think) natural to fuppole, that^ as the numbers of thefe oien' multi^ 
plied and increafed, the nece^ty of enlai^rng their bounds, and a va^ 
gtnqc cMHofity, wduM ftrongly Ainoulatc and pidh them on to make 
farther fearch and enquiry, znd to find out the utmoft end and borders 
of this rich and fpacious land. 

The huge ftupendous mountains^ intermixed with dreadful ama^ng 
dens on the weftem fide, now Walesy difcoun^d not chefe bold ad^ 
venturers from accompliflilng that difcovery. The relHcfs' unbounded 
defires of tho£b whfo attempted wefteriy to imditti end or utmo^lj and to 
poflefs new anjitcfts, it is natural to imagine, carried ftjem through ali 
difficulties and dangers, till at lad they paiOTed over that great chain or 
tidge oi mountains * which crtffies that angk of land i^m fea to fea > 

. \ 

• The Kityri. 

' and 


and irom whtch» by the interpofition of a fmall arm of the fea, called 
by thetn perhaps Mainau^p or narrow water^ now Menai, this ifland is 
feparated. . 

This great ledge of mountains, their heights and fummlts being 
capped with fnow for the moft part of the year, they might then, or 
foon after, call Eiryri in their language j as it is faid that others called 
thofe between France and Italy, Al5os or Alpes i as being the ufual re- 
pofitories of that meteor. 

Fronirthelofty fides of thefe hills, taking a wide and boundlefs view 
of the wcftem fcas there expofed before them, they eouid foon defcry 
a j&arrow iret or channel, fevering and dividing them from another re- 
gion, which feexned to thetA more flat and level, but overfpread with 
tall and Aately wood ; and concluding it, in all probability, a nu)re-^ 
ricb and^fi-uitful foil than, that they ftood on, that confideration, ta— 
gether with ^be graDc&l pooipedl it yielded them, will be ea^ly coip^ 
feffed very prevailing and natural to give thfem ftrong inducements and 
invitation to defoend and fedk out the narrowefl paflage and ihorfeft cut 
to.tfaivt levered and divided laiul^ 

• 'T-fais ftortcft and ndrrbivicil paCage appeared to them about the mid^ 
dk 6f/itbalk ^ iimer|)afing/ c^ where an -arm of imall rocks on tho. 

ifiaind^s fide Elbowing' 'ciikt^ makes it narrowerintha^ place than in any. 
Qtlten > This beings obietH^ed, thefe 4nen, it is moft probable, repaired^ 
thither,/ and' in their vficktr^c^rracbs^ or other exped^nts of that time» 
wa&edoyertA take: their NpitebiierpbiTi^fi^ 4df iSlmsF^wldii, or uhhd/l 
land, oh wfaick by.their iii^ ili)0ting was fibaled 'unta them the beA^ 
claim,^ I right, and! title. 

Now, fuch of thefe men as came not at firfl over^ but repaired ^nd 
fbllovred after, we may very well conceive, fought and enquired for the. 
J»^ri6 or «paffagc wWcb thofe before'them httd-gone over, (hall F-ven-j 
ivax to add'^by the nameof f^;ij»ift4f^/'i6-i&«y,' They are '^thtTce'iwfy an^ 
diontoriginal words j^^and it J4ce^taiti fhe pkte iis fo oalkd %a^:>this^day,\ 
L c. ** ^c paildge which fome before had palTed OA^r." 

' I willnot&y, that Portus Itius, or Icci^is, near Calais in Normandy^, 
was anciently called fo on the like account, that is, from the firfl 
cbhiihg Over of people into Britain at that place ; yet it is manifeft that 
fome fuch name as this it had in the Gauliih or Britilh language 1 per* 
h^pB Porti-ertia, if Itius be the word, viz. '^ the utmott paflage/' 

t> For 


Fof it is certain that Caefar, who firft mentions it by tlrizt name; only 
latinized the ancient Gauliih or Britifh name^ he found among us ; and 
leaves us to feek their etymons, not in the Roman^ but in our own 
language. ' • 

But that this place, here mentioned, was called Pvrtb-aetb^h'ivy^ 
from fome moft noted and repiarkablc. entrance into the ifland, and. 
wh^t more remarkable than that of the firft planters? I think is not 
improbable. For it is certain, that the region ot part of theifland ad- 
joining it has been very anctendy called T^yndaeth-bwy^ that is, " the 
part or territory they came into j** Tyn or Ta/n* fometitne fo fignify* 
ing: both names referring to fome famed paffage in the different tcrma 
of a quo fisf ad quem^ as any one that is converfant in the Welfli ftruc- 
ture.will readily grant. And to deduce it from Aithwy^ as a proper or 
an appellative name, \% to run counter to the genius of the lariguagie ; 
for then the rjegion or land adjoining would have been called !Z3^>ir^//Z^^, 
ivhkh it never was. But, tq let that pafs, 

Theie priiigic invaders having got on land, it is eaiy to imagine that 
their firft attempt was to top the little neighbouring hills. And when 
from th<>re ri^it)g grounds' they beheld the land before tbettias one con- 
linuQd grove^ on every fide dark and difmal, they could not chu&, • fup-» 
pofing it an iilaad, but. call it Tnys Donvyll, the Shady IJlaiidi ; This 
Britifli name it had of old -f-: and might give hints to thi SbA^ of the 
Greeks, and the Thule of the Romans ; which yet might well enough 
he thi^iile,^ Mfina, ultiina Tbule^ i. c. TFSn Dowylli taking jB^« or 
F6n\ for fwr thefts and Tboule or TbukX for Towylh ndtwithftanding 
later geographers miftook another for it, when Airther iflands than it. 
were discovered. 

Now, fuppofing thefe men to have planted themfelves oa the tops 
of thdb little hills and rifing grounds, it is next to be imagined, that a 
cautio^sr regard and confideration of thfcir own welfate afad fafety, obliged 
tl^em tff dyneffu^. to approach^ and keep clofe together on thfe brows and 
fummits of thofe hilly grounds; where they built little holds and fences^ 

of ftone and other materials that were found readieft at hahd^ to fecure 


» . . . 

* From Tanjf spreading, io Tainy Taniay a region, as Bri'tama^ Jfui-ganm, Afawi-iwiia, wd 

. t The 9iiciept poets call it Tmfi DowUi^ not D0^l/. 

• t Statius took Tiali to be a Britifh ifle,. as appears by this paflage of his^ riz. 

Cxnilus baud aliter cum dimlcat incola Thkt, 
Agmina falcifero circumvenit a^ Covino, 



and accommodate themfelves during their flay there. For it was per* 
haps dangerous to defcend in hafle to the neighbouring vallies^ which 
were then, as in all other uninhabited countries, the range of wild and 
ravenous beads. This the antient names of fonie places bordering on 
thofe hillocks fecm to atteft, as * Cors yWiberf^fCors y Bleiddiau^ % Bod-- 
leWf II Llds'-lew^ &c. And thefe primary holds and fences on thofe 
commanding grounds^ from their dinefu, (from men's affociating and 
bandying together) they might properly call Dines or Dinas i as the 
Latins called Civitas a coeundo for the like reafon. And very many of 
fuch placest and two or three in this ifland §, are called Dinas to this 
day, ^ 

, Thus I prefume the firft planters almoil in every country fought, for 
fome while after their firfl: arrival, (and it is recorded by authors of 
great antiquity that they did fo) inch topping grounds and eminences. 
And where they found fuch, with conveniency of Aones and other mar 
terials, they built them little holds or fexices to dwell ini feeding them*-' 
ielves for the while upon flaughtcred wild beafts, roots and wild fruits, 
and what elfe they could cater from the adjacent bottoms. 

And I have oft obfibrved on fuch grounds in many places pf 'this 
ifland, and in other countries, cluilers of little 'round and oval founda*- 
tions, whofe very irregularities fpeak their antiquity ; and particularly 
on the very hills I now mention near Portbaetbuy there is prodigious 
plenty of them : two places, feeming the moft principal and eminent, 
retain, as I faid, the name of Dinas to this day. And this lad parti- 
cular, I muft confefs, is an argument to me fufficiently demondrative, 
that the iirft inhabitants of this ifland not only landed near thefe hills, 
but alfo dwelt and aflbciated themfelves upon them for fome confidera^ 
ble time — at lead while they were clearing and unwooding ithe adja« 
cent borders. . For indeed, I think it may be eadly determined, that 
iiothiAg but the want of better places could have induced any people 

• Corsy ff^iber^ i. e. The Serpents Den. f Cwrs y BMJiau, i. e. The WoWes Den. J Bed-^ 
U9»y i. «. The Lions Den. f Llij-liw^ i. e. The Place where a Lion was kUled, which the 

word Lids or LlmM imports. If it be objected, that lions did not breed in thefe countries, I anfwer, 
that it does not at all follow, becauie they breed not at tliis time here that they did not then ; 
for nothing hindered that prince of beafts from coming and propagating here as well as in other 
conntfiesy as we find (by dieir bones) that elephants once did. But «$ to the>lions, their mis- 
chievous voracity ajid deflniAivenefs to men and beafts engaged the Iirft p^ple to make a total 
Jdeftnidion of them in thefe countries where fewer of them were, which could not be done in 
other parts of the world, where vaft wildemefles and uninhabited defarts continued their race» 
and made it impra£dcable utterly to deftroy them. 

( There are Ibor; viz. i. Dinas near Trmth bycbm. t. P$n y Dimu. 3. Dfwas ncsiT'P§rtt- 
4tiUwy<, 4« Dimif near Sufipn. 

E to 



to chufc their living on fuch barren, bleak, unfertile grounds. And the 
very make and figure and other circuniftanccs of thcfe rude miftiapcn 
holds (as nauch as may be gathered from what now appears of them) feeni 
to indicate, that they were the retreating plsfes of thofe firft people, 
when they began the work of. clearing and opening the country : and 
their, fprry unfortified flightncfs feems alfo to ihcw they were rather 
fences again ft beads than men. 

From thefe holds and rocky fences we may alio very reafonably ima- 
gine» that when the men had once opened and cleared the lieighbouring i 

borders, and had fiaughtered and tamed multitudes of their wild inhabi-^ 
tants, they defcended in diftind tribes and hmilits-^Ty/wytbau-'^to aP ^ 

fume their dividends ;— firft to bound, then to improve and cultivate ' 

them : which fort of bounds or ^trfynau^ running great lengths and com- 
paiTes, are in many places to this day vifible. 

And having fent abroad the more ftrong and able of them to cut 
down and d^flroy the wood, and to clear the country, it is probable 
thefe men, fo fent and employed, pitched upon and chofe up atid down 
the opened air and cleared grounds j which were the; more moid and 
ihrubby lands, now our heaths and * 'Rhojydb. For thefe, on account of 
feveral advantages, were the bed places for them to live and abide upon 
while they were clearing and reducing the drier and better grounds for 
their future \ife and fervice. 

On thefe ihrubby heaths or Rbofydb \ then^ as they proceeded on 
with their axes and mattocks in felling down the cumberfome crop, 
which the earth then every where bore, they pitched their little tents 
and pabbins, raifing thereon here and there little oval banks of earth, 
timbering them with boughs of trees it is likely, and covering them with 
fods and parings of that tough foil, reeds or the Uke^ .to lodge them at 
nightsr and to fafe-guard their necefifaries^ while > they continued their 
work of clearing the ground, and fitting it for a more orderly and re-* 
gular habitation* The mod ancient memoirs of Ireland give the like 
account (and it is indeed but what was natural enough) of the fird^work 
of fome of the prime rulers of that country, when they were* employed 
in dedroying the wood and reducing the wildernedes tJiereof into habi^ 
table plains; which plains, to (hew the agreement of thdr primitive 
language with the Britid), they called Moy's^ or Mxcb's^ as we do liie like, 
Maes^ to this day, ^ 

* Ritu Xm witii Che Latins, Li. Habitable lands. f As ^^ ^V^T) J Riti/au»r^ 



' This manner of living in tents and cisibbins is Waf ranted by divine 
and human records to have been the ancientcft practice of mankind in 
extending their colonies ; very neccfllty obliging thofe^eoplc then, as 
cuflora does ibme at this day^ to chufe and make ufe oi fbch moveable 
abodes ; which it is probable thefe firft people here perfevered in until* 
and no longer lhan> their labour and induftry had provided them a more 
agreeable fettled habitation. 

That what i fay now may not appear to be a vain gfdundlefs fut-mile* 
though the cuftom of other nations> and the then neccfBty of the thing 
may be fomc evidence of it— there are to this day vifible Upon oiif 
heaths and Rbofydb the marks and footfteps of thofe booths and cab- 
bins, in the oval and cifcular trenches, which are feen in great plenty 
difperfed here and there on fuch grounds. No one can well deny them 
to have been little dwellings and houfes ; and their being only on thofe 
barren heathy grounds is fome argument that they were fo ufed be-* 
fore the better grounds were reduced and cultivated. And thai fuch 
marks and tokens of them^ as we find; itiight well remain dndefaced 
on fuch grounds from that time to this day^ is not, I think, difficult 
to be imagined i becaufe thefe barren heathy grounds, on which thefe 
little trenches are, have generally their giebe or upper mouM and fur- 
face of a claiy, firm, unvvaftable texture, not to be worn and flatted 
with rains and weather ; and arc alfo generally fo barren and dei^icable, 
that the plough and fpade cannot be fufpe^bed to have had ever any thing 
to do with theoK 

it is true, they are called Cy//f/r Gwyddehi^ viz. thelri{h tiienscct* 
tages. But that muft be a vulgar error, if by GvjyiModhi meant the 
inhabitanta of irelaRdi who never inhabited this ifland fo as to leave any 
remains of tlmrcreata asd cdttagcs behind ^em. For thofe Irifh that 
are laid to rob and pillage thb ifland feldom ftaid long in it; and if 
they had, they cattiot well be foppofed to leave thofe marks^ behind 
them \ for they found here good houfes to lodge themfdves in for f he 
time they flaid, and were in no need of tifing that Iri(h ctiflon&, where 
they could not fail of being better provided. But if by Gwyddelad be 
meant the Aborigines— -the firft inhabitants — as it is not unhlwly it 
may ; for the two words that make up that name are purely Briti(h, 
viz. * GwyJd and Hsia, i. c. Wood-Rangers, which was perhaps the 


* GnMtfM hihdt Syhtftrgs Btmims.] The propriety of that Britifii appellative is ^ very agree- 
able, that if a colmy^ MlMt were at thii time ta ibme parts of America, the original natives 
of the place, who l^e there hy raiding and hunt^g in the woods, could be called by no fitter 

8 2 name 


common appellative of the Aborigines^ lofl witl^ os» and retained only 
by the trifh, then the objeAion falls to the ground ; and the inftance 
confirms the conjedure, that they are the remains of the firft planters' 
habitation Sj while they were deftroying the woods and cultivating the 

Now on the whole matter — It being thus fuppofed that thele origi- 
nal planters, after they had defcended in their tribes and Llwytbau from 
their upland holds, and difperfed themfelves over the country, led a 
moveable life in their rural huts and cabbins, while they continued ina-^ 
proving and bounding their particular allotments ; this, I fay, being 
fuppofed, it is I think but very reafonable to imagine, that when thefe 
people had accompli(hed their works and effected their improvemeots, 
they no longer continued moveable and vagrant, but began to fix and 
eftabli/h their dwellings in the moft chofen and convenient place of 
the colony ; and each dwelling being then become a (landing and per- 
manent building, it was very proper to call it BSd^ that is, a fixed and 
fettled being, or way. of living ; as this very ancient word Bod ever im** 
ports--4ind]R)rdiAindion-fake among themfelves, with the addition per- 
haps of the founder's name, as BSd^Eon, Bid'-Ewryd, Bod^Edern, names 
very ftncient and barbarous-«>or of fome accident, as BSd^Cylcbed, BSd-^ 
rcttn, BUd'Filog, 8cc. 

Theie BSds were, it feems, the chiefeft and principal maniions of 
every particular colony. But as the colonies increafed and multiplied 
into leiTer and fubdivided families, they were, it is natural to think; ob- 
liged to ^ir^rbannu^^to alSgn. to each of thofe fubdivifions their pecu- 
liar lots and portions of land to manure and hufband. And the rulers 
and principal afligners in each colony^ they might properly enough 
call, from that aA of iharing and apportioning of lands, * ^ir^rban^ 
noyr. i. e. Land-Jharers. And fhall I venture to deduce the ml^woi of 
the Greeks, and lyranni of the Latins from this origin ? Greece and 
Italy being countries thefe people came into before they arrived here, 
the word naturally leans to this etymology. 

Now thefe fmaller portions or parcels of land, afligned and cantoned 
out in this manner to each lefTer houihold in the BSd or colony, might 

name than Gw^dd htl9ds i. e. JV^-hunterst by them ; Gnxr^ being the ancient *BiitiA name for 
WMi^ as Hela b iox Huntings and oi being the plural termination of many BritlAi words, eipecially 
iA living things^ as Catbad^ Lltnjtjod, Llivynogod^ Sec, it is therefore the moft natural etymology of 
the aame that I can imagine, laying afide the Gaithelic ftory, which-who wSl may believe. 

* Hence f#jrr« and f^jma§y^fchd*jrn, i»e« kiogsandnDBarcha^ 



.very fj^opvly^ fi-OQ ika, purticularity of Aich affignments^ be called 
ST/r-j/i pr Tre/l that 1% ^[ Such a one's land ;" for we find the fanM 
fott of a(Ggnixienl;9 among the ancient Saxons called Hamlets^ {itovp, 
Harut figivfying in the ancient Saxon language, Dn»eUing and Xre(> 
Jetting forth ox ({ffigning) importing the very fame thing ; as feveral 
diiffsrcAt nations in many of their fundamental confutations do often 

So alio, when the£e inferior owners of fuch allotted portions of landr 
fo ailigned to them by their heads and chiefs, had enc]ofed.a fpot of 
% it for their own defence and commodity of dwelling; that fmall en*- 
' clofure, whether of wood or flone, might be called Caer^ from the 
Celtic or old British word Cau ; and that perhaps from the Hebrew- 
word Gaiaphj to fence and ^/^^i^-^-which, with fubmiflion, I rather take 
.to be its true etynxon than Kir or Kiriab^ a Wall or City. Tho' after- 
wards, I confefs, in fome ages following, when towns and cities were 
built, the word Caer with us, and Kiriab with them, came to be tranf*- 
ferred, aqd generally attributed and applied to thofe greater and ftrong^ 
holds apd defences ; yet with us fbme of thofe finaller entrenchments 
retained the name of Caer and keep it to this day, with the ufual addi* 
tion of xh^ founder's name; as Caer-Elen, Caer^Eneon ; or of fome acci^ 
dent, as Caer^dbu^ Caer-nen. 

And as the word Caer^ in this primary original denomination, re- 
lated to I'ir-ef viz. <* Such a one's land 3" fo I fuppofe it came to 
be called Caer^tir-ef^ or Cartref that is, '* Such a one's home;" or 
the fort, hold, gr the inclofed dwelling-houfe on fuch a land. But 
now> ^ixnc^ good laws and conftitutions are become the defenfible en^ 
clofurcs of every man's houfc, the word Cartref or home ha^ bcci^ 
promiiibuQuily uied and applied to every particular habitation or 

. And for the &me reason, it feems, the ancient inhabitants^ of Ire^ 
knd, when they enclofed about their principal feats and maniions (to 
fhew another congruity of language as well as of pradtice with us) 
called fuch^places Mbuir or Mur^ as we did Caer. For both Mur and 
Caer^ in the Britifh tongue, arp words equally fignifying an enclo{e4 
place. Thus the city of Tara in that kingdom was firfl: called T'hea 
Mbuir or Mur^ i. e, the city of I'eay one of their queens. And whcj;i* 
their druids had madp it their chief feat and refidence, by erecting 
therein a great fchool or college of learning, anno 927, before the birth 



ioX. Chrift,. as their * memoirs have it, they then began to call it Mur* 
^Ollavan^ i. c. l^be City of the Learned. And Cuir-Edris vflth us im- 
ports the very fame thing ; Edris^ a name attributed to Enoch for hia 
^reat knowledge in the fciences of ancient times, being a derivative of 
the original word rm Darajhf Invefiigavit, perquifivU^ Jhiduit^ Arabice^ 
JoSius^ eruditus: In which refpcdt, our Caer-Edris may equally with 
their Mur-Ollavan^ and with as good propriety, be called ^hi City of 
the Learned I and perhaps was fo, and more anciently too, if our druids, 
near whofe principal town it was feated, had been fa juft as to tranf^ 
onit to us an ac(;ountof it. This Ei/ris or Idr is, a Syro-^Pbanician word, 
might very probably (name and thing) be from thofc countries, toge- 
ther with fome of the earlieft communications of knowledge, brought 
^ahd conveyed to ns— *of which name we find remains yet, as Bod-- 
.Edrlf, Cader^Edris, See. in other places among us. Alfo their Dun-OU 
Javan, or Dun-Lavan was probably another college , where it is ob* 
iervable, that our Dun or DinaSf another ancient word in the Britifh 
•tongue for City, is taken by them into the composition. I mention 
this here to fbew the original agreement between the ancient Irifh and 
ihe Britons in cuilom and language, greatly betokening their being at 
^rfl one and the fame people, that is, the one a colony of the other, 

. * The Irifh tnemoirs are undoubtedly in many things of good repute and credit, fupported by 
*the itiany weighty reaibns given in defence of them. That the Irifii people had early learning 
»a:nong them» fuch at leaft a« related to famiiy-hiftoriesy and the like^ and that they made thefaeft 
ufe of it, IS not to be queflioned. Their druids, having lefs power and authority .anioMg the ped- 
pie., became thereby, as more tradable, Co more obliging, and kinder to pofterity than the Bri- 
tifh druids were, as will appear hereafter ; who humorouily bigotted in their way, by their haughty 
.difdain of ktfers and oonrcmpt of writing, treafiired.all in their awn noddles, whereas die Ir^ 
druids, lefsftrift in the. ancient rules of their protefnon« fcrupled mot to record in wriiiag^ and 
thereby tranfmitted to fucceeding times the many hiftories of their monardis and princes, the ge- 
nealogies of their chief tribes and faaiiilies, and other oeciurentes of dote, many of which ore to 
this day to be feen among them. All which helps the Britons in a great meafure wanted, hf the 
inexcufable pride and folly of our Britifh druids^ who fuperftitiouily avoided that way of comnfiu* 
4nuaicating. But how learned and knowing ibever they were in many things, they buried all 
with them, to the exceeding lofs of pofterity, except what the learned in other nations tank no* 
tice of„ and left in their account of them. This unhappy temper of the Briti(h druids has left 
our nation fo much in the dark, that during their time we have very fittle to depend <ln, bat what 
the names of places, and other feotfteps of ancient things, will give us room to make the belt 
ufe we can of gueffes and conjedures, But though our Briti(h druids did religioufly abftain from 
the ufe of writing ; yet it is not unlikely, but that our bards and genealogifh were me/i of greater 
latitude, and took the liberty to record in writing the names and defeents, and IbnM accounts alfo^ 
of our Britilh kings and princes ; for it is owned by Caefar himfelf, that they had letters among 
them, and that they fometimes ufed them in. their public and private affairs, though in things ap- 
pertaining to religion they very flri^Uy forbore the ufe of them, and communicated their fyttexns, 
trt ttmiff in rhythmical odes and verfes, to their hearers* 



This is what naturally occurs to itiy thoughts, of the original divi- 
fions and fubdivifions of lands, and of the denomination of them in 
our ancient BritiHi language j I infift not in the leaft on it, farther than 
probable; who win, may rcje£t it ; and though I think the names of 
BM^Hrefy and Catr^ in that original impofition might import one and 
the fame thing, but in different refpedls and degrees of fubordination-— 
that is, that every prihcipal, divided and fubdivided allotment or tenure/ 
in refpefltof its manfion or d wetting- place, might be called B6d\ in re- 
i^tGt of its defence and enclofure, Ca&i and in refpefl of the lan^s anr-' 
nexed and appropriated to it, 7r(/~-yet in fiicceeding ages, when the 
greater Bods came to be multiplied and dwindled iiuo numbers of fe- 
parate houiholds, and when fome entrenchments grew to the ftrengtb 
and bignefs of towns and caftles, then fome of thoie minute and lefTer 
£imilies afTiimed the name of Body and fome retained the name of T'refy 
but the name of Caer was generally taken up by greater forts, and after- 
wards applied to towns and caftles. Though I muft confefe fome of our 
moft ancient entrenchments, that * have been once con-fiderable, are to 
this day frequently called Caer^ fometimes with and fometimes without 
any addition to it* . : 

Hence the names 6f * Bod and ^ref arc very frequently to be found 
among us ; but rarely Caer^ except when applied to towns and cities or 
fome. noted entrenchments. And I make no doubt, butfuch Englifli^ 
names of placesr as end in hants^ beesy. and toris^ as Nottingham, jip^ 
plcbee^ ahd Watlington, and many more, are no other than thefe. very 
BSdsy T'refs and durs, exprefled fo in the Saxon tongue. And I am in- 
formed that in all Wales and Cornwall there are no names of places 
more common tlian thefe; except in South -Wales, where the name- 
B6d is not fo frequent. And whether they are fo in Armorica, Ireland,, 
aod in the Highlands, or whether th^ have other ancient names of the 
fame fignification, I yet want information. From thefe original divi- 
iiohs and diflributions of lands we have now ouc manors, townfhips, 
afid hamlets. 

* From Ai^Bodl conceive, w^ histtie Hafoi^ Cvunivsi or Cnrnmndi and from tbence Cwrnhdag 
€i^ C^wmjfdo^^ Cjmm^ and CjmmJ* 





I . 

Ofthejirji language fpttke in this ijle of Mona> and whether it he the fdme 

tvith the prefent Wei/h. 

THE firft beginnings of nations having fb Kttlc fbotftcps in hiftoryy 
no wonder if that of this littlfe' £p6t of «arth in fo obfcure a 
corner^ ak to true matter of fedt, be as dark as vrc can iddagine then: 
the ifland. But in ihefe inextricable receifes of antiquity we teuft bor«i^ 
row other lights to guide us through, or content ourfelves to be without 
any. Analogy of ancient names and words, a rational coherence and 
congroity df thifngfs^ and plain natural inferences and dedudaons 
grounded thereon, kre idle beft autkorxtiftS we can rdy upon in this £ib^ 
jed, when more warrantable relations and records are akc^tber iilent 
in the matter. 

What language was iirft fpoken in the weftern parts of E«rope, it 
is not eafy to determine ; neither dodi antiquity docide the point. All 
that it tells us is, that the ancienteft names in fevdral parts df the 
kingdom of France^ and throughout theiQeof Greats-Britain, are by 
the beft cbngruity df found and reafbn of the dxing, tis our learned Cam* 
den and the French Bochart have made appear in feveral inftances, ft- 
folved to our prefent Wclfh and Britifli etyriions ; which miift be an^ar- 
^umentthisttlhis language at firft gave them thofe name9-~which names 
generally betokening the nature or femfe erhiinent property of the placet 
or things fo named (as the firft impofed names that were compounded 
of two or more founds expttfCmg different ideas genenally did), conti*- 
didied on them without any great alteration to this day. 

^ Biit whether this language that beftotved at firft thofe Jiames upoa 
them ihade any long ftay in thofe regions fo reitiote from us, wherein 
it has left fome marks and footfteps of its once being there ; or whe-- 
ther thofe firft nations and confequently the original languaglea, at the 
firft peopling of the world after the univerfal deluge, like the billows 
of the lea, juftled and tumbled out onto ahother, cannot indeed be cer- 
tainly affirmed. Though, on confideration of the paflions of human na* 
ture^ fuch a procedure may appear very probable ; yet it looks true upon 
very good grounds that that language, which firft came over to the ifle 
ofjilbion or Great*Britain, was the fame that continued in it for many 

2 ages 


a^es aftfer ; and consequently muft be the firft language ufed aiid fpoken 
in this part of it, the Ifle of Anglefey* 

This language, call it Celtic or Britifh, or what you wilU was u«<« 
4oubtedly one of the primary vocal modes and expreilions of mankind 
after the difperllon at Babel. And indeed to trace this affair to the very 
root, to {peculate this fubjed after the true and natural idea of it, jvo 
muil; conceive all languages fince the confuiion at Babel to be nierely ar«^ 
tificial and invented ; excepting the facred Hebrew^ which was infpired, 
or at leaft the refult of the fupernatural knowledge of the iirft man be** 
fore the fall, and communicated to his pofterity. 

For though God had originally implanted in the very eiTence of man 
the power and faculty of fpeaking> and communicating to others the 
inward conceptions of his mind, by certain audible notes and marks o£ 
things*«Mwhich notes and marks are made up of an infinite variety of the 
Qiodulation of the voice and turns of pronunciation, which are words ; 
yet for all this, the ufe and exercife of this power, as to the modification 
of thofe marks and choice of words to exprefs the inward ideas and con- 
ceptions, is altogether arbitrary and eledtive ; that is, in fhort, altho' ic. 
be natural to fpeak, yet to (peak this or that tongue or language is plainly 
artificial and voluntary* 

This being the very cafe and circumftance of all hxankind at that 
tinje, when they were juftly deprived of the ufe and memory of the 
firil univerial tongue, excepting the houfe and family of Heber ; their 
former radicated habits and acquired arts of elocution being by that 
condign judgment taken away from them to the very bare power and 
faculty : the cafe being fo I fay, it is very reafonable to fuppofe, (the. 
happinefs.of focieties coniiiling in: mutual .afliftance, and that in un^ 
derilanding one another) that tl^e feveral focieties of thofe people who 
departed from ^abel, as they banded and afTociated themfelves together 
to replant and inhabit ^gain the face of the earth, made it their firfl and 
c^hiefefl bulinefs to put in ad, and exercife that power and faculty of 
fpeakiog, which only was left to them; by the exercife and prad:ice 
of which power they might frame and excogitate words to carry out and* 
communicate th^ thoughts and apprehenfions to each other, as the im^. 
poftance and exigencies of their various affairs called upon them to do, 

XJtilitas exprejit nomina rerum. Lucret. lib. v. 1028; 

la that work and labour of inventing new ways and forms of cxpref- 
fing their thoughts to one , another (their former modes of utterance 

F being 


being for a time rather * confounded than quite oblitented in that mi^ 
raculous ftupor) they could not chufe, having their other fenfet (tiecept 
the mccnory, which fecmed to have been grievoufly fabverted) left to 
them entire and inviolate^ but hit now and then, in doathing their no« 
tions with new founds, upon ibme reli&s and pieces of their old and 
: fumed language ; and from thefe relids and ruins the primitive 
Vongues borrowed and built their different and various flru^hiret and 
eompofitions. Whence is it that moft of the ancient languages of the 
world have more or lefs in them» according as they more or leis dege^ 
nerated from their ancient forms, words that are Hebrew or very Iktie 
altered from it. 

Thus the nations of the earth, as they divided t\%tmCcUc9 into fepa-^ 
rate cocnmunities and plantatioas,(b each of thefe, falling upon a diftindir 
let of words, im^proved their ilock, and cultivated ia a ihort time their 
cude, grofs, tmihapen forays of fpeech by a conflant daily pra&ice ii^ta 
various and diflind laoguages. 

And £o that language which diffu&d itfelf into this weftern part of 
EuFoper and arrived in the ifle of Great Britain, and at laft crept into 
this corner of it, the lile of Mona, being one of thofe primary tonguep,, 
we cannot but conceive it at its firft coming here to be vcty poor and 
barren, as all other tongues then of the £ime vife and pisogrtis generally 
were* For in thoie circumftances of a vagrant, loofe, unlcttled life, ad 
the notions of people were flat and vulgar, bufied onty, it iecms, about 
obvious rufticities and the more urgent concerns of life > ib may we 
imagine their expreilions to have been very much contrai^ed and 
fcanty, rude and barbarous ; confiflang for the moA part perh^ of a. 
grofs heap of monofyllables, and a. few general worda and compound, 
liames of things. 

But when thefe people had in this iile of fiKftain^ a» in o«her places of 
the world, fixed and fettled themfdves liere and there in feveral planta* 
tions and colonies f and when eafe and opporiaunity by enlarging the 
ob)e(3: of their knowledge had made them more fpeculative and 
thoughtful, they foon began to cultivate and augment their way and* 
manner of ^)eaking«— by daily inventing and adding new words^-^by 

* The Scripture fays, that God confounded the firft tongue, Gen« xL 9.. we nux note the word 
confound,' ^«^a/ in the original, properlf implies dffirdtr and im^%^; and' therefore God in that 
aa did not form any new language^ as ibme imagine, but defbo^ied and confeunded the old, leav^ 
ing mankind^ frMii'tbeiriiina«e:p«werof fpeakiagi ta frame newomsp ac thejr bandM- together 
into feyeral focieties and governments; which is an eafy and natural accoont of that pfficedure» 
without recurring to miracles^ and creating new languages iaftead of the oldi 



poliihing and compounding the dld» as fre(h and nnwonted occafions 
offend aad prefented themfetv^s, and as the overtures of afFak^ (Hrred 
and quickened their imaginations to gire life and vigour to the per > 

And this improvement of language might fo far proceed^ in the fe* 
veral parts of one and the fame nation and people, as to run itfelf inttf 
very diftinA. idioms and dialeds, according as the differences of tern*** 
per an4 reoioteneis of places gave occaiion. And hence the mighty 
differences at this day in the dialers of the Sclavon, Teutonic, and ouf 
own ancient Briti/h tongue do proceed, and are moft rightly to be ac-r 
counted fee? 

Now the language of the firfl: inhabitants of the lile of Angkfey, 
though agreeing in root and fobiVance with that of the reft of the na^ 
tion, as evidently appears by the ancient comijaon appellations of towns, 
of mountains, of rivers, and the like, throughout the whole ille of Bri« 
tain I yet the particular improvement they made in the £ud ifk of An* 
gleieyj and its neighbonring borders, in enriching and polilbing the 
tongue, might £b far diiFer from other improvements made in the other 
provinces of the ifle of Britain, as plainly to diverfify their firft and com« 
mon language into unlike and different dialedls, as they were observed 
to be in the days of Caefar \ and yet every one of thoie idioms and dif* 
ferent forms of fpeaking, sriving to dif&rent degree of politure an4 
pelfe^on, mi|;bt in after*ages# as that of Ciefar's was, appear to ftran^ 
gers as feveral different languages, as the WeUh and Comiih, Highland^ 
Scotch, BretooQ and Iriih now do, though all proceeding from one com<* 
mon head or fountain^ viz» the ancient Celtic or British tongue ; and 
as of late the Roman Latin was the mother of the Italian, French, and 
Spaniik toi>guea, and each of thefe of thar fubdivided dialedts. Thus 
languages from one common root will naturally branch thenofelves into 
variety of divisions and improvements* 

In the pragrefs of this imprt)vement, fome languages went.0A by 
bocrowmg ftrange and foreign words^ advantaged by their mutual 
comaMTce and frequent intermixtures with other nations : And fom^ 
otharsi perhaps more out of neceflli^ and choice, iet i^ on their proper 
ftock and furniture^— *Of which laft fort I conceive the language of; the 
Ifle of Mona and of its neighbouring borders to be ; and on that account 
may be concluded the oldi^ and pureft of all the Britifh dialers. For 
this place being the fartheff weftern point of the whole region, the 
peopk of il moft be preiUmed to have had the leaff commerce with 

Fa exotic 


exotic forms and manners, and coniequently the language to be mort 
free from the taint of foreign natxtures, than it Was in the remoter parts 
of the nation, where its ancient pwrity muft of neceflity be expofed to 
more frequent novelties and alterations. 

And as it appears by this way of reafoning, that the fpeech and idiom 
of this ifland was the moft pure and uncorrupted of all the British dia^ 
le€ts ; fo likewife it may feem to have been, in its dae ripenefs and 
perfection, the^moil copious and polite one of the whole nation. The 
ifle of Mona is, by warrantable fuffrage of antiquity, celebrated for 
one of the firft and moft ancient nurferies of the Briti(h dmids ; from 
whom, no doubt, the profound myfterious theorems of that learned 
fed flowed in the choiceft and mioft elaborate language of the time. 
And their language . here being vernacular^ the vulgar tongue of the 
place; that very vulgar tongue, under the influence and corredion of io 
great mailers of it as thefe druids may be [U'eiumed to have boen^ mufl: 
aeeds participate very much of the copioufnefs and clearnefs of thefe 
fountains; and by doing ii:>^ muft expatiate and unfold itfelf in nume-* 
|ous variety^ of well chofen fitted words, and, which is its property, I 
may fay its excellency, to this day, in exadt fignificancy and compre* 
henfivenefs of expreftion. 

Novi( that the prefent Welih, at this time fpoken in the Ifie of An-> 
glefey and her neighbouring countries^ is that very language brought ii^ 
by her firft inhabitants, enlarged atid poliflied by the learned druids,, 
modulated and fweetened by the ancient bards (fo that no poetry in the 
world is more various and actii&cial), and kept up and cultivated to this 
day by the enamoured votaries of the firiti£b maiesj, is evident princi^ 
pally from thefe two reafons. : ^ • 

. First, There are very many ancient firitifti words which have no 
refemblance to, no .coherence, ia found and fignification with, the 
words of any other language in the world except the Hebrew, fo as to 
be ia any poffibility of being derived from them, as far as could be yet 
perceived. This evinces that the . Britiih language^ is, in its radical 
parts at Itaft, plainly abbriginal : no footfteps of it any where appear- 
ing, bat in tiK>fe places where it is allowed the antient Celtas for feme 
while inhabited, ^or their Gaulifh and Briti& offspring had fent thei^ 
colonies. For, if this language of oura had come here, and had been 
derived from the language of any other part of the world, ks fpring 
and origin might be traced out/ But iince it cannot be done, among 
any nation or people^ but within- its own territories, it is a fare ar^u^ 



-toienti that it mrholly depends upon Its national origin and fbundist- 
tion ; and cqnfequently that it is in fubftance the language of the firft 
planters of this:£ritini ifle and nation/ and therefonc the firft in this 
Ifle Mona. 

, Secondly, If it appears, that the fame nation continued in this Ifle 
of Mona, in a conftant uninterrupted fucccffion of people, from thf 
fir^l planting of it to this diy ; it ibllows that the fame language thefe 
people ufed and psaftifed (bcingfo very good and exprcffive, as I have 
already ibewn) muft continue here as uninterruptedly as thofe peopk 
whofe language it was. For no reafon can be given, why, by what 
means, and in what periods of time, this fame language, the fame peo-* 
pie. continuingf fliould be exterminated or utterly ceafe and periih* 
. It is true, new- people generally do introduce, new languages, or 
very much corrupt and alter the old ; but here we had no fuch thing. 
There ^ e no records^ no authentk marks of antiquity, to (hew us^ 
thatamidft the various mutations of people^ tongues^ and nations, in 
the other parts of the worlds the inhabitants of this little iiland have 
been ever diifeifed, or fo outed of their primier pofFeffion of it; as that 
any other nation or people took up their place, and kept themfelves pof^ 
iefied of it. 

The Irifli under Sk-ig the Rover, who once indeed drove the mhabi<#< 
tants out of the iiland, were foon after themfelves outed and Mpelfed 
by Melirian ap Meircbion^ and his^oufin CafmaUm law kir^ who killed 
the iaid Sirig at a place called Cappel Gwyddil, as traditioiv has ku > And 
when at other times thefe Iriih pillagers came by ftealth into the ffland^ 
thjcy were foon routed and driven out ; fo that they could not much pre- 
judice the former ancient fpeech ufed here, much lefs aboltfh it. No other 
nation ever attempted our expulfion* The Romans, Saxons, Danes and 
Normans fought only our fubnuffion^ ^nd had it i but never any of them 
fought to difleminate and enforce their language upon us ^» 
. Now all this being con£i(kied» it is abfurd to imagine that a people 
ever remaining in their generations one and the iM^t in one and th^e 
fande iiland, as thefe had done> and alfo fa well qualified with prompt- 
nefi and facilky of expreffion, as thefe were» (hoold univerfally iwbkt 
and abandcui their native language^ without the appearaiKe of any rea- 
sonable caufes inclining them ta it. Yet» though it (boukl appear be- 
yond denial, that this ancient language (bould and did keep perpetual 

^ Se« this ailertioa conba^cd ia the preface to Dr. Dsvks's GFammar*. 



iTcfidence frotn Rrdto laft in tliis little iflandf it cannot be doubted but 
ihst in the long (pace of ibrae thoufands of years, this language, though 
0ver fy cctmplete and po!i(hed, muA alter very, much in its mode and 
propriety of fpeaking, according to the variety of times and humours of 
people; and fo like a long continued river take in many branches^ and 
probably lofe a few, in its conftant flux and current. 

Thus the Romans added fome words, and the Danes and Saxons a few 
^(op to our British di&ionary j while defuetude and ot>Iivion f wallowed 
a great many of the ancient founds of it, when new ones were entertained 
And cheriQied. And of late, fince the neighbouring English hath fo much 
encroached uppn it, and is become the genteel and fafliionabie tongue 
among us, many more words lie by us ohiblete and ufelefi, which were 
^efpre perhaps the flowers and iM-naments of our language ; and more 
ftiJU would have done, if the commendable induftry of ibme, afi^e6t(on- 
9tely devoted to the ancient language, had not by various ind^atigable 
methods, oppofed its diflipation and ruiii. 

The words that have been thus negledl^d, and by difufe ha^re pe<* 
ri£hed» were for the moft part, I iappofe> certain adje^^ives and fynoni* 
nous cedundanciea of the tongue, or teroM relating to the laws, reli- 
gion, and other fuperannuated rites and methods of ancient times. For 
tht pebple^ I dare affirin, pie&n^d entiro and uncorrupted the more 
fi^aatial nofcatioos of thinga, from their flvft footing here to this day^ 
tathe eiigin^l expreflive names of the moft known and remarkable ob* 
jeds among them, are, to any one ih^t confiders their true etymons, or 
thofe moft ancient £>unds and monofyUables out of which they have been 
compounded, plain and uudeniahle evidences. Wydd^va^ Mall^traeth^ 
hkettfae^ Cors^-dHf^f Pm^Maent Com^wy^ Eyryru and innumerable. 
«thers^ who£b firft originally impoied names we have all reafon in th« 
world to believe 'Were oever altsredt by the fame people^ retaining the 
fame language, as the& have done. And this we may iafely conclude, 
hecaiife fuch compound names as exprefs the perpetual natures of the 
things they fignify, as the firft impo&d names generally did, may be 
weUfuppo&d to be original. And indeed fuch names we now And to 
be fo iigriificative, and io patly reiblvable to our Wel^ etymons, that, 
granting thofit nanMS to have been originally impofed, and allowing 
the parts of theft to be purely Welfli, as certainly they are i if we were 
DOW to new-tuame them, we could fcarce give them fitter names, and 
more expreflive of their peculiar properties and natures, than thofe 
\^'e find originally impofed on thehi. And thofe names being in 


theWfmi^ tod tdmpdSlkiti piif6iyWeI&, whitH tobrci j^rdbablej ffiarr' 
that /ifrrf wad the firft^ n^y the only |yrt Vailing larigilage, we ctcf had 
among ml 

All thi^/ l*4th the guttural ph>hufcciati6n 6f fome of our {ythblts, 
the * ittithbhtict of ixiahy of our n*6dtrii Virdrd*, and the near affinity 
of our phl-afe and fyhi^X with th6 inOft ancient HebrevV tongue, is and 
will be a corttintiiftg. argument, that 6iir pfefent language in the ihbrc 
radicitl ftroke* of it, isf bne of thA prihiiry iffues of that facred fountaiti 
•M<hat 19^ is the chief* f^iiiain^ of the ancient Celtic or Britifh tongue^, 
whith, with Our naftion, bath kepft its ground (what fcW or no other 
tongafee ot nitiotts in th6 wdfld haw done^ for about the fpace of three: 
thcwTatnrd imd five hundred yeir^. 



Tife, Laws and Religion of the jirjl inhabitants of this. Iffand. 

WH E N the Ifle of Mona, as the other parts ot the Bfritifli ifle^,, 
becartie* thoroirghlfy in^proved and inhabited, arid fhbfe inhabi- 
tants had fi*ed and fettled theif abodes and colonies iri the fcvefat dir-. 
vifions of if i for their mofc fecure* en'oymenr of what they poflfeffed,-- 
and for a future iftablifhment of a peaceable and regulaf courfe of life,: 
vtre may well conceive, that htrttidn nature', under the conduft arid au- 
thority of their prime leader^ ot deputed foVfereigris, foOa prompted 
thcmr to the confid-eration of tvsro things, vi^. LaWS arid Religion. * ■ 
Their ftrong unbridled paflrons and inteffering appetites ricceffarH/ 
forcmg them to the ufe of the one ; ind their innate faculties^ deepljf 
impreflcd with the fehfe of a deity, and. of the immoftality of thcii' 
ibufs, ieconded by (he precepts and traditionat documents of their elders, 
putting them inevitably on the' performances of the other. Vfuexigenii: 
(as Juftinian obfetv^es) ^ iumanif necefitutibus, gentes Bimana quadamJbL 
jura conJUtuerant . 

Of what form and mode of inrtfitotion either of thefe at lirft were^. 
wc want direA authority to inform xxt. But, fiirft, is to their laws andl 
fbrm. of government in tfieir divided a:nd fubdiv2ded d^s arid fami^ 
Kes, here and in other 6ountrieis^, m tSiofe flfft riAigr^ons of peopler^ 
we have gn^at rnducemettt to beliete, that tihelf little eai^tfoas and^oica* 

. « See tMe t^Me atf-^tite «»& 

9 nomi^^" 


nomies were altdgether under the rule^and government of^ and fwayed* 
and diredcd by» the eldefl living anceftor of the tribe or colonyy by 
right of primogeniture (which we find very anciently aflerted and 
claimed iii the exprefs cafe of Jacob and Efau)^ with fubmiifion and 
deference neverthelefs in matters of appeal or recognition to more an- 
cient fuperior fovereigns ; fuch as no doubt they had at thofe times . 
(men then living to a great age) prefiding and reigning over many fo« 
cieties of people defcending from them : as Noah for inftance and his 
three fons, while they lived (and they lived many years, one of them . 
five hundred years after the deluge) reigned over all the tribes of man- 
kind. For it muft be allowed that the moral law, which God had writ-* 
ten in the hearts of men> was of force enough to influence and difpofe 
the communities of people in all countries to pay fubmifHon and obe* 
dience to, and thereby to eftablifli fovereignty and regal authority in, 
thofe perfons who were the chief heads of them, and out of whofe loins 
they ifTued. 

And indeed no lefs than this comes to feems to me to be hinted at 
by Mofes in the tenth chapter of Genefis ; where accounting for thefe 
divifions under the fons and grandfons of Noah, he fays, they were di- 
vided or feparated, after their tongues, after their families, on»ua bego^ 
jebem^ in their nations ; implying that though their communities and 
Separated governments, over which their more immediate chiefs or 
heads of families prefided, were many, and far and wide extended ; yet 
it is there exprefly faid, that however they were divided after their 
tongues and families^ and how far foever they were difperfed in plant* 
ing their colonies, they were neverthelefs comprehended, and remained 
incorporated in their peculiar nations, as the particle 3 there plainly in- 
timates ^ where the words expreffing tongues and families have the parti- 
cle ^ before, them, viz, juxthy fecundiitn ; diiFerenQi|ig the import and 
meaning of the laft from the two former — And that difference, not once 
but three or four times repeated, adds fome weight ^tb the obfervation I 
have made on this paffage. 

Now thefe nations being thus diftingui(hed by the holy penman, and 
the heads and rulers of thefe nations there exprefly named and recorded, 
by whom they were founded \ being, every nation of them, the natu- 
ral progeny and defendants of thofe founders, as tbey were of Noah, 
who was the father of them allj and by that paternal right, while he. 
lived (and he lived three hundred and fifty years after the flood) fole 
monarch of the univerfe— t-it will follow undeniably, that as Noah was 

: ^ ^ by 


by divine inftitution, grounded on the moral law, the fupreme mo- 
narch of the world; fo that power and governing authority, which 
he bequeathed and tranfmitteS to his fons and grandfons (founded on 
the fame paternal right, and fo from them, in all the branches of it,. 

to the fmallcft colony) was the fame ; that is, was purely * regal and 

fo continued, till Nimrod in the Eaft and the Titans in the Weft, by 
ufurpations and conqdefts deformed the original fchemc, and founded 
new empires. 

And as this authoritative part of government, from which laws take 
their life and fandion, was apparently from the divine right which pa- 
rents have to rule and govern the families iffuing from them, when no 
fuperior right overfways ; fo in our part of the world, which I am now 
accounting for, the laws and orders which were then made, being rules 
by which thofe families under fuch governor's care and infpeftion . were 
to aft, and conform thcmfelves to^ muft bear the ftamp and lie under 
the regulation of this authority. Yet as to the matter and import, as 
to the forts and qualities of thefc laws, we muft conclude them not to 
be unifoim in all places; for that is not to be imagined — but very various 
and different, according to the different ends and caufes of them, in fe* 
veral colonies. 

And on this account it will feem very probable, that in thofe earlieft 
ages, when people were juft fixing themfelves, and their rulers or STyr- 
rbannisjyr were diftributing them into clans and focieties ; I fay itfeems 
very likely then, that juftice and civility, that is, a ftridl inviolable re- 
gard of permitting every one to live fafely, and to enjoy his own with- 
out difturbance or oppreflion, made up the only legal pafts and regula- 
tions among them ; agreed to by the obeying people, and equally ad- 
jufted to the honour, fupport, and fervice of their chiefs, and to the 
welfare and fafety of every particular perfon. And in that cafe and to 
that end, there is little doubt to be made, ^ut that thefe deputed chiefs^ 
and proprietors of new fettleaients, which they and their offspring were 
to pofTefs and inhabit, having the fame authority over their defcendants 
as their elders had over them in the like circumftances, took great care 
in the diftribution of Bods and tribes, hot only to ^fiign their bounds 

* If mankind fprang. from one man, then the original power was one and monarchical; if from 
many, as the heathen opinion was, then it was democratical ; the arguments on either fide will 
hold, and are convertible : for if tVc original power was deniocratical, then mankind originally 
(prang out of many ; if regal and monarchical, then all people derive their origination from one 
/nan» of which the Scripture is a fare warrant. 




(from which adi of aflignment I take the name Tyr-rbannwyr with us» 
and Tyrannic Tt/jawo/, in other nations to come) but alfo to eftablifli fuch 
laws and provifions in every affignn^ent QtRbandyrf which name we ftill 
retain, as obliged eyery perfon within the diftridl to live peaceably on 
his own; and alfo to contribute according to certain ftated rules — which 
it is not to be^xpeded can be now determined— towards the fupport of 
the ftate and dignity of fuch as had authority to protect and govern them 
in their particular colonies. 

And alfo, if it ihould happen that any of thefe chiefs and rulers 
fhould fo far exceed the power of a father, by which he was to govern 
jufUy and mildly, as to encroach over-much on his people's rights 
and pofleffions, and thereby occafion. the abufe of that, at firft, laud- 
able name Tyratmtis to be what we now call Tyrant ; it is not to be 
imagined, but that fuch a cafe, fo obvious to be forefeen, was con- 
fulted and provided againft by their wife progenitors in the firft diftri- 
bution of thofe powers— who might either appoint a league or union 
among fevcral neighbouring colonies, or make fome.head or chief, in- 
heriting by. primogeniture the fuperior rights of, fome common ance- 
ftor, to be refponfible unto, as having a paramount authority and power him to correct exorbitances^ and to rectify what might hap* 
pen. amife^ . 

-And fuch rules and overtures being very peceflary among the encreaf- 
ing :colomcs .to avoid.confufion and rebellion^ we cannot think that 
Noah, Japhetlv and Gomer, from.whom our nation deicended, would 
he wanting in fupplying us with fuch political documents as tended to. 
maintain peace, and regularity in all our fettlements. Nay, for fbme 
^roof of this, among thoie rules which go under the name of the Sta^ 
<tutes of the Sons ofNoah, the credit of which is indeed by fome difputed, 
<but:ftix)ngly defended by our learned Selden * and others, we find one 
tof them to be, Dejudiciis^ viz. of ^making dccifions and giving judg^ 
Inesnts,. which in all probability related to this particular, 
; .Thi« way of governing in the firft ,ag^ of the world»^for I only 
^indeFtake here to account for the jf/yTplanting of, tjiefe countries, be*- 
-fore the Titan princes, who were of our own race and language, as ap- 
pears by the -f- names of fcveral of them, overfpread Europe with their 


i. . » , . 

• De Jur. Nat. & Gent, lib.i. cap. 10.' \' * 
t Achmon, i. c. Bon-acb or Achau ; probably fo called by his poflerity, as being head of their 
Vranus, i» e. Frenin, <tvr in (vir fupremus) Achmon's Ton. 

1 Satumm> 


conquefts — feems to be moft warrantable in itfelf ; as being founded on 
the divine right of paternal authority, and alfo agreeable to the word 
of God, For as that word informs us that all power is from God, 
who created one man to people, and miraculoufly prcferved another 
with his family to re-people the world ; fo it plainly points out to us 
the courfe and conveyance of this power, and as plainly (hews us 
the form and manner of it. And though, by the neceffity of times and 
places and other exigencies of human affairs, this authority and power 
became afterwards divided into abundance of little lordfhips and prin- 
cipalities, and confined within very fmall territories and jurifdidtions'i 
yet as to the nature of it, in the moft diminutive colonies, where 
people obeyed one lord or chief, it was as monarchical as in the largeft 

I need not wade far in thcfe deep obfcurities of time to trace this af- 
fair of laws and government, and how they were firft conftituted. Hi- 
ftory foon relieves me ; proving what I faid to our hands, by making 
its firft accounts of kings and princes reigning not only here, but it\ 
every part of the world it touches upon. It (hews how great empires 
were foon after the difperfion eredted, partly by conquefts, and pardy 
by rcfuming to the furviving heirs of fome of the firft anceftbrs of na- 

SaturnuSy i. e. Saf-ttfrn (imperator ftabills) the firft fixed and fettled monarch} ion of Vrantis* 

Jupiter, Jovis, i. e. Jfvanc (juvenis princeps)- Saturn's fon. 

Hercules, i. e. Erchyll (horrendus) a noted tyrant and deftroyer of people. 

Vulcanus, i.e. Mael gyn or Mael gyntA (MproV, ut faepe in vocib. Brit.) the inventor, or firft 
wearer of fteel armor. 

Mars, Mavors, i. e. Mawr-rnjoy/cj powerful, warlike j now Maurice or Moris, 

Mercurius, i. e. Marcb-nvr^ horftman, or a (peedy meflenger ; hence the Britons called him 
Teutatn, Dwiv-taitb, the ti'aveller*s deity. 

Neptunus, i. e, Nof ddyfn (fuper aqnas natans) a fta-faring prince. 

Triton, i. e. Trnjuydon (per undas vagans) another fta-captain. 

Apollo, i.e. ap Haul I ApoUinis, apiitulyn (Hlius fblis). 

Rhea, Jove's mother, i. e. RbUsy a lady or princefs. 

Juno, i. c. Gain or Coinj fair ; now Gainor, 

Venus, i e. G^eny white. 

Diana, i. e. Di anaf\ fpotlefs, chafte, unharmed. 

Minerva, i.e. Min-j§rfau \ as if, among other" arts, inventrefs of tempering and fliarpcning of 
mechanical tools and weapons. 

Now, if the fignification of /bunds, whereof names coniift, will be allowed fo give good evidence 
what language they were taken from and derived, I think none can ' make a better claim to the 
etymology'of thefe titan names,' agreeable with the known- circumftances and quality of theper- 
(bns ^ named, than what the a ndent Celtic /Or Britifh tongue evidently doth; and how this came 
to pafs, and on what account thofe Titans, who were afterwards made heathen gods, came to haye 
thefe Britifh names, there'being undeniably more of Britifh than of any other language in them, 
I fhall hereafter have occafion to mention. More of ; their names. may have the. fame origin, but 
many of our old wonls, and by them the way of finding it, being loft, thefe I have now produced 
will ferve to prove that we and they were then one and the fame nation. 

G 2 ' tions 


tions the power, or at lead the fubtniflion^ of thefe little princes^ who 
perhaps owed them, on that right of primogeniture, what we now call 
homage and dependance. See Gen. xxvii. 29. where the patriarchal right 
of difpofing fovcreignties by birth-right is exemplified. But yet that 
right is in fome cafes forfeitable; as in the cafe of Efau in the cited text, 
and of Reuben in the firft of Chron. v. i — by which it appears that he- 
reditary right is not in all cafes indefeafible. 

But thefe mighty hunters, as the Scripture calls them, did not Ipng 
prevail in thefe weftern parts of the world. The raviflied power, wrong- 
fully wrefted and infulted upon, foon returned to its ancient channels, 
except in a few places, where that irregular ambition reverfed its courfe, 
and crept into private breads, ejeding kings and fetting up republics, 
Thefe of old were wens that grew out of the corruption of kingly go- 
vernment : But from the beginning it was not fo. 

It fhews us alfo, that on the mighty encreafe of the Roman empire, 
all Germany, Gallia, Spain, and Britain fwarmed with vaft numbers of 
petty kings and fovereigns ; and thofe alfo had many lords and rulers 
of people under them, who governed their own vafTals with fovereign 

In Britain thefe little lords and rulers confederated together into 
formed communities of feveral denominations : Trinobantes, Brigantes, 
Iceni, Silures, Ordovices, and many more. Some of thefe had kings: 
Others on occafion chofc captains and leaders to manage their warfare ; 
of which laft fort I take the Ordovices to have been ; under which 
name the inhabitants of this Ifle of Mona, when the Romans invaded 
us, were reckoned. 

This Cornelius Tacitus fomewhat plainly intimates, when defcribing 
the war againft the Silures and Ordovices over whom Caraftacus was 
general, he reprefents him ftyling himfelf Plurium gentium imperator, 
captain-general of many nations *. And yet thefe could be but the Or*- 
dovices and Silures, divided into many fepts and tribes, which he calls 
nations. Hence alfo it was, that Tacitus fays of the Ordovican army 
in that expedition, ** The leaders of every nation went about ex- 
horting and encouraging their men." And giving further account of 
thofe mens courage and refolution, he fays, *• They bound themfelves, 
every one by oath \Gentili religione] according to the religion of his coun- 
try;" which fhews that the body of this Ordovican army coniifted of 

* Corn. Tacit. Aonal. lili. xU. 



petty lords and toparchs, whofe little dominions or Llwythad had their 
feveral laws and ufages. A refeniblance of which we find at this day in 
the highlands of Scotland ; where, notwithftanding the laws of the king- 
dom, the heads and chiefs of colonies, which corruptly they call Clans, 
have or pretend to have as much commanding right over their vaiTals, 
as any German prince has over his lawful fubjedls. -4"^ what of this 
law and government remained with the Britons in Wales I fhall hercaftcf^ 
have another occafion to mention. 

Secondly, As we find but little of thefc peoples firft laws and civil 
conftitutrons, fo alfo the firft religion of the original colonies of this 
Ifland cannot now be particularly determined from any fchemes of it 
delivered to pofterity. All therefore that we can judge of the matter is 
cither a priori, from the natural grounds and caufe of it; ov a pojieriorv, 
from the vifible eflfeds and confequenccs of it ; as each of thefe occur^ 
and are difcoverable to us. 

From the firft of thefe methods, viz. a priori, I have this to fay; that 
the moft ancient of thofe people who came firft into this ifland, were,, 
as may be well preftimed from the calculatioa of the encreafe of man- 
kind after the flood, within four or five defcents at fartheft from Noah 
or one of his foiis. It is therefore highly reafonable to think, that that 
great leflbn of omnipotence, juftice, and mercy, which God taught thofe 
eight perfons in the ark, muft have been well remembered and contenr- 
plated in thofe early periods of time y and muft needs have wrought in 
the minds of thofe people clear and vigorous apprehenfions of the ado*- 
rable attributes of God ; and thereby have difpofed them to a juft fenfe 
in tbemfclves of their own meannefs and inconfiderablenefs, and of their 
necefl!ary and abfolute dependance on the fupreme beneficent Being they 
adored and venerated. 

This folid foundation of true religion and worfhip, we may well fup- 
pofe, was fo. deeply laid and fettled in the minds of men for fome cen- 
turies after the flood, that many people in their feveral fettlements and? 
colonies, at thefe earlieft timies, raifed upon it acceptable adorations of" 
the true, only, fupreme God. And confequently I may prefume to af- 
firm, that fonbe of the firft planters of this Ifland, being fo near in de- 
fcent to. the fountains of true religion and worfhip as to have one of 
Noah's fons for grandfire or great-grandfire, may be well imagined to 
have carried and con^^eyed here fome of the rites and ufages of that true^ 
religion, pure and untainted in their firft propagating of them : though 
I muft confefs they foon after became,, as well here as in other countries,.. 


'• .- .»••; 


abominably corrupted, and perverted iato thcgrojQTeft hcathcnifli fidions 
and barbarities. 

If we confider the ancient ftatc of true religion, we'fhall find it, yi 
the primitive and natural impreflions of it, to have been very concife aad 
central--*-feated only in the heart, and aimed and directed thence to God, 
its true and only fovereign ; and therefore exerting itfclf in very few ex- 
ternal rites. and performances, viz. only in thofe of oblations and facri- 
fices ; wherein the fincere worfhippers of God, in thofe external adls, 
both fubmifsly recognized and adored the divine majefty, and at the 
fame time propitiated and atoned for their own acknowledged guilts and 

Now as this (hort contradled fcheme of their firft divinity was foon 
learned, and as cafily communicated, fb we may charitably think that 
very many of our firft fincerely kept to it, in the feveral ad- 
vances of their colonizing progreffions, until they came to fix and fettle 
themfelves. But when that happened, as conftant toil and labour ferved 
before to kindle and unite their zeal and devotion towards Heaven, fo 
then eafe and opportunity, ever the corruptors of the minds of men, 
gave them way to bend and fport with that facred lamp of religion, 
-which at firft blazed and, as I may fay, coned dire£tly upwards, fo as 
to diftort it into almoft infinite varieties of idolatrous modes and in-* 

It being granted that oblations and facrifices were the chief public 
and vifible aSs of the religion and worfhip of thofe ancient times *, we 
•may next conceive, that at that time the warmth and light of that re- 
ligion, when in its purity and candor, had a very apt and natural ten- 
dency to move and direft thofe people, at every place they fixed and 
chofc to dweirin, to raife up altars to the great deity ; on which they 
offered and fent up to Heaven their thanks and prailes for its manifold 
blefiingg.on their attempts and adventures, in their oblations and facri- 
.fices of fuch good things as the places they were in afforded. And in 
• fuch afts and devotions it feems they. wanted not rules and precepts for 
.thofe performances, inculcated and communicated to them from Noah 
.bimfelf, that great preacher of righteoufnefs ; or at leafl they might be 
led and guided to them by his great example, (Gen. viii. 20.) yvho no 
foonerwas out of the ark, but his firft work was jto.credt an altar, and 
offer facrifice unto the Lord. 

Thus it is warrantable to think, that this great example, together with 
the force and influence of Noah's.exhortations, prevailed on many of his 



defcendants, as they proceeded on in peopling the earth, to ered altar s 
cither of ftone or earth, for of both forts they had, in every country 
they came into, to offer to God their adorations and moft folemn and 
grateful acknowledgments of his goodnefs unto, and of his fovcreignty 
over, the fons of men. 

And therefore it is (to proceed to my iecond argument in- this me- 
thod, viz. a pojteriori) that from the effedls and vifible monuments 
of this firft religion, vire are left to guefs at the caufe and quality of 
it. Of this fort of evidence we have one great altar of ftone, of con- 
fiderable bignefs, upon the bank of the river Menaiy now in the parifh: 
of Llan Edweriy which may fecm to have been, as the biggcft, fo the 
firft and chiefeft one of the whole ifland ; whereon the firfli-fruits of, 
the place might be offered to God by thofe very firft men who came 
into it* Though afterwards other fuch akars were creded for the reli^ 
gious worftiip and the performances of oblations and facrifices in the fe- 
veral colonies of it^ of which not a few remain ftandin^g here and there 
to this day. 

Thefe altars of ftone (where ftone ferved to raife them up) wrrehuge 
broad fiattifh ftones mounted up and laid upon other ereift on^s, and lean- 
ing, with a little declivity in fome places, on thofe pitched fupporters ? 
which pofturc, for fome now-unaccountable reafons, they fcem. to havse 
affefted. Thefe altars were and are to this day vulgarly called Jby the 
name oiCrom-hch; either from their bending pofit ion, which is generally 
beltevied ; or rather (that bending pofhire being not always ta be foutnl 
in every one of thofe monuments, nor indeed applicable to the idea and 
notion of Crom in oor language) that thefe firft men — I fliall adventure 
to guefs — carried the name with them from Babel,, as they did feveral 
other words, and called it Canem-lecb^ from the Hebrew trf>am i. c^ 
Carem-ludcbf a devoted ftone or altar. 

It is not improbable neither, but that they did fometimes prefix the 
vrord Carem or C rem to other things belonging to their facrifices befides* 
ftone-altars, though now fuch names be quite difufed and utterly loft 
arid fofgottcii; fave in one or two places^ which are CdMe'd Crem^fiiy?ir 
er Cremfyrif zs generally pronounced; in one of which places there are 
fome ftone-tnonumcnts "and a ftandirig Cromkc/j near it (as if it had 'been* 
*one of ^wCremhaynau or facrificing groves) fliewing tokens of fbme 
extraordinary celebration of that place. 

I have made frequent enquiries into the traditions of places concern^ 
Ihg the original' of tht£c Crffmkc&e, and only found thena by fomecaUcdi 



Coetene Arthur J i e. Arthur s §luoits. Others would have them to be 
the fcpulchrcs of fome renowned commanders, or great men of yore, 
who fell and were interred in thofe places. Of the firfl, it is ufual with 
the vulgar to afcribe all uncouth gigantic things to king Arthur, the 
great hero of our Britifli fables. In the latter, I deny not but there 
may be fome appearance of truth, and yet confiflent enough with what 
I have faid of them. For they might be both fepulchres and altars in a 
different fenfe, I mean thofe of latter eredion ; bccaufe when the great 
ones of the firft ages fell, who were eminent among the people for fome 
extraordinary qualities and virtues, their enamoured pofterity continued 
their veneration of them to their very graves — over which they probably 
crefted fome of thefe altars ov Cronilecbe ; on which, when the true reli- 
gion became depraved and corrupted, they might make oblations and 
offer facrifices to their departed ghofts. From this pradice, it is likely, 
grew the apotheofis of the firft heroes, and from thence the grofs idola- 
tries of the Gentiles. 

There are alfo huge coped heaps of ftones in many places, as well in 
this iHand as in other countries, to be yet fcen ; which I take to be the 
relics of fome ancient modes and ceremonies of that firft (but by that 
time perverted) religion. And thefe heaps they generally call Cjr;7^^^if, 
perhaps from nj pp i. e. Keren Nedb, a coped heap. 

It is believed alfo, that thefe too are the burial-places of fome emi- 
nent commanders, who falling and being interred in thofe places, their 
admiring foldiers, as a fignal fpecimen of their love and refpecfl to their 
memory^ and to make fhew of their numbers, carried each one his 
ftone to lay upon their graves, as they carried earth in their helmets, in 
other countries, to raife up a Tumulus or a lafting monument and me- 
morial of them« But the latter part of this furmife is not like to be tljc 
true reafon of thefe Cumuli. For there are fome of thefe heaps fo large, 
that they required a more numerous army than ever was in this ifland to 
bring every one his ftone to raife it up. And befides, there are certain 
kinds of ftones to be found in fome of thefe Carnedde^ that have been car- 
ried there, as will appear by the quality of them, from very diftant parts of 
the country ; which will feem rather to infer that they were the effedls 
of fome kinds of facrifice, where every family, or perhaps every parti- 
cular perfon, either at fome peculiar feftivals, or occafionally as they 
chanced to pafs by, brought and oflFered each one his ftone ; of which 
we have fome glimmering in the ancient compound word Coel-Faen ufed 
to this day ; by which is expreffed what is good and valuable. And we 

8 have 



Jiave moreover ibme ihadows and remaiiis among us of the very afttoA 
in our CoeJ-'Ceitbie^ which perhaps were originally private* £iicrifices^ kinr 
41ed any wher« about the houfe to the Penat£s or houfhold-gods, as tho 
other was public and locaL For into thtft^Cdei-ceit&ie people nfbyeveA 
to this day^ to throw and offer each one his ftone, thotigh they knows not 
for what. The Irifh alfo have thcfe anoiverfary firings^ and call them 
Breocvah i. c. Brooch CuaJ, whether from Coe/.l know not. And they 
call an oath Mionna^^ perhaps from this word Maen. For it is certain 
that people in ancient times fwore and made covenants ppon ftone^r 
which might be the reafon the;ancientBrit(ms put the word If ^es in 
their form of fwearing — as Maen Jaco^ Maen Elian ^ corruptly My^n: 
and the Greeks, have ibmething like it> when they fwear Ma £^y by 
their great Jupiter. 

It may be objeded here^ that CMir Coel-ceithie^ celebrated on the lad 
of Odobert were rather continued memorials either of fome notable vic- 
tories obtained by the ancient Britons againft, or of fome fignal deliver- 
ances from, their enemies ; which indeed is what is generally conceived 
of them. But the word CoeU of which it is compounded, gives ftronger 
grounds of probability that it really was fome folemn appurtenance of re- 
ligion, though now quite forgotten-^as Coel-hren^ Coel-grefydd^ and Coelia 
feem to intimate ; being all words expreffing fome rites and ufagesof ro- 
ligipn. But whether the word be Coel-Gerth^ a difficultate impetrationis s 
or Coel-Coeti^ a peecatorum purgatione; or Coel^Ceitbf ab oblatorum uJOone^ 
J will not pretend to determine *. 

Thefe Camtdie are in fnGialkr proportions in feveral parts of this ifland; 
though not taken nodce of, . becaufe generally the leiTer heaps are hid 
out of fight by a covering of thorns and buQies, and fometimes a graily 
mould or earth growing over them. Apd of thefe leflcr heaps of ftones 
I take the common tradition to be right, in making them originaVy the 
graves of men, fignal either tor eminent virtues or ^f* notorious^ villanies : 
on which heaps everyone probably looked upon himfelf obligedj; aahe 
pafled by, to beftow a ftone, in veneration of his good life. and virtue, 
or in deteflation of his vilenefs and improbity. And this cuftom, as to 
the latter part of the coiye<9:ure, is flill pradifed among us* Fpr when 
any unhappy wretch is buried in biviis^ on our crofs-^ways, out. of Ghri- 
^an-buriaJ, the pafifengers for ibme while throw ftones on his gi'ave, 
. tjH they raife there a coniiderabie heap ; which has made it a proverbial 

• IxhyintttTiCotlcatbt^Cockith, %nACukahb. t Jofiiua vii. 26. 

H cprfe, 



ncdrTe,*inibifie'^rt9of Walesa to fey, Kam\mr iyJnn^ ^ ^xst% WAe^ 
4!idi tkn^ i havecaofed one a£vibe& ieifer CumtiJito be*6pened^ aadfooftid 
nhder it a rtfy oirioos mxu And it is well known to have been the sn^ 
adva(pm6i(ce qfm^y Mlidr'ixati4)iis to raife repakbral heaps cm the plii^r^ 
^f: tfaciiitctixjeiit^thdr dtad. "* ' 

fiut of the izf:gtr.CiafmeJiit^ fuch as ^re in ibrise places to ihhAwj^'y of 

Tonfiderable balk and clrcuinfcrenre ; I caahota^tn. them to he an)^ 

'Other than the renaains and monuments of ancient iacrifice$, the ^(iti\to 

ntcB df Teligion and worship at thofe tknes^ And though the particular 

r^nannVr and circamftaiioc^ of that fortof wor(hip> viz. by tfaroivihg and 

heaping of ftones, are found extant in no reconk at this day^ eoccept what 

i^e have 6f the ancient way qf wor(hipping Mercury in that manner; 

yet fome hints there are of it in the moft ancient hiftot*y of Mofes, par- 

tidukrly in that fokmh tranikflioii between Labah and Jaicoh, which 

' may be iuppofed to be ah ancient patriarchal ooftdm; uni^erfally fpread 

in thofe coarfe unpolifbed times ; -and cbtifequmtly Tisigfat taiiA^d^ is 

the vifible remains of it ftill witness, prevail in remotier countries alfo, 

^and even; in this I am now fpdaking of. . 

The-paiBge I piHrr fbr it is very plain and full to the purpofe^ as to«in tries which MoAss nidations^ And while oormonuments agree 
exa<9:)y with thofe defcriptions, I take it not unreaibnable to afcribe chem 
to the fame caufcs* 

H And Jacob faid unto his brethren^ Gather ftdnes; and they brought 
ftones^ and made a heap ; and they did cat there upon the heap/! Gen. 
kxxl. 46'. Now the delign of this whole af£iir was lo corroborate the 
fiaGt *f- and covenant mutually entered into by thefe two peribns« Jacob 
and Laban, with the mod binding formalities and obligatbns, Thefe 
obligatory ceremonies beiiig thfn, I fappofe» their law of nations; and 
<hcG$ forms' univerfally applied to by per&xis^of di^rent inteteftsand par- 
ties, as the fhoft folemn fandrion of that iaw. The whole tenor of it runs . 
thus ; '* Moreover Laban faid unto Jacobs Behold this heap, and behold 
this pillar, which I have fet between me and .tliee; this.hdap ihall be a 
witnefs, and this pillar fl^all be a witnefs, that I will not come over this 
hea^ to thee, and that thou ihak not come .over this heap and this pillar 
to me^ ftar evih" Ver. 51, 52* 

. This whole affair has no femblance of a newiiiftitution^but is rather 
^a particular application to a general pradice ; becauic concluded by a 

* Literally^ ^ htap on thy head. f llD)^ /faMw^ fignifies a pillar ; from whesce pro- 

bably our word Ammod for' a contnant might be derived. 

i 4 facrifice. 

f^rifice, tHe bi^beft adl of tkdir religion, aod ' not to -be auenkptiod by 
every private fancy i and fM)t only concluded by a facrifice; but that fa- 
cred action fecBis to have been a main part of it, and the chief end for 
\¥hich it w^s inftituted$ and together with the other circumftances^ 
made up one folemn religious ceremony. *' And Jacob ofiered facrifico 
upon the mount/* that is, the heap, *' and called his brethren to cat 
bread/' Geru xxxi. 54- , » 

Now by what appears from the context, this whole tranfaftion was 
a religious ceremony, inftituted to adjuft and determine rights and poi*- 
feffions in thofc times between different parties and colonics. And. as it 
feems to have been one of thofe Ntkiehidum fiaUita'^^^oi the (tatutes of the 
fons of Noah, as they called them 3 ib it is likely that the coloiifsing 
race of mankind brought and carried with them (o neceirary an appuxte-- 
nance of their peace and fecurity of living, as this iaditutiQii was, wheke^ 
ever they came to fix and fettle thcmfeives ^r-*4hat they carried, atieaft 
the fubfttmce of the ceremony, though they might here aad tfacrc.vary 
in fome rules of application ; or perhaps pervert it to other afes than 
what it was deligned and intended for. And hence we conclndjc that 
our larger heaps and Carmddef with their (landing pillars by them, which 
they generally hav«, are qo other than the remaining marks and evidences 
of that religious ceremony and cuftom, recorded only by Mofe&in the 
cafe of Jacob and Labaii, but pra&ifed alfo in other countries, particu^ 
iarly in this ifland, as will appear not improbable by the reaibiis urhich I 
(hall prcfume to ofFer* 

First, The adjuftment^f f>erfond and provincial rights .and proper*- 
ties, by fo binding and facrcd an eftabliihm^ent as this feems ta have'befiii^ 
-was as nece^ary, and confequently as likely^ to have heea coaveyod and 
made ufe of here among our commAUiities. and fettlemeats, as in thofe 
"couff tries where Mofes has io particularly <leibh bed it. 

SECONDLY, Why flucald our heaps and C^r/ie^ agnce (0 exaiftly. in 
their make and poiitioti with the defcription which Moles ^ives of tbo(i5 
in the land of Haran ? And, . . 

Thirdly, Howfhould our columns and ^iilar^ftones come to be ge- 
nerally placed near our heaps, 4s thofe defcribed by Mo(es were,. if it 
was not, that both that cuftom there and this here proceeded irpm one 
origin, the patriarchal pradice. 

This Gonfidered, it will remain probable that our CamedJef agreeing 

in their make and circumitances with thofe heaps, are no other than 

the remaining ^noaUments of that mo(l aoctppt religious ceremgny^; 

' '* H 2 taught 


taught perhaps l^' the ions of Noah^ if not deriiFed f rom antediluyian prr-^ 
eedents.~thoTigh ithappened to be mentioned only by Mofes in that cir- 
cumftance of Jacob and Laban in the land of Haran^ Agreement and 
congruity of make, pofition, and peculiar circumftances, generally be* 
token identity of ufe and pradtice. 

BefideSsthefe Ctwiuiij we have alfolong pitched ftones or great rude 
columns^ (landing fometimes iingly» fometimes many together^ fome^ 
times in good order, and fometimes* without any, in nuny places of this, 
as well as of other countries ;, and commonly called by the inhabitants 
Meini^HirioTiy Mtini-Gwyr^ Liecbe, or the like, as they pieafe to fancy; 
which I. have prefumed to conjeSure alfo to have been memorials of fomc 
of our firft planters' original cuftoms and ceremonies,. 

I will not fay they were ereded on. the fame account with that of Ja-- 
cob in Bethel, Ged. xxviii. iS. But if it be allowed us to guefs in. this 

atter,. they, me rather to have taken tbeirorigin from that gjp-- 
neral bent and- ambition of mankind to perpetuate,, and as^ far. as they 
could to immortalize, their otherwife frail and perifhing. names, in thofe 
lading and durable monuments. Of which the tower of Babel was a great 
and general fpecimen: <' Let us make us a name/' Gen. xi. 4. And the 
pillars of Rachel and Abfalom are fuU.and pregnant particular inftances. 
Gen. XXXV. 20. 2 Sam. xviii. 18. 

Thefe rude eredted pillar-ftones,. though at firft perhaps fe tup for 
good and. warrantable purpofe$,vmight, and we may well believe, did be*- 
come afterwards in thefe countries (as we find the like fort of pillars to 
•have been^^in othor countries about Syria and Paleiline); the abje<Ss of 
idolatrous worfhip. For whether they, clad and drefled up the pillan 
here into the fhapes of men, onmade. them fupporters of thofe twiggen 
images Casfar mentions, . at fuch times as they, were worfliipped,. is un^ 
certain. Yet furi^ we are,, that the ancient- Jews in thofe mentioned 
countries made idols^ them, and*frcquent]y.wor{hip|ied them^. as ap- 
.|)Mrs Kings xvii» 10..'^ They made them images," i.e. dandl- 
ing pillars, fays the Sacred Hiftory, ^* and groves upon every high hilU 
€nd under, every green tree.'' Eor it is evident the original word in this 
text, however the Seventy, and fubfequent tranflators came to render it 
hnagts^. is Matzebab^ i. e. a.rude unhewn,, uneffigjated piUar^flone, juft 
the fame fort as thofe of Jacob, ^Rachel,, and Ab(ak>in were ;. every one 
"of which is exprefied: in (Scripture bytbe fame motd Maizebab^ from 
Jatzab to pitch or ered:-H-7W(9^, Peze/, lerapb being in the original . 
t(»i£^.the conilant appellatives of a true rmag;f. From is. 

.'1 la^ifeft): 


innifeft that theie rude, utrihapen pillars, fuch as Jacob's^ RachcFs, andh 
Abfalom's arc defcribed to have been, were by thofe apoftatizing Jewft 
undoubtedly woribipped. 

Now all this confidered, it will appear probable, fince We have fuch 
plenty of thefe pillar-ftones among us, exadlly corrcfponding to the de-*^ 
fcription given by infallible aathority of thofe in Syria and Paleftine, which 
were undoubtedly worshipped by the idolatrous Jews ; I fay it will ap^ 
pear probable that ours were fo too, and that wicked cuftom and ufage 
of adoring them at length prevailed with them and us too, from a rcfpe<^ 
and veneration afrfiril given to them as iymbols and memorials of facred 
things; which, it feems,. our priefts and druids foon learned from their 
neighbours, or irather found conveyed here by the iirf): planters, and then, 
improved them with their other iymbok of heaps and altars into a con^ 
fiderable part of their religious %ftem. Of whom, and of which I fhalll 
next proceed to Ireat.^ 

SECTION viii: 

Of the ancient DruiJs ; of tbeir choice of the IJle of yiomfor their prin-- 
cipal feat and habitation ; of their philofophy and difcipline ; and of the: 
IJle of Mona being anciently ^ called Mam Gymru. 

I MUST begin here h priori ^ as I did in the laflrfedion ; that i^,, 
from the necefiary grounds and reafons of mankind's jBrft actions in 
coloni3»ng^ the earth, I (hall endeavour to eftabli(h fuch pofitions^ as are 
mod coherent with, and conformable to nature, under fuch and fuch; 
circumAances, and' moft^ agreeable to the truth of records and appear- 
ances of things* By. which method I am obliged to lay down as a firm 
foundation^ Firft,, that a fet form of fpeech y Secondly, that a deter- 
mined fchcmc of laws;, and^ Thirdly, that^ a fettled fyftem of religioii,» 
jointly and naturally adhered to and accompanied the divided knots and. 
ibcieties of mankind,, in the various advances of their progreifion and: 
travels; and* w^e conveyed with them into thofe countries they fixedl 
and fettled in ». 

Tfais> being (bppofedi it will in the next pUce be very obvious and i 
natural. to thinks that each of thefe primary acquifitions, viz^* Language,. 
Laws, and Religicm, as they were at? firft- more rude^nd con traded, more 
rough wd unpoliihed, only proportioned and adapted <to the mere necef-*- 
fities. of life, , andJ to:the .then . narrow and concifa performaiice&.of divine 


54 MONA'A^D^rrOjrA R'BStiAirRAtA. ' 

ti'.orLhi'p ; fo when the fevcral tribes and claffes of people l^egan to firf 
tjnd fettle thcmfclves into formed and regular focieties — then 1 fay thefe 
acquiStions, thcfe rational a£ls of human life began to open. and difplay 
themfelveJP, to fcoor off their original rudcneflfes, and to appear here 
and there more prompt, ufcful, and com prehen five. The languages iii 
a fhort time became more trim and copious. The laws more nervous 
and vigorous, juftly fuited to the advantages of communities. And reli- 
gion, the roiftrcfs of all, variegated and fet herfelf ofF in maltita4es of 
pompous flicws and appearances. 

Together with thefe firft acquiiitions of mankind grew up the leifurely 
improvements of natural and metaphyfical knowledge ; though thefe I 
confefs have been much influencicd and dircded by the traditional CtfAtAi, 
chiefly cheriihed and preferved in fchola patriarcbali — in the patriarchal 
^ ircpofitory— ^with which the prime fophi of many of the firft nations, it 
is allowed, had frequent intercourfes and communicarion. 

Now towards this improvement of natural and fupernatural know- 
ledge in thefe early ages of the worlds we may obfervc many helps 
and advantages to accrue naturally to thefe firft eftablifliers, as well 
of arts as of cmipire, in the many regions and countries they came 

First, Their moft important indefatigable endeavours in arte figno- 
runi^iw framing, enlarging, and polifliing of languages, gave them oc* 
cafion to make ample difcoveries into the nature, habitudes, and conca- 
tenations of tilings, to which their excogitated fouiids and ndw-formed 
words were, in a regular llru<2ure of fpeech, to have an agreeable refer*- 
ence and proportion. 

Secondj^v, Their profound elaborate difquifitions into the grounds 
and reafons of laws and governments, which they were then every where 
forming, gave them occafionally considerable iniight into the manners, 
inclinations, and tempers of men^ aad into the natureG aod differences 
of human paiiions. 

Thirdly, Their ferious warmth and concern for the afiairs of re- 
ligion prompted and raifed their thoughts to more ^divine aDontempla- 
tions, gave them profpeds of a future being, and at length put them 
upon many clear * and ' diilind ideas of divine and fupernatural ob- 
Jeds. And as thefe three particulars, namely. Language, Laws, and 
Religion, have been th^ earliell and moft applied to, as being of the 
mod important con(ideration to mankind i fo they have, among oth^r 
advantages to the happinefs of people^ been the freflieft and earlieH: 



^f0.ttads that 'gaVr growth aiijd ,wi)prave5tient to natural, moral, andxne- 

Th*ls die growing ftce of inanjcind having no fooncriate themfelves 
downio dtfti^&Ulod n^tio|}$-r-*'l>ich Stfaba,outof Ephoros, brancbc* 
at ftrA into >thesf<; four, Viz.;Scytb^« Jndi, ^Ethiopes,' and Celtaj-y. 
bt^t ^ fet pf lacn in ^ac^h of thefc divifions, we may well imagine, put 
their heads to work, and began to cherifh the feeds of knowledge^ 
partly nJaturil and. latent in them., and partly acquired by oral traduc- 
tion from the patriarchal Caia/a; in the latoer of which the antedilur 
vian knowledge in all its brq^pchcs was carefully prefer ved^ and emi- 
nently flpuriftii^d. 

Thefe men of thought >nd fpeculationi whpfc chief province was tp 
enlarge the boutids of knowledge, as their fellows were to jdo thofc of 
.empire,, into what country orxlimate foever they came ; as they were 
^nerttUy carious. ihemfelvf^ in.impofing names agreeable to the nature^^ 
and'prpperttta of things and ad^ions, fo they themfelves likcwife came 
•to b« Q4m^d,and others by appellations peculiarly agree- 
able tg^. %nd.iignificatiyc of, ibm^ mdft noted and remarkable circum- 
ftance of their public tranfa4lions and appearance. 

On thiA iocount, I take it, the Indians called their great promoters 
of civility and hOnianlty Brachfnans^ probably from a primitive word 
they might carry with fhem, Barachy to praifo and celebrate. And 
no doubt the ^Ethiopians and Scythians gave to theirs alfo fuitablc ap^ 
.'pellatives at diat tin»e> tliough now fprgotten* And thus it was that 
we the Cclta3 came to call our firfl: mafters of knowledge Druid^ 
from the Celtic word ^ef-w *, as it is generally thought ; and that be- 
caufe tbefe:men feemed p^ffionately fond of that tree, under which it 
is certain they frequently appeared in every folcmn and public tranC- 

It is indeed acknoiyledged on all hands, that the ancient druids had 
their name from D^emv^ whether from the Greek or Celtic, which differ 
not much in.fovnd, is not material to enquire. But that their cuftom 
of Celebrating the oak and ufing formed groves fc^r their public miniftra- 
tions and ibkmn performancies, proceeded from the example and imita- 
tion of Abrah art, doing the like under the oaks of Mamre, Gen.xviii. i. 
though it te -the general opinion, yet I (hall take the liberty to differ 
from it, and to fupppfe farther, that both Abraham and they took up 

• Oris. 

^••^. ., 1 


this cuftom from a more ancient pattern* viz. the antediluvian pra(^ice. 
I have already hinted how the ancient heathens did many things relating 
to religion, according to, and agreeing with, the recorded cuftoms of 
thefprimitive Jews; not that they took them up from thofe Jews by way 
of lexample and imitation, but as they both, as well thofe Jews as the 
ancient Gentiles, followed a more ancient copy, the Mitzotbf or facred 
patriarchal rubric. 

It is known that a tree was of veiy facred ufe in Paradife. It was a 
tree. Gopher^ which God peculiarly defigned for the building of the 
ark. And on a tree the falvation of the world was to be accomplifhed. 
A tree therefore being thus celebrated by Almighty Providence, we may 
ceafe to admire that devout antiquity placed fo much facrednefs on it, 
%s to maike groves their firfl and moft ancient temples and places of di- 
vine wx)r{hip. And fince it is uncertain of what fpecies that tree was, 
^vhich was fo remarkably di(lingui(hed by Providence, we may as well 
take here the word of antiquity, and fuppofe that they pitched on the 
oak, paid their greatefl veneration to it, and fome of them, if the com«» 
mon fentiments be right, took their name and character from it, upon 
very prevailing reafons, now unknown to us. 

The truth of all this is very apparent both in divine and human re^- 
cords, that the oak of all the trees in the world hath been of moft fpe* 
cia] regard and veneration with devout antiquity in their facred religious 
performances. Of which, to clear the way to the unfolding the grounds 
iand reafons of the lancient druidical inflitution among us, I (ha)l proceed 
on with the following inftances. 

First, The facfed Scriptures aflure us, that the firft temples or lo- 
cal confecfations y/trt groves of oak, under which God himfclf ap^^ 
pcared, angels were entertained, covenants w?re formed,, oblations and 
facrifices offered. And whatever clfe belonged to the dignity of God's 
houfe, and* to the facrednefs of divine worship, under the patriarchal 
oeconomy, were vilible in groves and oak-holts. ^^ And Abram (fayfe 
Mofes) paffcd through the land to the place of Sithem," rnro \f7H ny ad 
allon Mpref)^ to the oaks or oak-grove of Moreh, «^ where the Lord ap^ 
pcared unto him, and faid, Unto thy feed will I give this land. And 
Abram builded there an altar unto the Lord.*' Gen. xii. 6. 

Alfo we read, that " All the men of Sichem gathered together, and 
all the men of Millo, and went and made Abimelech king, by the oak 
pf the pillar." Judges ix. 6. Nay, in that very place, and of that very 
pillar^ the author of the book of Jofliua fays, that ** Jofliua took a 



great ftone, and fet it up there," that is, in Sichem under the oak» 
which was to be taken for the fanftuary^f the Lord. Joftiua xxiv. 26. 
On thefe luculent teftimonies of divine Scriptures the learned Dickinfon 
breaks out, 

m^^^En primos facerdotes quernos! en patriarchas druidas! 

Diatr. de Orig. Druid. 

Secondly, That the heathens pradifed the fame, in whofe moft 
celebrated authors we find facrajovi quercus, is evident beyond difpute. 
Nay, they were not only the Britifli and Gaulifh Druids who admired 
and venerated that prince of trees ; but the heathens about Syria and 
Paleftine retained alfo the fame fondnefs to it. For when the apoftatiz- 
ingjews forfook the law of their God Jehovah, and abandoned them- 
felves to the idolatrous pradlices of their heathenifh neighbours, what 
did they do ? " They facrificed (fays the facred text) upon the tops of 
mountains, and burnt incenfe upon hills, under oaks, and poplars, and 
elms." Hofea iv. 13. *' Under every thick oak they did offer fweet fa- 
crlfice to all their idols." Ezek. vi. 13. 

To reduce' what has been faid to the place and fubjeft of my en- 
quiry, I fliall affirm from the foregoing evidence, that this prime cele- 
bration of oak-groves already mentioned, being of patriarchal, if not 
of divine inftitution ; and our weftern Celta^ being fo refolutely tena- 
cious of it, and fo zealoufly devoted to it, that their Corypkcei — their 
firft and chicfeft'mafters of knowledge, the Druids— took their diftinc- 
tion and charafter from it : The cafe I fay being fo, we may well con- 
ceive that thefe venerable religionifts of the age (religion in its general 
idea being the chief concernment of mankind, and knowledge its rule 
and diredion; to both which thefe religious Druids eminently laid 
claim and title) had charms enough in their fkill and knowledge, in 
their addrefs and converfation, to obtain to themfelves the chief pofts 
of management wherever they refided ; and when obtained, to fecure 
their credit and reputation ; and thereupon to bear up a port and autho- 
rity (no hard thing for them to do in that eafy obfequious age) in order 
to maintain the chief flrokc in the condudt of all public and private 
affairs among their fellow-citizens, wherever they happened to fix and 

- Upon this bottom tliefe infinuating priefts, we may well imagine, 
foon wound up themfelves to fach a reputation and power as to be able 
to prefcrib.e and give laws to others; and v^hen they arrived to this 

I cmi- 


eminence, flieir next ftcp was to provide for and eftablifli themfelveSr 
And eafily perceiving that the propagation of knowledge was beft up- 
held and continued (they being no men of letters) by fixed and fettled 
foundations and focietics, they looked about, we may fuppofe, for the 
nioft commodious place to eftiblifh their model; and might qiiickly find 
and obferve the Ifle of Mona to furpafs all other places in the Britifh ter- 
ritories in thofe advantages they fought for. And when they found it 
out, their authority might foon prevail to get themfelves poffeiTed of it, 
and eftablifhed in it. 

The' advantages they might chiefly feek for were to be of thefe two 
forts: Firft, natural, fuch as were moft agreeable and ferviccable to 
the defigns ; and, fecondly, political, fuch as beft fecured the ends of 
their intended eftablilhmcnt. And all thefe prefented. themfelves emi- 
nently confpicuous in this corner of the land, the Ifle of Mona, now 
called Anglefey. 

First, Its natural appearance and profpe<fl might well enough en- 
dear to them the choice of it for their feat and habitation. It was an 
ifland, and therefore fitteft of any place (as being more folitary and 
lefs incommoded with the affrightments of war and tumults) to give: 
firft fuck to the infant mufes; and to, afford the earlieft ftrokes and li* 
neaments to the growth of knowledge. It was a pleafant ifland.; and 
every thing, as the quality of the foil and temperature of its air incline 
us to fuppofe, was in the flower and vigor of nature. . It breathed a 
chearful quickening air. It was a more plain and level country than. 
any of its neighbouring regions, and yet variegated into a pleafing di- 
verfity of hills and vallies. It was plentifully purled with fprings,, 
and fprinkled with rivulets. It had a benign enlivening fun, a preg- 
nant fruitful foil; enriched on all fides with the bounties of the fea;, 
and adorned with the wealth and beauties of the land. And above all 
(as the nature of *the foil makes us believe alfo) they found it ftored 
with many fpacious groves of their admired and beloved oak. In 
fhort/ whatever contributed to maintain the body in a found athletic 
ftate ; to enliven the foul in her brifkeft operations ; or to inform her 
with variety of obje<5ls, was not wanting here^ Nature having made 
(it feems) this little place the rhodel, as it were, of the great ifle of 
Britain. Whatever flie has delineated there in greater draughts, her 
pencil has epitomized, has contracted here in parvo. There is no- 
rthing hardly in the work of nature to be found in the great ifle of 
Britain, but may be fampled, as near as nature can atimit, with fome- 



thing of the kind, even in l^er grcateft fcopc of varieties, wkhin the Iflc 
of Mona. 

Secondl-y, a political confidcration likewife of the advantages of 
its fite and pofitioHj, we may well fuppofe, did' no lefs oblige thefe n^ea 
of thought and retirement, and in a manner force thern to that choice^, 
than thofe Taft-mentioned beauties of nature niight allure them to it. 
The advantages were thefe : 

Firf!, it was an ifland defended by the fea on every fide, and there- 
fore beft fortified and fecured againfl the alarms and occurfions of prq* 
vailing aggrefTors, at that tirne frequent in inland countries : l^\\ok^\>2S-' 
fions as yet crawling on land, having not then learned to fwim on the 
feas. And though it was divided from the continent by an arm of fhcf 
fea, able to fafeguard them from all approaches of danger; ytt they were 
near enough to it to receive their friends, or communicate with them 
any hour in the year. 

Secondly, it was of a jufl proportion and latitude within itfelf, fuit- 
able to the ends intended, that is, folitude and fafety. It was not too 
big and of too large an extent, wheie it might nourifh parties and fac- 
tions, which might endanger its repofe and tranquillity. It was not 
too fmall and fcanty, to enfeeble and flarve itfelf; but was, as I faid, 
of a jufl bignefs and proportion, to fupport and maintain itfelf in 
plight and vigour, in fafety and fecurity from all accidents, and 
particularly fitted to have its rule and government moulded -to a 
fort of monaflic oeconomy, which thefe druids were now introduc- 
ing. Thefe fpecious advantages both of quality and fituation, fo for- 
tunately confociating and forting with the defigns and genius of thefe 
pien, might probably, by the eulogies abroad of it, give the firfl hints 
to antiquity of bolting their hyperboles of Elyfian Fields and Fortunate 

' Having fet down the grounds and reafons of the origin and inflltu- 
tion of thefe heathenifh priefls, and of their eftablifhment in the Ifle 
of Mona, before I proceed to account for their philofophy and difci- 
pline, and other particulars of their eflablifhments, there is one objec- 
tion which I am obliged to remove. It is this. 

Although the hypothefis of the original of druidifm, and of their 

choice of the Ifle of Mona for their principal feat and habitation, as 

here aflerted, may be granted to be coherent and rational ; yet as to 

reality of exiflcnce and truth of fadt, the whole may be a nunquam con- 

Jians, a mere chimera— uqlcfs proper proofs can be produced to evinpc 

I 2 • ' the 



the hiflorical certainty of it, at leaft of the latter part of it ; that i^, of 
their fixing and eflablifhing themfelves in this iiland; which is all that is 
requifite in this matter. That point, therefore, I (hall endeavour to prove 
bythefe evidences; Firft, by ancient uncontradicted traditions; Secondly, 
by the teftimony of unexceptionable authors ; and, Thirdly, by certain 
marks and footfteps of antiquity to this day extant in many places. 
Thefe three forts of evidence concurring together, and being fairly eftab- 
]i(hed, encourage me to hope that I fliall take away the force of 'this 
objetftion with unprejudiced men; whom I defire to take it here for 
granted, that there were fuch perfons, and that they chofe (on what 
. grounds and motives it is no great matter) their chief feat and refidence 
in this Ifle of Mona or Anglefey. 

Referring therefore our alTurance of the thing to what will in the 
next fedlion appear on the proofs of faft and evidence, I may here with 
better warrant proceed to fome other circumflantial confiderations of the 
point in hand. And, Firft, I (hall give fome previous hints of thefe 
religious perfons' firft fteps in the progrefs of their improvements in the 
way of knowledge ; and then proceed, Secondly, to obferve and account 
for their philofophy and difcipline \ Thirdly, for their diftindt orders 
and focietics ; Fourthly, for their authority and power ; and. Fifthly, 
for their facred things and places. In fome of which particulars, namely, 
in their philofophy and morality, we may obferve thefe religious Druids 
to have fignalized themfelves, in that great and fotemn work of raifing 
and improving the faculties of mankind, and of advancing and fui ting 
to proper ends all the parts of true, folid, and inftrudlive knowledge, in 
thefe weftern parts of Europe; not only before others, but alfo above and 
beyond the then ordinary means and meafures. And here let no one 
defpife, and think the accounting for the affairs and tranfadlions of thefe 
men, to be vain and frivolous, who have in their time defcrved fo well 
of the world, and whofe chara<Sers and actions were cftcemed worthy to 
be recorded and tranfmitted to bur hands, even by the greateft of ancient 

First, therefore, we are to conceive, according to the hypothefis 
already laid down, that the firft ftep in the improvement of human fa* 
culties, and the application of them, in the way of knowledge and 
pradlice, to ufeful and inftrudlivc ends and purpofes, was in this weftern 
part of the world begun and fet on by a few thoughtful perfons here and 
there ; who afterwards, cbnfociating and aflembling together, proceeded 
to fettle principles, and to form their little platforms and inftitutions, in a 



verial dxkvirfivc way; tp which they ever after cleaved, negledling the 
ufe of letters^ as an innovation inconfiftent with their more ancient 
eftablifhments. And this may be one argument of the feniority of this 
learned feft to all thofe other people, who have fet up by the help of 
letters ; bcyohd which, excepting the ancient Druids, I think there arc 
few pretenders. 

• Although they made no ufe of books, yet by what vve read of them, 
we find that their fchemes extended to all the ufeful parts of learn- 

* ing ; which they couched under apt fignificant words, and depofited ia 
rhythmical compofitions with a peculiar clafs of their fociety, whom 
ihey call Beirdd (from the original word * Pared^ to divide and di- 
ilingui(h) that is, men feparated and diftinguiftied from the reft, for 
their extraordinary talent of memory, to that peculiar work— ^f- Cof-- 
weitiie or Cof-nvydde-^-^f recording and reciting on occafions the various 
theorems and explications of their whole fyftem of knowledge, 

Plurima fecuri fudtftis carmina bardi. Lucan. Pharfal. lib. i. 449. 

Secondly, The delivered and taught philofophy and learning of 

this druidical feft feemed, in the general air of it, to be moftly fym- 

bolical and enigmatical, efpecially the moral part of it; agreeing in 

that with the traditional Cabala of the Jews, In imitation of which the 

*moft ancient things among the heathen philofophers have been fhrouded 

in veils and )obfcurities. Kal (paer/ Td$ Apu/J^as aV/z^jxalw/ws aVocp9g>rpjw,gW$ 
frAocrocpiJcraf, fays Diogenes Laertius of thefe Druids, " They affirm that 
they taught obfcurely and enigmatically their points of philofophy." 

* From hence it is likely other feds and parties, as Clemens Alexandrinus 
(Strom. 5) obferves, ufually couched the graveft parts of their learning 
Iv av/j^^Sohoii, under thefe involutions and fhadows : which Pythagoras 
afterwards advanced to the higheft improvement that way ; from whom 
the imitating Greeks took it into vogue, and amufed the world with 
their mythologies and riddles. 

But in particular, as to the parts and divifions of that philofophy,. 
it was, as others generally are, cither an expofition. or a regulation, of 
nature j that is, it was chiefly aimed and diiedted either to the unfold- 
ing the abftrufities of her phcenomena, or to the regulating the obliq^ui- 
ties and diforders of her operations. The firft being fpeculative, and 

* Parent a Wall or Separation, we cetain ftUl in our toDgue. t Cd/nvalii? or Co-wydd. 

* • 



properly philofophy ; the other pradicalj and . properly difcifpllifc; Of 
which iu their order. 

First, Of their philofophy properly {9 calledi Th^y Qtcgti^d^ if 
>ve credit andquity^ to have taken a fyll draught tif tJie. tbepry of 
nature, according to the gapge of that tiuiei Tfafcy toftde qqick. re* 
fearches into her principles and operations. Eos prater natnrakm 
eiiam morakm €X4!rcuxj}'€ philofopbiank^/ivj^ S^aJbjO:;; ** Rofidos the natu- 
jal^ as if that had been their chief pfovinc^j they p<ofeflcd alfo moral 

But in the management of the natural^ wbeth/er the principles oq 
.which they generally explicated things werQCQrpultcularian, <>c complex 
and elemental^ I cannot determine ; but af^ imclined to believe them to 
have been the former, as n\ore agreeable <o the $idonian philofophy^ 
which wajB plainly atomical \ and vyith whicfa our celebrated Druids, on 
account of our moft ancient commerce and trafiic with the Phoeptcians. 
muft have had no fmall acquaintance and conimunication. 

They deepiy confidcred nature, in her largeft extent, in her iyftems, 
in her motions, in her magnitudes and powers. ,In all which they 
feemed to cabalize ; for Casiar, who beft knew them, gives us this ac- 
count of them— ^Aftt//^ praterea de Jidertbus atque eorum motu, de mundi 
ac terrarum magnitudine^ de rerum naturd Mfputant. ** They difputc 
much of the ftars and their motions, of the magnitude of the world, 
and of the parts thereof, at)d of the nature of things/' De Bell. Gall. 
lib. vi. fed. 13. To the fame purpofe Pomponius Mela, lib. iii. cap. 2. 
. fpeaks of their acute difcourfes of the fyftcm of the world, and of their 
deep infight into natural caufes; to which he adds geography, as Pliny, 
lib. iii.. cap. i. does magic and medicine. All which were acquifitions 
very necejQTary to uphold the dignity and power which thefe Druids had 
obtained over the people through a great part of Europe. 

Now their phifiology being fo comprchenfive as to take in, with the 
theory of nature, aftronomy, geometry, medicine, and natural .magic ; 
and all this upon the corpufcularian hypothefis, as it may iiem very 
probable from their ancient frequent commerce, by means of the 
Tyrian and Sidonian traders, with the Phoenician pbilofophy^-particu- 
larly with the placits of Mochus the Sidonian, whom our learned 
Selden takes to be Mofes. I fay, befides thefe noble parts of natu- 
ral knowledge, their metaphyfics likewife made ftrong flights, partly 
on the flrength of their own ratiocination, as in the unity of the 
deity, the immortality of the foul of man, and other confequent dog- 

I mata • 

•M O k A 'AN T r-CtP A JR. E S T AURA T A. 6f 

mata ; and partly alio from Cabaliftic traditions, as in that of the con- 
flagration of the world, the pre-exiflence of fouls, and tranfmigration 
of them from one vehicle to another, the propitiation of facrifices, 
and many more particulars of that fort, which they ftrongly profeffcd 
' and taught; though indeed as to that one, of the unity of the god- 

I head, the ftream * of idplatry towards the latter end of their time bore 

ftrbrig upon them, and defle<3:ed th'eni from their profefled Monothcifm^ 
i to give divine worfbip to Medioxumate gods ^ to Taranis, or Jupiter;. 

I Hefus, or -Mars; Behis, Belatucadrus, L e. Bely duw Cadarn^y Teutates-y 

L BeUriy i. e. Ap bttdiriy or Apollo i Diana, and Andrafiesy or ViSforia; 

I i. e. Duwies yr Anrhaithi and fbme fay that Mercury, who likely was 

this Teutates or Duw-taitb, the great condudor of travels and expedi- 
[ tions, was of chief refped: among them. But thefe errors Crept late 

I among them, or they worfhippcd the one God under thefe feveral titjes^ 

and appellations. 

That thefe eminent parts of philofophy, both natural and metaphy- 

fical, acquired, as I faid, by the early acquaintance they had with the 

Phcenician learnings flouriflied for feme time among our ancient Druids^ 

j we may well take for granted oh the word of thofe excellent authors I 

have now mentioned. But of what fort their notions and explications, 
of things were, though among us all remains and footfteps of them are 
quite loft and peri{hed> yet we have much to guefs; and it fliould feenx 
; that they were the fame or very near a-kin with what Pythagoras Sa- 

r mius fbmetime after, about the (ixtieth Olympiad, fetched alio from the 

\ difciples of the faid Mochus (as Jamblichas affirms in the life of Pytha- 

1 goras) and left recorded *in his Italic fchool; ior at kaft the faid Pytha- 

goras might well have borrowed the chief points of his philofophy from; 
his nearer neighbours, the Gaulifh Druids, who had had them before 
from Phoenicia^ and conveyed them that way to Italy. And what it was 
that made up the great'cft part of the philofophy of Pythagoras,. beGdes 
what we, have recorded artd prefcrved to us by his own fchqlars, Deiijo- 
critus and L^ucippusof old, Galileo andCaflendus of late, have fuffi- 
I ciently taught u^. 

Secondly, As to the difcipline of thefe Druids, or tRat pradicat 
part of their philofophy which referred to and concerned either their 
own cftabliQiment and fociety,* or the people over whom they pre- 
fided and governed ; 1 find it chiefly corififted of, and exerted itfclf in, 
thefe three particulars : Firft, in the conduct and management of 
themfcLves i Secondly, in adts of public deciiions and judicature ; and,. 



Thirdly, in the folemn rites and performances of rcHgion. Which 
brings me to the third obfervation propofed, that is, their orders and 

First, then, as to the regulation of themfclves, and the prime eftab- 
lifliment of their focieties and orders; their politics feem to have been 
very cautious and extremely provicient in the uniform plot and model of 
their conftitution. They fubmitted themfelves to one, whom they w^ere 
imph'citly to obey, and to be folely guided by, in the weightieft condud: 
of affairs. And then they divided their whole body into diftinft clafles 
and fraternities, furted and proportioned to the feveral parts and employ* 
ments of their fundion and office. And in matter of oeconomy and 
claffical regiment, they were forted in an agreeable fubordination and 
dependance of one order and fociety upon another, and of all upon one 
chief or metropolitan, if I may fo call him. 

This chief or head Druid had a fupreme metropolitical power, not 
only over their own collegiate focieties, but alfo over the feparate com- 
munities and governments of people through the whole nation, as 
Caefar exprefly affirms: His (?/w;7/(^«i praeeft unus, qui Jumrnam inter eos 
babet auiloritatem. *' Over all thefe," meaning the whole order of 
them, ** there is one fupreme head and governor, to whofe jurifdic- 
tion and authority they were to pay obedience and fubmiffion, in all 
matters relating to their cognizance," ^c. And that all people did 
yearly bring their appeals from all places of the land to his tribunal 
or court of audience in Gallia, as their dernier reforty their laft plea of 
jufticc, Caefar is exprefs : Conjidunt certo anni tempore in loco confecrato. 
Hue omnes undique, qui controverjias habent^ conveniunt ; eorumque judiciis 
deer etifque parent. I.e. " Thefe high pontiffs with their afleffbrs, the 
heads and prefidents probably of their inferior orders, met yearly in a 
certain confecrated place; at whofe tribunal all that have any" private 
fuits or controverfies make their laft appeals, and ftand for ever obliged 
to fubmit to their decrees and fentence." 

This indeed Caefar fpeaks of, as it was pradifed in Gallia in his 
time ; but withal he fays before, that their difcipline, of which this 
pradice was a main part, came into Gallia from Britain. ' And lince he 
affirms it came from Britain, we may very well conclude, that the fame 
courfe and method as was ufed in Gallia was alfo pradifed in the Bri- 
tifti ifle ; and that the place of their fupreme judicature (as I fhall in 
the next fedion endeavour tp nake appear) was in this Ifle of Mona or 

4 That 


f !*^ 



•r • 


** •' 

/jV. < 





« » 






That head Druid, for the eminency of his place and the Angularity 
of his office, was called Drew, that is, The Druid. He was, when 
dead, prefently fucceeded by another; who mounted into that dignity^ 
either by his Angular virtue and merit, or, if on account of equality a 
competition arofc, by the fuffrage and eledion of the inferior or- 
ders. Hoc mortuOf fays Caefar, meaning the chief Druid, Jiquis ex 
reliquis exceJlit dignitate, Juccedit \ at Ji funt f lures pares, J^^^i^^ ^^^^ 
idum adle^itur. i. e. *' When the praefulary dignity becomes vacant by 
the head Druid's death, the next in dignity and reputation fucceeds ; 
but when there are equals in competition, eledlion carries it/' In." 
thefe elections fometimes fuch heats and broils, and intereft of parties, 
raged among them, that wars and bloodfhed have often concluded the 

The inferior orders were, as before is intimated, diftinguiflied among 
themfelves into different claiTes and fraternities ; which, as Strabo 
reckons *, were three 3 that is, A^wJ^otr, Drudau or Drudion 5 OuaV^, 
Offwyr or Offyddioni and Bag/o), Beirdd. Ammianus Marcellinus gives 
the fame reckoning -f-. Per bac loca bominibus paullattm excuitis, viguere 
Jiudia laudibilium doSirinarum, incboata per Bardos, ^ Eubages, & Druidas. 
j.e. *' In thefe places, among the rude unpolifhed people grew up the 
knowledge of arts and fciences, begun and let up by Bards, Euvates, and 
Druids." Then he proceeds to account for thefe three orders, as Strabo 
had done before him. 

Diodorus Siculus and Cicero mention another order of them, called 
Sarronides. But Bochart and other critics hav€ already cleared that 
point, by (hewing that Druids and Sarronides, being Greek j^/^(?;7/>»^, 
were taken by antiquity to exprefs one and the fame thing. Of thefe, 
fays Strabo, the Bardi were fingers i the Ouvates, priefts and phyfiolo- 
gers ; and the Druids, to phyfiology added ethics and moral learning. 
And Ammianus Marcellinus gives much the fame charafter of them J. 
Bardi quidem fortia virorum illujlrium fa6la, beroicts compofita verjibus^ 
cum dulcibus lyra moduUs cantitdrunt ; "Eubages vero fcrut antes feriem, G? 
fubUmia natura pander e conabantur. Inter bos Druidtt ingenits celjiores^ ut 
autboritas Pytbagora decrevit, fodaliciis aJlriSii confortiis, quejiionibus 
i^c cult arum rerum altar umque ereSli funt, ^ defpe^antes bumana pronun^ 
cidrunt animas immortales. That is, ^ The Bards fung in well-made 
compofitions, on their harps, the heroic ads of men ; the Euvatcs or 

• Geogr. lib. iy. f Lib. xv. J LoC| citato. 

K Eubatei 


Eubates, more deeply confidcring nature, made atteirtpts to difcovcr her 
bigheft arcana, and mod fecret workings : And among thefe the Druids, 
men of more polifhed parts, by the rules of Pythagoras, atfe(fting 
formed, focieties, gave themfelvcs wholly to the contemplation of di- 
vine and hidden things, and defpifing all worldly enjoyments, confi- 
dently affirmed the fouls of men to be inim6rta;l/* In (hort, by alt 
thefe evidences we may colledt^ and warrantably fay, that their Bards 
were their fingers and recorders of things j for in fongs and metrical 
CQmpofitions they treafured up ?ill their knowledge of things arid peiv- 
fons 1 that the Euvates were their priells and phyfiolbgers ; and that the 
Druids were their moil profound theologers and interpreters of their 
laws, and judges in all capital matters. On which account the Druids^ 
being more taken notice of by ftrangers, and being perhaps men of 

^more general converfe and negociation towards their latter days than the: 
other orders, all the orders of them came to be generally called by the. 
name of Druidst 

Secondly, Their pra^ical learning in reference to others confided 
chiefly in a<fts of judicature and public decifibhs ; towards whtch they 
feem to have been well fludied in the rules and proportions of juftice 
and equity, and fufficiently informed of the nature of right and wrong. 
Hereby the Druids, their civilians and cafuifts, maintained great fway^ 
and commanded infinite refpefl and obfervance in e^ery province they 
came into ; and wherein they had their feparate precii1<^s and allot- 
ments, with peculiar powers and jurifdidtions to exercife the authority 
of their funftion. 

. The extent of their authority and jurifdidlion, as to exercife and ad* 
minidration, inafmuch as it reached to all places of the nation ; fb as to 
cognizance and power, it took up almoft every cafe and circumftancc: 
whether civil or criminal. NamJ'ere de omnibus controver^is, fays their 
great conqueror *, publicis prhatifque, confiituunt : & ^^quodejl admiffum 

f acinus ^ Ji aedesfaSia i Ji de bareditate, Ji de faiibus contraverfia efi^ iidems 
decernunt. Pn^mia panafque cpnJUtwunt . i. c, ** They determine in al- 
jAoft all contrpverfies, both public and private ; and if any great crime^ 
be perpetrated, if any murder or manflaughtcr be committed, if any 
quarrels arife about bounds of Tapd and inheritances^ thefe Druids give 
judgment in the matter^ and decree rewards and puniihinents, as thcr 
cafe deierves/' 

* C«fird»JSeQ.GaIl. fib.vL iibi%nu 



Now though this dccretorial power extended even to life and death, 
yet the execution of it (they being a fort of ecclefiaftics) was, for all I 
can find, wholly transferred to the fecular power of the city or province 
they belonged to. The fame likewife I conceive of their decreeing re* 
wards and punifliments being merely declarative, pronouncing juridi- 
cally who were fit, how far, and perhaps in what manner, to be re- 
warded or pufiiihed. Yet one thing there was that ftruck a general ter- 
ror, with which they might awe and over-rule their laics to almoft any 
thing they pleafed; and that was what thefe Druids took the greate/t 
care and pains to inculcate on the people, viz. the peoples* indifpenf^ble 
obligation to the neceffary rites and duties of oblations and facrifice, tq- 
gcthcr with their own indifputable power of defigning and appointing 
what perfpns or things they pleafed for the cruel vidtims and immola- 
tions of their altars— -making them believe^ as Caefar fays *, §luhd pro 
vita bominis^ nifi vita bomints redditur^ non pcjje deorum immortalium numm 
placari. u c. **^ That for the life of a man, nothing but the death of an* 
^ other man, offered a^ facrifice on their altars, could appeafe the wrath- 
ful immortal gods, and make due atonement for the evil committed^ ot 
the punifhment threatened.*' 

This, indeed, was. their great engine to put the abufed people into 
what pofture they pleafed ; and was the chief prop of their authority, 
which it feems they kept up here to the very laft. And on which 
depended their other machine of terror among the inferior laity^ 
which was their anathemas and excommunications. With this they 
quickly difiipated all contempts and difobediences. Ahd in that opi- 
nion, which they had induftrioufly cultivated in the vulgar, of their in- 
difpenfable necpffity of facrificing and of frequently attending the fo* 
lemnities of their altars, there was no greater and more dreadful ftroke^ 
except death itfelf, that could be inflicted .on a poor mortal, than to 
be interdicted and ex.communicatcd, from the rights and privileges of 

And as the firft, viz. the general awe which they carried over all 
forts of perfons, from their being able to appoint and order whom they 
would to tjbe tlaug^/er, gave them the great authority of" commanding} 
fo this lattpr, viz. the power of interdicting and excommunicating, fe- 
cured them the fpeedy and eflTeduil execution of whatever they corn- 
commanded. Siquis aut publicus aut privatus, fays Caefar, eorum^ecreto 

• Loc. citato. 



nonjleteritfacrificus inter dicunt ; bac pcena apud eos gravtfflma ; quibm itdt 
inter diSlum ej^ it numero impiorum ac fceleratarum babentur \ ab its omneS' 
decedunt^ aditumeorumfermonemque defugiunt. *"" This re their gneatcft* pu- 
nifhmcnt upon thofe who refufc to fubmit to the Druids decrees and fcn^ 
tence, to debar them the ufe and folemnities of facrificc. And thofe 
who are fo interdided are accounted the moft wicked and profligate of 
all people,, to be (hunned and efchewed by aH honeft mem** Nay, to fhew 
the farther cohgruity of this fcheme with future methods, or what came 
to be afterward pradtifed iir the true Chriftian hierarchy— i\C?y«^ ers pe- 
tentibus jus redditur^ ncque honos ullus communicatur^ fays Caefar of them. 
who were excluded and anathematized fpr their contempt and delin- 
quency, and debarred the common rights and privileges of religion. 
They were not only vile and abominable in the account of all men, but 
alfo, while ,jthey continued interdided, were as out-Iawed wretches, ex- 
cluded and rendered incapable of all benefit of law; no place of truft 
" or honour was ever to be conferred upon them*. Thus we may obfervc 
' the guilt of contempt and difobedicnce to juft authority. As it was in* 
all the difpenfations of the true religion, fo in the eye of nature itfelf 
it has ever been reckoned the fouleft and moft unaftbciable crime, and 
confequently branded with, the moft odious marks of both divine and 
human indignation ^ 

Thirdly, Of the Druids difcipline, in relation to ads and exercifes^ 
of religion,. L fliall only touch, as I did in the reft, on what is moft: 
obvious and remarkable. That they had times and places facred. and 
feparated to holy \ifes,. it is natural ta think .•; but what precife deter- 
mined portions of time thofe were, no author mentions. It is probable 
they had * one day in feven, as the generality of mankind had, ap- 
pointed and fet apart for divine worfliip;.. and thatthatwas, asin moft 
other nations, the day of the fun,, it is as probable. What other fcftivals 
or anniverfary folemnities they had, we know not. Yet it is not un- 
likely, but that they had fet times and peculiar celebrations of their dei- 
fied heroes.. 

As for their fet and appropriated places, we are fufBciently told that 
they were groves of oak. J^^perfe roborum eligunt lucos ; neque ulJa 
Jacrajine ed fronde conficiunt^ fays Pliny -f- of thefe Druidsi i. e. ^* They ^ 
drefs and cultivate groves of oak;; for without that tree, or thofe groves, 

• Clem. Alex. Strom. Kb, 3. where he vouches the authorities of Hefiod, Horner^ Callimachus,, 
aaiLptherSy , for the facred obfervation ^ the feventh day, as a general pradice. 

t«Hift».Nat» Uh.xvi. cap. 44., iub fia. 



they never celebrate any part of their facred fundions/* They placed a' 
very high myftery in the mifleltoe of that tree, the Pren-Awyr as they 
call it ftill in fome parts of Wales ; which they ever cut down in great 
folcmnity with a confccrated golden inftrument; received it on their 
fagum or white garment, and preferved Jt as Jove's greateft gift, vvkh the* 
highefl: veneration and worfhip. 

Ad vifcum druida^ druidce cant are fokbant. 

They had thefe groves, one may conjedure, in many places of tHe' 
country ; which they called Llwyn^ probably enough from the original* 
word Allun. Thence I take it that Llan had its denomination, which* 
Chriftianity retained, and the Chriftians applied to their own confecrated 
places and public oratories. Thefe groves were great fepts and enclofe- 
ments of tall and fpreading oak, ever furrounding their moft facred 
places. And from that ancient notion of Llan or Llwyn, as betokening, 
a fence and enclofure, I take the compound words, Per-llan^ Gwin-llan^ 
Td-lanj Cor-lan^ and Glyn or Glan^ a valley enclofed with wood, to have' 
been originally denominated. 

In thefe groves they had their facred eredions and apartments ; that 
is, either their mounts and hillocks, which they called Gorfeddad^ from= 
their Jit ting a/oft upon them when they pronounced their decrees and 
fentences, and made their folcmn orations to the people. Multa de de-' 
arum immortalium vi acpote/iate dijputant, & juventuti tradunt^ fays Cafar 
of them. i. e. ** They difcourfe much of the power and perfeftions of 
the immortal gods, which they preach to the younger people.'* Or 
they hadj'n thefe groves their eredtcd pillars and idols, to which fome 
think they attributed divine honours, as the memorials of their deified* 
heroes. Or they had in them their heaps or Carnedde^ on which they 
had a peculiar mode of worfhip by throwing and heaping of ftones. 
Or they had their altars or Cromlecbe^ on which they performed the fo- 
lemnities of facrifice, and their facred rites of arufpicy and divination. 
Or, laftly, in fome larger and more eminent groves they had many of 
thefe together, as pillars and heaps of ftones were commonly within one 
grove and cnclofement ; for to this day they ftand fo clofc together in 
many places, that I cannot fuppofe them to have had different enclofe- 
ments. And in one remarkable place, where I prefume one of thefe great- 
groves to have been, there are the remains of all thefe, except a Crom^ 
^ licbef . together on one fmall fpot of ground ; where in all probability' 
they were comprehended within the verge of one great grove, which I 



(hall mention in its proper place; the marks of thofe eredions being ftill 
extant there, though the trees enclofing them have been gone away thefe 

many ages. 

Now granting th^fe mounts, pillars, heaps, and altars to have been fo 
cngrovcd about and fhaded as I Jiavc conjedlurcd, the partictflar ufes of 
them, for all that, muft be very difficult to determine. Yet that all thefe, 
whofe remains are to this day among us, arc monuments of Druidifm, 
peculiarly adapted to the particular rites and ceremonies of their reli- 
gion and worfliip, will I think by very few be denied. For certainly 
fome things thefe celebrated religionifts had of a flanding compofure and 
-creftion for the miniftration of their funftion and fervicc of their reli- 
gion ; and what they were I would fain be informed, if they were not 
thefe. Altars we are fure they had ; and conliderin^ the unbounded zeal 
and fervency which peqplc generally had to immolations and facrifices, 
thefe altars muft be alfo very numerous. And therefore one may be in- 
clined to believe, that befides the Cromleche^ thefe heaps and columns 
fnuft have had alfo their groves about them : for without thefe there were 
no facred ceremonies, as Pliny aflures us. And fo we may fuppofe that 
•thefe groves wanted not their ara or fmaller altars, to which people re- 
ported with their trivisJi oblations. However that was, it is certain that 
ibme flattifh ftones like altars are ufualJy found lying not far from thefe 
heaps and columns. 

Thus I conceive this ancient famous fed of philofophers, politicians, 
^nd divines, came to fix their metropolitical feat and chief feminary in 
the Iflc of Mona^ and from thence to plant and eftabU(h their hierarchy 
through the whole Britifli nation. THefe men having formed and per- 
fcifted their fyftem, partly on their own ftock of knowledge originally 
conveyed here with the firft planters, and partly, as I faid before, by 
their early intcrcourfe with the people of the Eaft, continued fole ma- 
ilers of the ifle of Mona, and of her fifter the ifle of Man; both which, 
as is very probable, they held in demcfne, and governed by a fort of 
. monaftic polity, till they came to be difleifed of them and outed by the 
conquering Romans. 

In all that long ipace of time, from their firft eftabliOiment to their 
expulj&on, we may reafonably imagine, thefe learned perfons maintained 
their authority at home and their reputation abroad in conliderable luftre 
and eminence ; every community and government of the whole nation 
being, it feems, conftantly fupplied, for their information of knowledge, 
, and their neceftary miniftration of laws and religion^ with a new fetof 

2 thefe 


thefe Dfuids, from this pregnant nurfery the Ifle of Mona^ as their <^d 
ones died. Which indeed might quickly give her the appellation of a 
Mother; as we fee now Canterbury has in relpefc of her fuifragan dio- 
cefes^ and other places^ have- in regard to their refpe£tive fons and vota* 
ries. She was therefore very anciently called Mon Mam GymrUy * Owm-- 
bre, i.e. RegioValticofa i ox Cyn-bre^ i.e. Regio Primaria^ being a word 
then of larger extent than ie is now; though in after ages I confefs, as 
Giraldus Cambrenfis obferves, this ifland came to enjoy that title, and* 
Wiell deferve it, from the great provifion of corn it yielded,.and the plenty 
of other things it afforded. 

Now under rhefe extraordinary advantages of foreign correifpondencies* 
and domeftic encouragements, no wonder if this wary fedt grew up to 
that great refpe£fc and reputation in the opinion of all their neighbours,, 
(nor, by the way, were the fortunate arms of the valiant Brennus any 
of the leaft helps to enlarge their fame) that many of thofe foreign, 
neighbours feem to have taken fome of their fchemes and modes of 
wor(hip from thefe Druids ; as may be fpn>ewhat perceived in the ac-^ 
counts which Cornelius Tacitus and other authors give of the religionv 
of fome of the northern nations. Nay, it is certain the Pythagoreans 
ag^reed with thenv in many things, not only in point of doiftrine, but 
alfo in matters of ceremony and praftice; as hath been obferved by 
many authors, both ancient and modern. Which it is not to be doubted>. 
they had from the Druids, and not the Druids from the m ; becaufe thefe 
Druids were their feniors in time, if not of a higher clafs in learning.. 
And it is allowed, that the propagation of inftituted knowledge is al« 
ways-— ^^ antiquioribus-^^tnvtd, from the more ancient. - And befides 
Aat, Pythagorifm was but the profeffion of a petty fchool in Italy, when^ 
the Druidifh doctrine was entertained and celebrated over a great part of 

I (hall here, before I clofe this feftion, fubjoin a paiTage relating 
to this alFair, which I lately met with in an anonymous author ; who 
would fain make Anglefey^ with her fifler the ifle of Man, to have been 
thofe two Fortunate Iflands fo much talked of by the ancients^ His^ 
Words are thefe : 

- " The two Fortunate Iflands^ (o much talked of and celebrated by 
ikit ancient poets, have beeq for many ages lafl paft utterly loft and not. 

* There are Tallies among the Helvetic alps called Corns to this da^r. The Latin CMiput ieems ^ 
to be derived from it* There is al£> a high hill ia Cumberland which retains the name of jB/iri- 
Cmm, ttrobably^fixMD thct black .valley below, it^ 

• to 


to be difcovcred. Among many fuppofals let us add fome. They were 
two, and (6 are thefe: they went both by one general name, and fo did . 
thefej being called Mona, that is, the one Mon, the other Manaw, the 
one the bigger, the other the leflcr; the. one the nearer, the other the 

more remote. 

** The ancient philofophers and poets were great celebratcrs of virtue, . 
and thereupon for encouragement of men did affirm there was a place of 
pleafur-e or reft, whereto after this life they were carried who had lived 
regularly : and that place was fometimes called the Elyfian Fields, as at 
other times the Fortunate Iflands. 

" They did farther fancy, that though there were other delights, yet 
above all, the pleafure of converfe with the juft, and a relaxation from , 
care, was moft valuable; they might therefore conceit the better of thefe 
iflands above other places, bccaufc of the ftrift life of the Druids, a reli- 
gious people here dvrelling, fcqueftered from the cares of the world, and 
doubtlefs of a great name and virtue, at their firft fitting down. 

•* Their name Mona imports alfo a folitary place, as monaftical - 
nmong the religious has the like fignification from the Greek language. . 
The two Fortunate Iflands were, in the judgment of the beft writers, . 
generally, by the report of Natalis.Cofties, a noted mythologift, feated 
upon the weftern coaft of Britain ; they were in the Atlantic Ocean by 
common confent ; and thefe are there alfo; for in ancient time that ' 
tradl of fea lying beyond the coaft of Africa and Europe to the Weft, 
was called from' the mountain Atlas (probable enough) the Atlantic 
feas ; the ftreights thereby being the outlet of them to the Grecian and. 
. Roman countries, who fucccflxvcly lorded it over this part of the world. • 

*• The Elyfian Fields or Fortunate Iflands were faid to be full of 
fliades ; the Druids here nouriflied many woods to perform their fuper- 
ftitious rites in; Anglefey was called TnysDowyll"^^ a dark and ftiadowy 
ifland, from the wood there growing; the Greek and Latin poeta an- 
ciently reckoned the North their right hand, and the South their left, 
from their way of looking to ihe Weft, towards the Elyfian Fields. More 
might be faid (fays the author) to this purpofe, which I omit. I will. 
add in the clofe the opinion of fome few of note : Homer thought they' 
were on the coafts of Britain; Ifacius Tzetzes, a Greek author of ac- 
count in Camden's opinion, reports they. were with the Britons: and the 
:(lory of Plutarch, in the life of Sertorius, I will repeat, which methinks 
|p not diftant from what we are now fpeaking of. 

A - , ** Sertorius, 


•* ^crtorius, upon his retreat out ^of Spain, was forced to take the 
Yea ; and being there in little quiet alio, not allowed to land peaceably 
t)n the Spanifh or African coafts, he being then in jthe Mediterranean, 
at laft he paflcd the Streights of Gibraltar, and turning on the right to-^ 
wards the Spanifh (hore again, he met with divers failors, who were 
coming from the Fortunate Iflands, feated not far one from another, 
about ten thoufand furlongs from the coaft of Africa, Si^rtorius hear- 
ing therepf, was io taken with a refolution of going to live tliere re- 
tired from the war?, that had not the pirates of Cilicia forfaken him, 
upon hearing of thefe his determinations, it is likely he had attempted 
to go ther;. Now theie iflands are much aboyt the fame didance; and 
if they be not thefe, I will give over my enquiry with Dr. Heylin, who 
having fisarched diligently for them in all remarkable places of the world, 
feej^s at lad to leave his hopes in the plain fields, as out of expectation 
to find out where they are; for I tbinlj: not of any fuch probable two, 
on our coafts, where it was in ancient time ftrongly reported they were, 
if they be not the&/' So far the faid author in his book entitled^ 
Hi/hria Britannica Fragmentum. 

Now to reflei^ in a word or two on the probability of thefe argu- 

ments. It is indeed, as biihop Stillingdeet retorts on Olaus Rudbeck's 

Atlantis, fome degree of inhumanity not to fufFer any one to think 

4)cft of, and even to magnify if he pleafe his own native couittry, 

whatever it be. Yet when the arguments one produces are of weight, 

4ct him be of what country he will, their due refpe€l and deference 

ought to be paid them. I eafily forefee what objections are at hand to 

this gentleman's opinion. Alas \ they'll fay, are not thefe iflands too 

coarfe a place, too bleak, cold, and rugged to be thofe Iweet delicious 

habitations ? I anfwer, perhaps indeed they are fo ; and that thofe Ely- 

fian Fields and Fortunate Iflands might be fomewhere elfe, if they ever 

had any other exiftence than in the poets' fancies. But to profecute 

.the objedion a little farther — Let fuch as would infift on it confider, 

that at thofe early times, when thofe notions were cherifhed, the face 

of the -earth had no greater paint and varnifli on it in one place than 

another ; appearing then, as well in thofe countries wliere that .opinion 

reigned, as in thefe countries which are not now to be compared to 

them, in its own native drefs and fimpUcity. And in that condition 

and circumftance J would fain aflc any one who undcrftands the climates 

Df the globe, whether the fancies of ^le people of thofe hotter coun- 

L trie?. 


tries, who were frequently annoyed with the fun's fcorching vifits, wfere 
not more elevated, and their affe(5tions and fenfes touched with a greater 
gout and relifh of pkafure, at the reprefentation of a country more cooi 
and breezy, and yet warm enough, than of any other equally hot oc 
hotter regions, however garniihed and pleafantly fituated. In^a .word, 
whether a country by nature removed from the noife and tumuks of 
the world, equally free from the annoyances of heat and cold, fur- 
ni(hed with all the necefiaries of life, full of delicious groves, pleafaht 
fhadesj bubbling fprings — ^Their woods refounding with nature's mu- 
iick; curioufly cut into various forms, into theatres and temples- 
Here running out into pleafant walks, and there extende4 in (hady 
vifla's and apartments — ^And above all, a company of divinely infpired 
fouls, walking and meditating here, abounding with inftrudlive^doeu* 
ments of virtue and profound difcoveries of nature — I fay,, whether a 
country thus advantaged and qualified,, being reprefented to the ge- 
nius of a fludious Greek or Phoenician, would not with him complete 
the idea of a wi(hed Elyfium? And this ifland being, at that time, un- 
der the culture of thefe learned thoughtful Druids, in all probability 
fuch, I {hall leave the anfwertoaiToil the objection ; ^amHhalkoowJjx^m, 
this hint out of Plutarch proceed to relate another that comes more to 
the purpofe. 

This learned Greek in his Trad of ""^ The CeiTation of Oracles/' fpeakw- 
ing of the Genii or thofe gods of the Gentiles, whom they pretended 
to have informed and actuated thofe idols by whom, before the incarw 
nation of Chrift, thefe oracles were delivered, gives us a ftory of a cer>- 
tain perfon, fent with fome ihips by the Roman * emperor, who by 
.probable circumftances feems to have been Claudius, with directions to 
difcover the weftern coafts of Britain. The relation Plutarch gives of 
that expedition is this : 

** There are many iflands which lie fcattered about the ifle of Brii- 
tain after the manner of our Sporades. They are generally unpeopled,. 

• Though I have referred this difcovery b)i Demetrius of the weftem Mes of Britaia to the em- 
peror Claudius, b-cauf^ foon after the lile of Mona came to be polfefled by the Romans ; and a 
little aft^r that, the other weftern ifles were thoroughly difcovefed by the Roman fleet under Julius 
i^gricola ; fi> that there was no need of another in the time of Adrian the emperor, to whom fbme 
would afcribe this adUon. ' Yet I find that Tacitus fays in the life of Agricola, that Caligula had 
entertained a defign to attack Britain, and to that end it is not unlikely but that he fent this De- 
metrius on that expedition, and that he returned not to Rome with the account df his voyage till 
the beginning of Claudius's reign, who performed that defign in peribny and fettled colonies in 
the fouthern parts of the ifland. 



tnd fomc of them arc called the * Iflands of the Heroes. One Deme- 
trius was fent by the emperor to difcover thofe parts^ aqd arriving at 
one of the iflands, next adjoining to the ifle of Britain before-men- 
tioned, fee found it inhabited by fome few Britons, but thofe heldyZr- 
cred and inviolable by all their countrymen. Immediately after his 
arrival the air grew black and troubled, and ftrange apparitions were 
fcen : the winds raifed a tempeft, and fiery fpouts and whirlwinds 
appeared dancing towards the earth. When thefe prodigies ceafed, 
the iflanders informed him, that fome one of the aerial gods or Genii, 
fuperior to our nature, then ceafed to live. For as a taper while burn-r 
ing (fays Plutarch) affords a pleafant harmlefs light> but is noifome and 
offenfive when extinguifhed ; fo thofe heroes fliine benignly upon us 
and do us good> but at their death they turn all things topfy-turvy, 
raife up tempefts, and infeft the air with peftilential vapours/' 

This ftory, though the learned Camden took it to be fabulous^ is 
very retxiarkable j and if the author had but named the ifland, it would 
be the earlieft account, excepting one that will juft now follow, that 
hatf to any purpofe been made of it. But though he named it not, yet 
any one may fee that the defcription which Demetrius gave of that in- 
habited ifland he had entered into, does, next naming it, abundantly 
fatisfy any impartial man, that it was this very Ifle of Mona. 

For, First, his difcovering it in the time of Claudius (for before 
then Plutarch came not to Rome to be in a way to have this intelligence) 
£hews it was one of our weftern iflands ; the fouthern and eaftem ifles 
having been difcovered by other emperors fome years before j and its 
being inhabited^ when he found other of thofe iflands unpeopled, as 
many of the leflJer ones then undoubtedly were, {hews alfo that it was 
an ifle of fome extent : and his defcribing the fituation of it, as neareft 
to the continent of Britain, confirms the more its being the Ifle of Mona; 
for there is no other ifle I know of but this, that comes fo properly under 
that circumftance. 

Secondly, The inhabitants of it, he fays, were but few* Perhaps 
moft of the priefts were abroad in the provinces, exercifing their func- 
tions in their particular difl:rids, which thefe Druids were wont to do, 
as I have (hewed before. But fuch as were at home in the ifland, he 
exprcfly fays, were by all the people held facred and their perfons />/- 

* Tnyt y Cedyrn^ as this was anciently called ; and on that account probably Tacitus gives it the 
diarader of im/uk InnlU valiila. Annal. lib. xiv. 

L 2 violable. 


viahild. This charadcr goes as far as any one can wifli to prove the: 
inhabitants of the iile he mentions to have been the religious Druids ^ 
and that they were among the people of that great rcfped and authority,, 
as we find indeed thofe men were» that none duril in the lead moleil or 
control them. 

Thirdly, He gives account of a difcourfe he had with fome of 
thofe holy men about the caufe of unufual florms and tempeds, upon 
the occafion of a very prodigious one that happened when he was 
among them. Thefe men account not for it from natural caufes» it 
being looked upon by them as a prodigy of a very remarkable and un- 
ufual appearance ; and therefore they determine of it in a fupernatu- 
ral way, agreeable to the principles of that (ct of men ; who, as ap^ 
pears in the laft fedion, generally entertained the Pythagorean hypor 
theiis, and the ancient theology of the Phoenicians and Egyptians ;. 
whofe opinion of the mortality of the Genii, or aerial deoions, Shift- 
ing from one vehicle to another, which they reckon to be the dying. 
of thefe inferior gods, is very well known*. And thefe men giving.^ 
a ipecimen of their knowledge that way intin^tes, that they were 
thefe religious Druids which the perfoa meati<Hied converfed with in^ 
that iiland. So that upon the whole it may be, I prefume, well con-» 
eluded, that thofe two relations from Plutarch fairly hint at this Ifle of 
Mona and its religious Druids ; and that he i^ only wanting in not 
naming it« But iince he does not name it, I {hall lay no great Arefs upot> 
it, but take it at a collateral evidence to fuppopt other more exprefs tedi-- 
monies; which I fuppofe will be of force to make it appear, that this- 
lile of Mona was tlie prime feat and chief refidence of the celebrated . 
ancient Druids. 

There is another account in Dtodorus Siculus ^f out of Hecatasus, of a : 
northern iiland of confiderable bignefs, little lefs than Sicily, iituated . 
over-againft the Celts, (which I ihall mention here odly on the icore 
of probability) inhabited by the Hyperboreans; which name the Greeks 
at firfl gave to all the- northern nations. He defcribes it as a fruitful 
pleafant ifle, dedicated to Apollo ;. and that mo£k o£ the inhabitants of 
it were priefts and fongfters. They had in it a large grove and a tem- 
ple of a round form, to which thefe priefts frequently rcforted with - 
their harps, to chant and. celebrate the praifes of, and to iing hymns 
to, Apollo their great deity. He fays, they had a language of their . 

* See Dr. Henry More's laimprtality of the SouU Ub. Ui. cap. 4) 5. f Lib. iii. cap. ii. 

own ; : 


own j and that fome Greeks had been in it^ and prefented valuable 
gifts to their temple, with Greek infcriptions on them ; and that one 
Abaris * came from them to Greece, and contracted friendfliip with 
the Delians. He adds, that for the fpace^of nineteen years their god 
Apollo ufed to come and converfe with them : And which is the more 
remarkable, they could, as if they had the ufe of telefcopes* fhew the 
moon very near them ; and difcover therein mountains and heaps of 
cocks, which that inilrument alone can do. Then he concludes, that 
over thoir iacred town and temple there prefided a fort of men called 
jB^r^a^of-— called fq at that time and by the then Greeks-~who were their 
priefts and ruler6. 

Now to make a juft reflection oh this pafiage.~>There being no ifland 
of that £ize northward of Greece in the Euxine fea, or any place of 
that coaft ; and the pofition of this being expreily faid to be oppoiite 
to the Celta&, who were the inhabitants of Britain and Gallia ; with 
other agreeiDg circumftances, excepting the fize of it compared with . 
Sicily > which lail circumilance (tbe geography of places in thofe early 
times being uncertain) might be mifreported ; it may, I fay, with thefe - 
circumflaaces appear highly probable that the Ifle of Mona was meant 
iQ that relation. And if fo, this is the earlieft account we meet with of 
it, in any hiilory. For Abaris *f- was contemporary with, and a fcholar 
of Pythagoras, about the fifty-^fourth Olympiad, and five hundred and 
fix ty- three years before the birth of Chrift, as Porphyry and Jamblicus 
mention. And this Abaris, by the account of thefe authors, was a great . 
magician, as iomit of the Druids were known to be. All which toge>- 
tber may add credit to this, though a Greek ilory* And to confirm it the 
more, it is well known that the firitiOi ides held great correfpondence 
and familiarity, by means of the Phoenician traders, with the Grecian « 
iflands % and that the learning of Pythagoras was in great repute with 
the British Druids; fome of whom, as this Abaris did, might frequently 
come to vifit and converfe with the Greeks in thofe iilands, and leave 
this charadter of it among them. However it was, I urge this flory no 
farther than the foundation it is built upon will bear, on wliich let the 
reader pafs hi& own judgment. 

* Surnained perhaps ap Rus, The Greeks and Romans took Brltifii farnames ^th their pF$- 
fcfes, as one name ; as Prafulagus and Arviragus were probably but ap Rets Ug aiid ap M^jric, 
t See biflK>p of Worceftcr's Letter to Dr. Bcntlcy, p. 45, 55, and Chronol. 7. 

S E CT. . 



t ; 

I'bat the Druids refided originally and metrofolitically in the Ifie of Mona : 
Of the Romans' conqueji of the ijland^ and the confequences of that ctn- 
quejl I with a conjeSture of the removal and departure of thefe Druids. 

IT is generally ailowed that unrverfal confent and tradition, where 
evidences to the contrary are wanting, are in all cafes of confider- 
able weight and prevalence to infer a conclulion ; and though in the 
cafe before us it be I confefs at this time of day of no great moment, 
whether thefe fuperannuated Druids feated themfelves in this place or 
no ; yet as the matter relates to a point of hiilory^ any one that is con«- 
cerned in it is obliged to give it what light be can, and the nature of the 
thing will bear. 

I think I may take it for granted, that it is the generally-received 
account among all forts of people in Wales, who pretend to any thing 
of antiquity, that the Ifle of Mona or Anglefey was anciently the feat 
bf the Britifh Druids. Nay, there is not a book lately written of hiftory 
or geography, which touches the Ifle of Anglefey> but gives the fame 
account ; though the opinion for all I could yet fee, rather feemed to 
.have been taken upon trufl, pafling from hand to band among thoie 
authors who have lately mentioned it, than well fettled iipon its due 
: foundation and evidence. It is to no purpofe to recite inftances, which 
are too many ; and which only ferve to prove a confent, and that it has 
not been till of late years contradicted, which is all I propoie in this 
part of the proof. 

It is true, there has been fomc competition between. the Ifle of An- 
lefey and the Ifle of Man for that pre-eminence, managed with fome 
heats between the Welfli and the Scottifli antiquaries. But that diflfer- 
cnce was not fo much about the things in which they all concurred^ as 
about the name^ viz- whether Anglefey or the ifle of Man was the true 
.Mona mentioned by Tacitus. But that point our countryman, Mr. 
Humphrey Lloyd, has cleared beyond all difpute againil the equally falfe 
as frivolous fuggeftions of Hcdlor Boetius and Polydore Virgil. Yet it 
may well appear that the Scotch were not altogether out in one refpedt: 
and I muft, with fubmiflion, profefs my concurrence with them fo far 
as to believe it very probable, that the ifle of Man was alfo called 
Mona, and did anciently, as well as Anglefey, belong to the religious 



Druids — nay farther, and that the Druids after their cxpulfion from 
Anglefcy by the Romans, did mod of them retreat to Manaw * or the 
fartheft ilf(?» ; and being fettled there, did thence maintain their jurif- 
diction over the upconquered Caledonian Britons. So that indeed upon 
this fuppofal, both fides of the difpute may be true and tenable, but 
in different times; that is, Anglefey might be and probably was the me- 
tropolis to the time of the Roman conqueft, and the ifle of Man likci* 
wife, from that conqueft to the time of Chriftianity. And their being 
truly fo, might well occafion thofe two different traditional accounts ; 
efpccially as fhey were both of one and the fame name, and thereby 
gave ftart to thefe difputes about them; which I fhall anon more largely 
make appear. 

. The aiitherities of Caefar and Tacitus confidered together, though they 
do not exprefly affirm, y«t, by a confequence that any one may rationally 
gather from their words, they plainly and pofitively point— and that 
with as much evidence as any proof of that fort can admit of— on this 
Ifle of Mona, as at that time the capital feat and academy of thefe reli- 
gious Druids. 

For fifft Julius €a2far, in his ** Commentaries of the Gallic Wars,!' 
makes frequent and ample mention of thefe Druids, and of their orders 
and difcipline; having it feems more than ordinary curiofity to inform, 
himfelf of fundry particulars relating to their origin and inflitution. In 
.Britannia difciplina eorum reperta^ atque inde in Galliam tranjlata effe exifth- 
matur. i. c. " Their order and difcipline, it is thought, was firft found 
out in Britain, and thence was conveyed into Gallia/' 

Now Caefar is exprefs that their origin and firft inftitution, as he 
was informed, was in Britain^ By whom was he informed? by common 
report and tradition. Eociftimatur^ it was then believed and thought fo. 
Nay more, Caefar not only fays by report that their original was from 
Britain; but farther adds, that at that very time when he was writing 
his Commentaries, which is probably conceived to have been when he 
was on his Gallic exjpeditions— ^at that very time thefe Druids had their 
chieffeft fchcols and their heft and moft accurate learning in fome place 
in Britain. For, fays he, fpeaking of their learning,. Rt nunc (meaning 
"'that very time) qui diligentius earn rem cognofcere vfilunt, plerunque illo 
(meaning Britain) difcendi caufd proficifcuntur. i.e. ** And now tho& 

* Manaw a Mqw U aw, u e, Jqua. As if one ihould fay, the wafiry Ww, or Mom in At greqt 



pcrfons here (meaning Gallia) who would arrive to any cxcelkncy and 
pcrfcdtion in that druidical learning, frequently go over to Britain to 
complete and accomplifli their ftudies." 

By this it is apparent, that their primary place of knowledge, or 
head univtrfity, was then fomewhere in the iQe of Britain ; where they 
refortcd from all parts, even from beyond the fcas, to obtain the beft 
and choiceft learning of the timei and where, no doubt, their num-- 
bcrs were great, and the place confiderable which entertained thofe 
numbers. But what that place was, or where it lay, no extant Rod- 
man authors — ^though in their relations of other things, places, and 
pcrfons of far Icfs account, they are very minute and particuUr-^-ever 
mention one fyllable of it, except what is related by Coroelius Tacituf 
t)f the Ifle of Mona or Angleiey. And therefore I take it to be in fome 
tiieafure cooclufive, that fmce they mentioned not in any oth^r place 
the appearance of this religious (k& — which appearance i£ they had 
found but the leaft account or notice of, I can icarce believe they 
•woold have failed in the mention of it«-4t muft be dierefore in the lile 
of Mona. J^ay, Tacitus himfelf, who is the only author I. know of that 
makes particular mention of this place, does not fo much as name a 
:Druid in any odier part of the Britiih territories, though be be alfo very 
iexaA an recording things of far lefs moment, till he comes to deicrlbi^ 
ihe expedition to Anglefey under Suetpnius Paulinos, where he makes 
▼cry particular mention of thcfe Druids, of their groves, ceremonte$, 
and worihip. 

It is probable indeed that thefe Druids, who before were every where 
fuckjng the fweets of the land, upon the approach of the Roman ftorm 
were fisdn like bees to rally home, and to withdraw to their hive, to &> 
cune tbemfelves while they were able in their defended ifland, as their 
ifafeft ianduary. And good rca£>n they had fo to do. For JBtrabo afTures 
us they were all cxtramcly hated by the Romans, who gave them no 
quarters wherever they met with them. Oi nefanda baec facrijicia om- 
-nem Druidum fi^trfiitionwi toller e tentarunt Romany fed frujlra. i. e, 
** By reafon of the horrid fuperftitious facrificcs of thefe Druids, the 
Romans ftrongly endeavoured to deftroy their religion, but could not/* 
And hence it is no wonder, that no Roman author takes notice of them 
in any other place, when they were not to be ieen there, but had all 
retreated to their head-quarters, their lafl place of refuge, this Ifle of 

6 ' . But 



But here in this ifland, when the Romans knocked at their very doors, 
were ready to break up their ncfk, and unmercifully faill . upon them, 
tncn it was no longer time for them to ftand upon privileges, and cry 
immunes betto, that they were no votaries of Mars, no men of war : no, 
they muft now to their arms ; and, if poflible, defend themfelves, their 
groves, temples, and altars* And here indeed Cornelius Tacitus comes 
to the point ; where, defcribing the manner and event of this battle, he 
(hews us the place, which Caefar before had intimated was fomewhere 
in Britain. Thiey had one Arcbipraful or chief Druid among theni 
•''^Jtiis praeji uHuSf fays Csfar. And where was he, but where they all 
flocked to him ? And where did they flock, but to the ifle of Mona i 
Where Tacitus fays they were feen in great numbers. 

Here indeed Tacitus finds them out ; as if his pen, having taken the 
hint from Casfar, had travelled all the conquered provinces of Britain in 
queft of thefe Druids, and of the place of their abodes and ftudies. 
And at laft, by tracing the fteps of ^etonius Paulinus over a fmall arm 
of the. fea, he fell on the very fpot and place before hinted ; and there 
at the firft dafh gives us an army, of them* For mentioning there the 
Britains refifting the landing of the Romans in the ifland, he fays, their 
army (meaning the Britons)- was* furrounded by another army (for he 
defedbes them no lefs) of Druids; of both (exes, men and women i* 
for they had, it feems, their nuns and fifterhood in that order. Dru-- 
idaque circum, intercurfantibus fammisj are his words *. And thefe too 
appeared in fuch numbers that he calls them muliebre &fongticum agmen, 
i. e. ** a fquadron of virago's and madmen.'' ! 

The men Druids fhewing here , no doubt; forae part of their ufual be- 
haviour at their facred ceremonies, i. e. Sublatis ad calum manibus dira$ 
preces JundendOf in pouring out vollics of execrations and curfes, with 
their hands lifted up to heaven; on the infulting Romans ; as the wo- 
men did theirs alfo, viz. In modum furiarum, 'oefie ferali, crinibus de-* 
jeBisj fac^s praferendoy i.e. in running about like furies with burning 
firebrands in their hands, clad in fearful habits, with their hair waving 
and dangling behind them. 

This very paflfage of the hiftorian will, with unprejudiced men, ren« 
der it highly probable, that this was the very place, and thefe the very 
perfons of the famous Druids ; and that that may appear yet to any one 
more plain and evident, let me only afk^ if thefe Druids' chief feat and 

* • 

• Annal* lib.»v. 

M xefideRce 


refidence had been in any other part of the th^n coriqixered Britainr?- 
indeed what pirt of it bad not the Romao Mxnyot^tim^ or otfaer 
reached ? — how it came to pafs that we had not A>me accouot» in ihm^ 
author, of fuch an appearance of thefe Druids, pl^ytng th^ir laft gaosiei* 
pro aris 0! focisy as we have it by Tacitus in this iOe of Mooa ? 1 need 
not prefs the queftlon i it is fo unlikely^ that I think no iatisfaiftpry aa^*^ 
fwer can be given it. 

We find no where elfe bat plain Britiih %htii!)g. But ben in thif 
ifle of Mona, the hiAorian gives a very different account of thijOgs* By 
what he relates of that pafligCp we may iperceive the whole luftton Xo 
have had more of a grand religioas ceremony in it, than % battle; v^ry 
fuitable to fuch a religions place; very agreeable tofudia rabhle of im- 
potent cloifteped bigots. When the Romans were juA landing, what did 
the iflandersdo? Where was the accuftomed British refiilance ? To 
(hew us what fort of discipline they were under ^mong that hefottod re^ 
ligious crew, the firft oniet, we^fitid, was begun viith the fptntwd 
weapons, dirantm precum, of curfes and andthema's- ; whilil the iaict 
ftoodi^^abat pro titers (fays Tacitus), diver/a acies—^tczjiy to execute the 
Druids' commands on the fierce undaunted Romans ; who, to ccoifiirm 
y^t my argument the more, that is, that (he£e Romans had never ber 
*:foFe feen iuch on encounter, nor in any place fuch ftibrt of peopk,. 
-novitate'afps&iU fmRies perculji, were more ilricken with the novelty and 
'ftrangenefs (A the fight, than with any part of the fighting. 
. Bat -when the fpiritual fword proved toafhort, and the British arms 
too Weak, to facrifice-ii^in which thefe Druids fcenwd only ikilful-^ 
tho^ hardy Romans ; they them£blvesr I mean tbeBritiih people,, priefts 
•and Druids, immediately feli a lamentable facrifice to the Romans ex^* 
^remeft outrage and cruelty; who, to (hew us yet more plainly.,, the fa- 
dred furniture of the place, threw the poor Britons with their religious 
headers into their own facrificing iitt^-^gni fuo iuvohtmt'^de&roymg 

their beloved gtoves^^^xcifijue Lud, favis fuperjiitkmhm fieri of old 

accnftoitaed to irioH inhimian barbarities ^ and trampled down and de>» 
moliQied their altars, on which by their itungUng the bodies of men 
they ufed to confutt and appieafe their incenfed infernal gods. Nam 
(rtibre captiw adder e ar4iSy & homimtm fibrU cmjidire de^f fas babebmU. 
In a word, what Csfar iays in general of thefe Druids^. T^itus tSme^ 
us in (hort, but fully ^nough^ was ppa^fktfed by tfarai in. this ifle of 



This methinks is £b unexceptionable a teftimony of the matter, to 
anyone who views that paiTage of Tacitus with impaftial attention^ 
that thfs ifland was at that time the chief feat and refidence of thefe fa-* 
mous prieflsjr that next his faying in exprefs terms, that It was fo^ it is 
a clear nK>rai evidence to oblige the aflent of any one, that rightly con- 
fidcrs the liberty of an hiflorian. And if it be demanded, why he did 
xxot exprefly fay fo ? I anfwer, it was a common afFeftion of his pen to 
«xprcfs things vulgarly known, as that was, moft likely, at the time, 
vnder the umbrage of more important charaders. For what Tacitui 
iays of thefe Druids in that particular, was as intelligible an intimation 
then of this place's being their chief feat and habitation, as it would 
be now in any French hiftorian, who fays that the duke of Bourbon 
befieged the Pope and his cardinals in St. Angelo, or that Rome is the 
Pope's head city. - "^ 

Now having fhewed the undeniable confent of ancients and moderns^ 
the joiiit authority of Ca;far and Tacitus, which were enough of them- 
felves to evince what I urge, without any farther proof; yet I will not 
reft here, but ihall go one ftep further, by (hewing fuch ancient re- 
mains and monuments, as both by the agreeablenefs of their names, and 
coherences of things and circumftances, make evident demonflration', 
as much as things of that nature can bear, of their being the relics of, 
and anciently belonging to, the before-mentioned rites and cuftoms of 
the ancient Britifh Druids. 

Fur ST, In refpeift of names— Though time, the great devourer both 
ef names and things, hath made almoft as clean work here aa in any 
other place; yet it hath left us fome, and by good fortune fuch too, as 
plainly anfwer the chief paflages delivered of them in Greek and Roman 
authors ; which I prefume no other place, either in Britain or Gaul, 
can produce. 

I have before hinted, how apartments and divifions of places here 
were moft anciently diftinguiflied into Bods, Caen, and T'revsi And that 
ihofe names were promifcuoufly ufed and applied to particular precindls 
and allotments. Now in the thief part of this ifland, called Cwmmwd 
Mane, in the very centre of that divifiori, we are able to flicw feme of 
the ancient apartments of. Caers, Trevs^ and Bods, which have retained 
and kept to this cfay the appellation of all the forementioned orders of 
the Druids. Niay, not only the names retained, but alfo the orderly and 
regular pofition of the places which bear thofe names, fo nearly *ad* 

M 2 joirtirtg 


joining and bordering one npdn another, m^y fcontributc no fmall cVi- 
Idencc to the truth of the conjedure. .... 

To inftance ; They had, it is allowed by all, one Arcbtpraful t>t Head 
Druid, called Dryw, propter excellentiam ; and there, in that prccinft, 
even in the middle of it, is a Trev or townfhip called Tfer DryWy the 
Druid's town. This head Druid was in all probability nearly attended 
\yy the other orders, and his dwelling accbmmodated by the vicinity of 
thofe feparate conventual focieties ; and thefe orders and fbcieties yoa 
have (ttw before diftinguifhcd out of Strabo and Ammianus Marcellirius 
into prudauy Offwyr^ and Betrdd. NovV for the Drudau^ we have JSo^/- 
drudau*, for the Offwyr^ we have Bodowyr^ and for the B'eirddt, we have 
TreW'Beirdd. All thefe not only adjoining to, but almoft furrounding 
Hrer Dryw^ the head Druid's fuppofed feat and manfion, 

Befides thefe more fubftantial notes of Drqidifm, that preferve the 
memory of their whole fyftem ; there are in that precinct to be taken 
notice of, other circumftantial memorials of the more obfervable pgrts 
of their difcipline and worship ; deducible out of the remaining extent 
flames of thefe places. Of which take thefe inftances. 

Gilda's the Briton intimates that they had in the time of the Dniids 
confecrated rivers and mountains. And there runs through the middlfc 
of thefe divifions the rivcv Bremt, i. e. the CAsef or Royal Rivef. The 
river Brenta in Italy perhaps was fo called on that account ^ and I know 
not but Hdvren might be originally called * Awivraint or Avraint^ that 
is, the Royal ov Confecrated River. Ca^far mentions their fupreme con- 
fiflorial court or tribunal. There is in this place a great circular bank 
of earth, mounted on a plain piece of ground, and called to this day 
Brein-Gwyn, i.e. the fupreme court or confiftory. As the ancients 
deciphered aftronomy by the name of -f- Edris, a name attributed to 
Enochs whom they took to be the founder of aftronomy; fo there is 
juft by, a fummit of a hill called Caer-Edris or Idris ; and not far off, 
another place called Cerng-Brudyn, i. e, the aftronomers ftones or cir- 
cle. Thefe religious priefts above all things afFedted walks and foli- 
tudes ; and there is bordering on one of their townfliips a fmall villa 
called Myjyrioriy i. e. a place dedicated to ftudies and contemplation. 
It was their exceeding care and concern to nourifh and cultivate groves 
of oak, as is teftified by many authors ; and hard by thefe townfliips 

* Awy being the ancient word for a river, f Vide Theophil. Galeum, de General! 

Philofoph. p. 12. 


* * 

*•• :*r»^ 



, ■'»'■ 

5 „ » . 

4 _ 





t ; 


' - '\ . 

\ ■ " * 

> » 

• • » \ 

^*V ■ ' '^ .* 

4.">-k 1 












•forefaid, that retain the names of their orders, is a fmall .precin<a:. or 
townibip called Trev-ir-wydd^ i. e. the towrifhip of young trees,, or 
the nurfcry of their facred oak. There is alfo juft. by, a plape .called 
A^^^Am,_ perhaps from Vi/cus or Miffeltoef (V and M being prpmifcu- 
©ufly ufed in ancient times) a plant they highly venerated ; and an- 
other called Cefn y Verwetiy i.e. the juniper- tree's hillock, a tree of 
facred uife alfo in antiquity, as may fomewhat appear by the prophet's 
taking it for his tabernacle (i Kings xix..4, 5) under which the angel 
of the Lord appeared' to him. All which places, as the analogy of 
their name3 fpeaks fomething of:Druidifm, fo they li^ bordering on 
thofe precinds which bear the names of all their orders, ^ rpprefen^ed 
in plate 11. fig. i. 

There are alfo in other. places of this ifland feme fcatfered felics of 
thefe hames. There \ is Bodowyr in Bodedern par i(h 5 Alaix>r BHrdd in 
Llanvacbreth; Maen y Dryw in L/an E/ian ; ^tidL/anviAafigell'rerBardd; 
but in no place fuch a fkeleton, fuch a regular and orderly poiition of 
the remains and ruins of Druidifm, as 1 have obferyed and picked up in 
the parifh of Llanidan and its neighbouring townfhips. 

I muft own that fome of thefe names might with fome colour and 
likelihood be afcribed to other caufcs than what I have here afligned 
them ; as Trev-ir-wytf^ might be fo called from Merwydd^heiij who was 
indeed fome time tenant of that land ; and Caer-Edris alfo might have 
its name from JEneas ap EdriSf who was free tenant there likewife. 
But for all this, whAever confiders how ufual it was with the Britons 
to give names to their children from the names of certain places, to 
which they had fome particular relation, as Tegyd, Teganwy, &c. will 
find reafon to believe, that thefe names were rather conferred on them 
on that account, than that thofe places (hould be fo called from the 
pcrfons that bore thofe names; efpeqially lince it is evident that other 
places of the names I now mentioned in this diftridl were very ancient, 
as Moel-Edris, Cader-Idris or Edris; and there is a place in the parifli 
of Llanddeniolen in Caernarvonftiire called Caer-irivydd^ probably on the 
fame account. 

Secondly, From the names I (hall defcend to the things themfelves; 

and of thefe I may fay there are fuch too, as that there are hardly any 

particulars of note to be accounted for in their whole adminiftration 

' and worfhip, but one may, in the places I mention, Ihew fome tokens 

, and footfteps of every point of the relations of Ca^far, Tacitus, and 


I will 



I will here begin with the whole paflagc of Tacitus in relttticm to 
this iQ^hdj and the iDhabitadts of it. i He {zj9, whci^ Saetoniu8*s army* 
cfoffing that arih of the fea which divides this ifland from the land adt 
]Oiningi h^d got near the (hurt on the iflatid's iide# Siaiai, pH Utart 
diver/a acies. I take his nneaniitg to be^ that there ftood nigh the fliore 
the nungled Britons, natives and foreigners, to oppofe the invaders 
landing. Now in that place where it is traditionally reported thefe Ro* 
man« landed, about a bow-fhot from the water-iide» is a large field called 
to this day Mdes Mawr OaJ, or as fomecall it, Maes Hir GaJ, y\xp 
** The great or the long army's field;" from which to the flipre of the 
river Mf^i» there yet appear fome remains of little works and entrench^- 
ments. A little to the Eafl of that, jufl on the {hore» there is a place 
cdled t\it Rbieddi i. e. Nobiliumjiatiof '^ the diief mens pofti'* on which 
place the other day were taken up from under a ftone near the. iea-fliore 
a parcel of Britifh * weapons, a fort of thofe jacula amentatd^ or fuch 
like (as appears probable from their loop-holes and fockets) in ufe 
among the ancients. See plate II. fig. 2. 

* Thefe brafe or' copper weapons are frequently found in the Ifle of Anglefey^ as indeed they 
are in all Wales, as well as in England ; which implies, whether Roman or BrltiHiy that they w;ere 
very ^oinmon and of general ufe with one or both of thefe people. That they were chiflels to 
cut and model ftones, though contended for by fome learned men, I canfiot aflent to : and what 
virtue foever thefe may imagine the ancients confidered in that ifietal, fure it is that it is utterly 
unfit for that purpofe, by being of too lax and foft a texture, and its parts not flilF and rigid 
enough to take a halfdeniog as fled and iron will do^ neither can it be faid that brafs was harder 
then than now, or that they had an art of tempering it which 'is now lofl, becaufe the very metal 
itfelf remaining in thefe hatchets, plainly ihews the contrary ; many of them beihg rather copper 
than braft, which is a footer metal. 

I have feen feveral of them, and one I have in my own poflfeflion, which is frefh fmd (hews no 
tokens of being much u(ed. It has no hollow in the back part as others have, -but a tilunt tail 
dcpreffed on each fide, fitted to fallen fomething to it : It is four inches and a half long, and 
two 'and a half broad at the edge. In wood perhaps fomething migi>t be done with it, but it is 
far too foft to flice and batter any hard ftones. I have often thought that if they gave this tool 
a good edge, fiiflened onfe end of a twifted thcrg of flrap to the k)6p part, and the other end, 
like a iUtil, to the heiid oi a lance or a long ilaiF, accommodatmg the hollow part or focket with 
a (lera or tail of long fpread feathers, or fome light thin plate or leather fly-back, like that of a 
weather-cock, fet parallel to the edge of the weapon, to balance and gulde^ the motion of it, to 
fall always }%e an arrow or a winged dart, on its point and edge, and managed with a ilrong 
arm, at l2)e flrap's length, and well laid on, it would be capable, by quick repeated flrokes, of 
doing- conftderable damage and execution. Now that the ancient firitons, in their driving cha- 
riots, or in any other pofture of fighting, amidft ihbwers of darts, did- ufe thefe lling-hatchets, if 
I may io call them (which, with a dexterous ann, from on^ blow given, would quickly return to 
give another) to annoy and gaul their approaching enemy, is more than I will pretend to fay ; 
only, that as thefe are very capable of being made ufe of in that manner, io it is prefumed their 
being re&lly uied fo wHl have leave to pafs with others, as no unreafonable conjedure ; - and more 
than conje^ure we have little now to affirm of the ancient Britiih fighting ; much lefs will I iky 
that this was the dnly ufe they made of this ready tool, it being perhaps fervic^ble in many others, 
in their military expeditions. 


Nie*t, as Tacitus fays th^y had,- ipcaoing^tt^^ Bi-itons^ hu^? fftjCFi- 
ficing fires hear at haqd, into which they were thjown by the conquer- 
ing Romans ; fo now on that vtiy. ipQt, where it is fiippofcd the bat- 
tle was, there appears a great fcjgiare TCumulus made up gf earth and 
ftone.s,^ Nay, I have been an eygrwitnefs of a great qjian^ity 9f afhes 
intermixed with pieces of bones taken out of the ground a yard deep not 
far from this place, with a fmall copper- coin of Claudiua Caefar, t;iken 
up \f^vy frefti and undecayed. 

Lastly, He fays, excj/ijue Luci fcn>is fuperfiitionibps facru i. e» 
They had their groves, th^ till t|i^a infepar^ble cojicomitapts of the 
Dxuidifh priefthood, which the facfilegious Romans ipimediately cut 
down and demoli(hed. And to this day here are places retaining the an- 
cient name of hlwynau or groves, as * Llwyn Llwyd^ -f* Llwyn Moel, 
Lihwyn On, J Llwyn Ogan, and Llwyn y CoeJ, in or near every one of 
whiph Bwy be reijjairked fbutic reoxainS'of Druidi(h wqr0iip; cither 
broken altar^, pillars, or remains pf a Cernedd. And nQ rdpybt there 
were many more groves, whofe names are loft and quite forgotteft. 

It being now made fomewhat apparent on the evidences produced, 
that the chief Druidical refidencc was in the Ifle of Mona, and particu- 
}arly in and »bout the plaoc now called Lhnidan parifh > it may then b? 
^xpe£ted that that place of all the ifland, muft be at that time mpft plen- 
tifully adorned with variety of formed groves, coptainiog in thenj 
mounts, pillars, heaps, altars, and other appurtenances of their iuper- 
ilitious worftiip. And that although the groves furrounding them be 
now quite gone and periflied, and the ancient names of them be utterly 
loft, yet it may be juftly expected that many of the more lafting eredlions 
(on the fuppofal I offer) fliould remain there, as ftanding monuments of 
their long forgotten fuperannuated ufes. And indeed in thttt refpe<fl 
there are of fuch enough to anfwer the end, and to give fufficicnt fatif- 
fadlion to a juft and reafonable enquirer. 

But I muft confefs, that although I have found aad ob(erved many 
fiich remains in and about the pari(b of JJanidan > yet it is too difijcult 
a tafk for me to adjuft jind put them fb together, as to be able to- fettle . 
a right determinate judgment of the true ufes of .them ; which I am f^r 
from pretending to do. Neither after fo long aa oblivion do I think it 
likely to be done by any. Only this I fhaH prefume upon, that if I give 
a reafonable accouat of thofe remains, in^ relation to thofe ancient ufes 



of them difcoverable in authors of antiquity, and partly bcforc-mcn** 
tioned> I fhairperhaps contribute fome light to that point of hiftory, 
fo far as thefe evideaces will extend ; and not difpteafe thofe who out of 
a juft afFeftion to the antiquities of their native country, are willing to 
take up with coherent probabilities and reafonable guefles, where more 
clear and undoubted certainties and hiflorical evidences are altogether 
wanting and (ilent in the matter. 

First, Since it is fufficiently evinced that the Druidical feat and re- 
fidence was in the Ifle of Mona ; and fince thofe ancient betokening 
names and evidences, do principally determine and fix it in this territo- 
ry ; it will be then expedled that I fhew fome extant remains, in this 
place, of their habitation and other folemnities of their facred ofHce and 
authority ; which I fliall attempt to do by prcfenting to my reader's view 
the particulars following. 

It is fcarce to be doubted, but that the head Druid, agreeable to his 
dignity and character, had his capital feat or manfion, furpafling all 
othefs of the inferior orders and focieties in what was then reckoned 
magnificence and grandeur, fiut the Britifh buildings being at that 
time generally of timber, except their ground-works and foundations, 
which were of ftone and entrenched earth; all we can now trace of thofe 
palaces and greater Arudtures mud be from what are left remaining and 
vifible of thofe ground-plots and foundations. And by this way of 
fearch we are dire(9:ed to obferve, in this mentioned territory, even in 
the middle of the place called the Druids-Town, on a fair extended 
plain, a raifed fquare of about fifty paces over, doubly entrenched, and 
moated round ', and fo fituated, that the river Breint might be, and 
probably was,- brought in to fill the ditches of it, which were very deep, 
and are now all choaked up with mud. The innermofl banks of the 
entrenchment are yet of fome height, the angles a little elevated and . 
rounded. The area or green plot within the banks arc very even and 
level, fhewing as if it had been the ground-floor of an ere<fled wooden 
palace, having near the middle of it the foundation of a round tower of 
flone or flair-cafe. That this was no warlike entrenchment is demon- 
ftrable from its fituation, it being fo difadvantageoufly flreightened on 
each fide by rifmg grounds fo nearly commanding, that it could afford 
no defence. And that it had a grove of oak fometime furrounding it 
(which may be one argument that it was a Druidical flrufture) the very 
mud taken out of the ditches of it difcovers ; which near the bottom of 
the ditch feems to be all one mafs of rotten oak-leaves : the whole plain 

8 with 

4 W- " • «. 


wi «, . . 

»• «'•»•.. 

L • 




>^« « 


I i *^ 








. * .1. 

*ik » 

» «»•- 

- ^.^^^jh— 


-A. y enter ^onK' 
B v mnerJBaiJi' 


•^oTLBeny {^pv 


^itk the entrerrched fauhdation, called ao.\Y Caer^Ieb^ is reprcfented ia 
pbte.IIL £g. I* 

. Near thi6 lafl-mentioned place, on a piece of ground called Trev-'wry^ 
^thfef«;aFei a great many circular flone-founda'tions on the fide* of the M- 
'vcr B'rein4. A4id alfo on another fpot of ground hard by, called Tan 
^6e^ y CeVHf there z^rc two large quadrangles lying almofl* contiguous ' 
on 01 c fide *. Their ftone*foundationSt which were, very thick/ 
•appear of fomelierght dbove ground. In each of thefe fquares there 
rare feveral very large citcukr foundations, formerly of great ftreogth 
and capacity, far furpaffing the ordinary Britifli ruins, which are not un7 
'4ikety to be the remain of fomc extraordinary Briti(h building in that 
.tow&ihip. I givc'only fheir form, but am not exadl in their fituatioo, 
-which is of no great moment. 

The-' chief Druid's principal feat and-manfion being fuppofed to be 
-in this prccihft ; we may alfo e3^pe(ft to find here fome remains of his 
vgTcat temple and fupreme tribunal, where we are told were afted the 
•higheft performances of his focred office. And herein indeed we fhall 
not be far to feek* ^or'in the other end of this -townfhip of Tre^r 
I>ryw,wlieKin all thefe ruins already mentioned are, there firfl: appears 
•a large ^irq-ue or theatre, raifcd up of earth and ftones to a great height, 
refembling a bopfe-fhoe, openir^ direflly to the Wiefl:^ ujicn an even 
fiiir fpot of ^ground. Secondly, about a furlong farther, dfredly Weft * 
*of this round bank, there appear the remains of a ring or coronet of 
very large creiftcd cdiumn^ or ftone-rpillars j three whereof are yet {land- 
ing, together with the ftump. of a iburih, broken a Cttle belpw the 
middle; by thepofition and difttinces of whichy one may eafiiy calcu- 
late their number and order to have been eight or nine great piTTar^ 
ftones, pitched in a circle al)Oat an incltided atea of abcrut twelve or 
fourteen yards diameter ; both thefe and the cirque laft mentioned be^*- 
ing conceived to lie included within one ^reat grove, exhibit the fepre^^ 
"fentation ifi^plate IV, iig. i. 

The round cirque or fuppofed theatre at the Eaft-catj is all made of 
<eaf th and ftones, canried and heaped there to form the banki for taken 
up there they were not, becalrfe the bottom within 3ind whhoat H« level 
with the furface of 1the groond on which k is rarfed. It isL within: the 
-circum variation about twenty paces over, and the banks,, where whole 
«ftd iMvbroken, above fivfe yards perpcudieukr heigbt^ 

* See plate III. fig. aatiil 3* 

• N * It 


It Is called Bryn^Gwyn or Brein^Gwyn^ i. c. *' the fupreme or royal 
tribunal ;" Brein or Breiniol fignifying in the Britifli, Jhpreme or royai ^ 
and Cwya, properly fuit or aftion, and metaphorically court or friiu-' 
nal. And fuch the place muft have been, wherever it was, in which 
a fupreme judge gave laws to a whole nation. No one can reafonably 
imagine it to be properly Bryn-Gwyttj i. e. ** a lixbite hillock*^** it be- 
ing a low fituation, and the foil about it, which fometimes denomi- 
nates places, being not of z white but of a reddijio completion ; neither 
is there any hillock of that name near it, from which it might be fo 

And now though this place, and the ancient name and celebrity of 
it be altogether forgotten, and quite out of mind ; yet the compofi^ 
tion of the name taken from Britifli etymons, Brein and Cwyn, and its 
pofition fo near the places which bear the names of all the Druidical 
orders, may well juftify the conjedlure of its having been once the 
fupreme confiftory of the Druidifli adminiftration. And for a farther 
confirmation of this particular, we may yet obferve that the ancient 
ufe and meaning of that name was not altogether fo forgotten, but 
that our language (as names and words of general concernment in any 
language will not eafily be forgotten) has till of late preferved feme 
footfteps of it. The Britifli people, it feems, having ftill continued to 
apply the name of Brein-Gwyn to fuch places as were of fupreme and 
fovereign judicature, wherever they happened to be ; as appears by 
the remains of fome, both of our late and ancient Britifli poets, who 
took the word Bryn-Gwyn in that acceptation, always applying it to 
ibme fupreme tribunal. 

Pan fo tri Brenbin 

Ar Orfedd y Bryn Gwyrt 

Gwynfyd y Rbian. 


Here Gorfedd y Bryn Gwyn is plainly applied by I'aliejn^ or fome 
other ancient poet, to a royal throne or tribunal. Neither is it un- 
likely but that Taliejin^ or whoever was author of that ancient ode, 
might take the word in its Druidifli acceptation, as having it in that 
fenfe from more ancient records and tradition, where it was applied in 
the wild prophetic way to any fovereign tribunal. And fo I find it was 
by the later poets, viz, 



Ylr buJd gwroly bardd gorwylh, 
I eigion etff ylVerddon wyllt 
Daw eilwaitb oi daith i dir 
(Fr Bryn gwyn braw jowngir) 
jUr budd warcberir ar byn 
Br aw angbof yn y Bryn gwyn. 

Dafydd Lhwyd ap Llewelyn, 
yngbowydd yr Wylan. 

In this Cowydd of the poet, the word Bryn gwyn is undoubtedly ap- 
plied to the great council of the nation. But to this purpofe mod 
plain is that oi AddaFrdsi who almoft graphically defcribes the parlia* 
ment-houfe or Weftminfter-Hall by the name of Bryn gwyn, .Both he 
and the lad- mentioned poet threatening Henry the Fourth with I know 
not what Briton, to poiTefs himfelf of the Britifh fceptre, thus defcribes 
his motion, viz. 

jIc yngbajiell y * Follallt yr ymguddia 
Tn Hwnjlo Hetb y bydd cadarna 
Ac yn Siring Crofs yr ymgadarnbd 
I fyrid i^r Bryn gwyn / gael eijieddfa. 

Adda Fr^. 

In the firft of thefe poets we may obfcrve it called Gorfedd y Bryn 
gwyn I G0r/^i£(/ always denoting a tribunal or judicature; and in the fe- 
cond, the braw angbof zxx^ braw jowngir implying a great conftcrnation, 
mufl alfo imply a great aifembly. But the laft pafTage is more plain 
flill, where the poet defcribing the motions of his feigned conqueror, 
brings him through Hounflow-Heath to Charing- Crofs, and thence tr 
Bryn gwyn i gael eijieddfa ^ viz. to the great aflembly or the parliament- 
iioufe at Weftminfter, where the throne or place of inauguration then 
only was. It is true, Mr. Camden fays the Britons anciently called the 
Tower of London by the name of Bryn gwyn ; tut the ftate aflemblies 
being in thofe ancient times there kept, they might on the fame reafoii 
then call it by that name. 

Thefe things being premifed, I {hall now venture to reprefent this 
great druidical grove or temple, as it then confided, or at lead might 
be conceived to confift, of a cirque, camedd, columns, and altars^ aqd 

• r FMb. qu. 

N 2 furrounded 


furrounded with a qtiercetum or a round cnclofcment of tall and. fpread-*- 
ing oak, in the manner defcribed in plate IV. fig. 2. 
t. That this great grove or temple was exaftly as Lrcprefcnt it, no one: 
will expedl I (hculd pofitivcly affirm. For in things of that remote dif- 
tance and ambiguity, a fober guefs,. grounded on probability of circum-- 
jftances and a juft coherence of things, rauft be allowed to deterraine and 
fix parti'culars. When we furvey tlie fcattered ruins of a royal palace, 
may not one adjuft the parts of it^ and take the freedom to rcprcfent a, 
probable idea of the whole? This is all I attempt in this particular.. 
Firft, the cirque or theatre at the one end,, the name and pofition of/ 
it, gives me warrant to determine the ufe. Secondly, the Camedd in. 
the middle, the great quantities of ftones there, now Icattcxcd into* 
hedges and applied to other ufes ; and having obferved nviny other*- 
Carnedds fo difpofed, induced me to take them aifo to have beca one. . 
Thirdly, the ^reat ftanding columns at. the weft end, three of them^ 
whole and entire, and the ftump of a fourth takeanoticcof andadjuftctll 
to the refl:> will difcover to. any one the po&tioa and range of them to * 
be fomewhat above a third of a. circle,, in a regular order 5 who by a- 
view of them, letting his fancy fupply the want of thofe that have been* 
broken or carried away, and of fuch as lye in pkces ftragling there, with.. 
imagiwiry ones, will ealily find that the whale fct of them, when (land- 
ings made a ring or coronet of eight or nine pillars,,, with a largis - area ^. 
in tlie middie. Fourrtily, the collateral pillars ; four of them ftanding; 
as I defcribed them, but of the other four, next the- cirque there is but: 
one now ftanding, to which indeed for coherence fake I took the liberty - 
to add three attendants to anfwer their oppofite ones : And truly who- 
ever confiders the kind and quality of thcfe ftones, /being planks of Irnre- 
iftone eafily diflblvCd and broken, will foon ;udgp tbat there were more* 
once ereifled there.; and therefore what 1 have added to the now ftand- 
ing columns was fexpede hercukm) merely for coherence fake, to pur- 
fue the oriier the reft wete in,, and to reprefent the complete idea of 
what without it would be irregular and dcfedive. Fifthly, for giving 
them altars, the Droidical difcipline wa^ my warrant. And fince I 
was affured they had altars, I could not more fitly place them than be- 
tween iheir columns. Laftly^ and the impaling of all within a round 
?uercetum or grove of oakj^ the nearnefe of tlie parts to one another, and. 
he tongruity of the^whole in fuch a form (for fui-cly lixhckireathenf/h 
priefts ufed groves of oak as fepts and enclofemcnts about all their cele- 
. brated and facred places, as Pliny and others, afture us they did, nature- 

3 itfelf 

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itfelf would tlidate to them to form.aftd modd them in the tnftft augujfl: 
toid becoming manner) perfuaded me to k, ' , . 

I {haUjODly add, that at or near thefe menftionod mQnumcfikts have bees^ 
(taken upfome remains of an tijq;uit7; wbich^ being "well .confid€^i!ed» wiil 
I^prefume Xome what favour^, if not add confirmation to^ the ftcci>t;iO(ts E 
have hece given of them. • 

Near :the. aicationed quadrangle at d^r-r/f^, Ihaive hoen icredibly inr 
formed there have been taken up fome years paft^ great copper«<:l9(pl 
Hke .dooTi^tiinges, all rufty^.ottt jof one of the ditches funroanding: 
it. And not far fmm tbatt;, aiaaong the circidar fotmdatktts that ace i» 
great numbers there, a curioius en^mdied copper-ptece^ knoUed witl^ ^ 
various cok)urs„ of>the.bigncfs of a milled halfa^own, with apedgtiKu- 
lus or little fquare foot to it oh one fide. At the round cirque at BryB 
Gwyn was :takea up, the other day, a^ medalium of our Saviour, with 
the figune of his head and face on the one fide, exa<3;ly anfwexing the 
iieicription given of him by P.ublius Lentulus^; . and on Abe rcverfe, a fair 
Hebrew fuperfcription bearingthis purport, viz. ** This is Jesus Cjii^ist- 
the Reconciler :" of which fee more in the Addenda. The dots in one 
of the letters reprefent a hole which was at that place fretted through it. i 

In the other townihips likewife, and on the borders of them, there 
are to be feen either ifainding or thrown down, divers monuments of 
Druidi£h worfhip. There is a pretty Cromlech (landing at the top^ of ft 
hillock at Bodowyrj fig. 2. Thefe is alfo on a rifing part of ihe grQUR4 
there, the high-way leading through it, the ]?eBiain6 of a fnall cirque, , 
fig. 3. And on another part of the ground there appear the marks of a 
■Carneddy t\it flones of. which in times paft have been 4if|V)fed of iato- 
walls and h*aiIdLngs. 

There ai^ near Llyjlew Barn^ in the fame townihip, the tokens of* 
a. Carnedd; and a weil-ihaped -f* pillar of great length, thrown ftat on 
the grounds TIbcre is alfo a ihapely Cromiech on the lands of Bhcbty 
in the townihip of ^re*r Beirdd, now thrown down and lying flat on its 
£apporters,..iig* z* And not far from. this laft^mentioned, ^ere appears 
another demoliOied Cromlecby now called Carreg-y-frdn, which feems 
to have been ailoublc one; the two larger incumbent flat (tones, \^ith. 
.many leflTer/upporters lying diforderly,. leaning ton one another,. >6g. 3. ^ 

There ace alfo the ruins of a irn^V Cromlecb not far from the laft- 
naentioned at a place called Barras. A large demolilhed oac.^it. Tyddy^ 

♦ See plate V, fig. 1. , t See plate VI. fij;., i.- 


Xlafar^ in the pari{h of hlan Edwen. Another ruined one at Rbos y Cer^ 
rig, in Llanddeiniel ^zxiQi. The remains of one ntzr CafregWydrin^ There 
are alfo up and down many remains of pillars and ere(^ed columns in all 
thcfe precinfts ; fome fingle^ and fome ranged in circles ; moft of them 
broken and caft down, probably by the conquering Romans*, or by the 
zeal of fucceeding Cbriftians; to both of whom, the vile cuftoms of the 
•Druidifli priefts, and the appurtenances of their barbarities, were equally 

But of fuch Cromleche as remain yet undemoli(hed, there is but one be- 
£des that at Bodowyr to be feen in all the(e precinds ; and that a very 
large one, before mentioned, ftandiog near Pldsnewydd, formerly L/wyn 
Moelj where it is probable one of their larger groves was. It is a dou- 
ble * Cromlech, a larger and a fmaller contiguous together. There is alfo 
at Plds newydd wood one of the largeft Carnedds in the Ifle of Anglefey ; 
yet fcarce difcerned and diftingui(hed from a mount of earth, the ftones 
being overgrown with earth and mofs, and great trees growing thick 
upon it. It lies in a dry bottom, without any pillars now ftanding by 
it, fig. 2. There arc alfo in Llanddeiniel parifli, at a place called formerly 
Llwyn Llwyd, now Bryn Kelli, the remains of two Carnedds, within a 
few paces of one another; the one, fig. 3. is fomewhat broken and pitted 
into on one fide, where the ftones have been carried away j the other, 
fig. 4. having had its ilones almoil all taken away into walls and build- 
ings, with two (landing columns erefted between them. 

There are alfo great numbers of fingle columns up. and down the fields 
in this part of the ifland; fome of large fize, and fome of lefler, which I 
pafs by. But one thing I muft take notice of, which is fomething re- 
markable, or at leaft fuch as I never obferved before : and that Is, on the 
top of a rifing ground near Bodlew in the pari(h of Llanddeiniel, a deep ex-» 
cavated area, of confiderable length and breadth, very flat and level at 
the bottom, of the form of a pear, in piano, edged about with ftones and 
a bank of earth; and the entrance into it is in the fmaller narrow end: it 
is commonly called Hen Fonwent, having the ruins of a chapel in the 
middle called Capel Cadwaladr, fig. 5. 

The building in the middle of the plot feems by the fituation 
and form of it to have been a Chriftian oratory; the name, viz. Capel 
Cadwaladr attefting the fame. But what the place was anciently I 
icnow not. 

• 3ec plate VU. fig, 1. 


I'a^Jf 94. 

« » >E«t \t ' * ' 


' It is a matter of aftonlfhment to fome people, how thefe mighty flones, 
fome of them ten, twenty, or thirty ton weight, could be carried in 
thofe rude times fo great a way, and raifed up to the height they are, 
cither fingly ftanding, as our columns ; or leaning upon fupporters, as our 
Cromleche* But the wonder will foon vanifh, if we confider that wheel 
and pully- engines were invented in the earlieft ages of the world ; and 
that the ufe of the lever is as ancient as that of building. With 
which le\'ers, by the helps of counterpoifing weights at one end, and 
the other end fixed and placed under thofe flones upon fitted fulci* 
ments, they might heave up the greatefl of them to a confiderable 
height with great eafc and fccurity. The almofl incredible things 
which antiquity performed of this fort, have been dcfervedly the. won- 
der of fucceeding ages ; and what the right application and pradice of 
mechanic knowledge is able to effect of this kind, may be as juftly 
the wonder of this, to any who confiders not the extent and efficacy of 
thofe mechanical powers. See Bifhop Wilkins's book on that fubjed. 
And our anceftors here having early communication with the Egyp- 
tians and Phoenicians, thofe great matters in tliat knowledge (witness 
the pyramids and obelifks of the one, and the great architedurc of the 
other) that they (hould arrive to fome degree of that knowledge Is no 
hard thing to imagine. I prefume it will not be unacceptable if I fub- 
join here a mechanical demon ft ration of the railing and erecting of fome 
of our largefl flonc-monuments by the application and praiflice of thofe 

The powers of the lever and inclined plane, being fome of the 
firfl: things underftood by mankind in the ufe of building, it may be 
well conceived, that our firfl anceftors made ufe of them. And in or- 
der to ere6t thofe prodigious monuments, we may imagine they chofe 
where they found, or made where fuch were not ready to. their hands^ 
fmall aggeres or mounts of firm and folid earth, for an inclined plane, 
flatted and levelled at top ; up the floping fides of which, they might 
with great wooden levers upon fixed fulciments, and with ballances at 
the ends of them to receive into them proportionable weights and corni- 
terpoifes, and with hands enough to guide and manage the engines ; I 
fay, they might that way, by little and little, heave and roll up thofe 
ftones they intended to ered, to the top of the hillock; where laying 
them along, they might dig holes in that earth, at the end of every ftone 
intended for a column or fupporter, the depth of which holes were to 
be equal to the length of the flones ; and then (which was eafily dose) 

8 let 


let (lip the ftones into thefe holes ilreight oo end ; which ftones (o fuiik 
and well clo&d about with ^arth, and the* tops of them appcarring level 
to the top of the mount, oii which the other fiat ftones lay ; it was only 
placing thofe incnmbent fiat flones npon the tops of the fupporters^ 
duly poifed and faftened, and taking away the earth from between them 
almoll to the bottom of the fupporfiers; then there appeared what we 
now call Stonehenge, Ro/Jrici, and our Crotplecb j and where they lay 
no incumbent ilones» our Aanding columns and pillars. This being 
the eafieft and moft natural way we can imagine for the eredling of 
rthem» we may probably conclude k was fo done* . 

Hitherto haviiig reprefented the flate and tranfaStions of this ifland 
under the command and government of the ancient Druids, and given 
fome accounts of their eilablifhment^ authority and feligion^ I come 
now to coniider Ik>w theie religious focieties came to be didolved and 
rooted out of the ifland by the conquering Romans> under whole 
. feeptre it continued fome hundreds of years. In which time the light 
-of the gofpel plentifully ihined upon it ; its darkneiles and ihades of er • 
for, together with its heathenrfh groves and 'barbai'ities, being by 
thefe grand inftruments of Providence, the Romans,, utterly razed out 
.and externuoated« 

Wherefore the Druidifli government bcin^ now a iwea^^ing and ap- 
proaching to its period (to aifume the Roman paj^t orf the hidory of this 
iflfand) we have not much more trf" recorded matter of fadl to build 
upon, than what we have out of Cornelias Tacitus ; which indeed is^ 
\ bffief enough, hiut» ackjofding to the charadter of that writer, very 
pithy and comprebenfive i and may be well relied upon as an hiilorical 
. truth* He being himfdf, fome while after thm^s were tranfading heve, 
' ^^fi^ ^ Belgium^ could from thence eafily inform himfdlf of all he ha« 
. &t down in writing, by foch perfon^ as had been eyeHwitne&s of the 
mattery which he might take up and carefully pot rm his notes from 
. the relation of fuch as he might fee pafe by in their way to Rome, who 
had been upon the place, and feen all that he has recorded of it. And 
we have reafon to think that our author had a more than ordinary eye 
. upon the place, and took the more exad and papticvdar account of it 
from fuch relations, becaufe it added fo much to the fame of his much 
adflbired father-in«-Iaw Julius Agricolat who ^ouspieted the con^ueft 
^f this ifland. 

He tells U6, that in the fucceifive governments of P. Onroriiis> Didius, 
wbA Vexamtiost Claudius's lieoteamts in JBtitain^ after the defeat of Ca^ 


raStacus's party, and fending him prifoner to Rome, the Ordovices, qr 
North-Wales men made frequent and bufy attempts to fhake off the 
gauling yoke of a fcvere and unaccuftomed fubjedlion. And it feems 
the IQe of Mona being near at hand, and always a place of refuge, and 
at that time of ftrength and fafety to the poor harrafled Britons ; many 

of the better fort of them retreated thither with what of their effefts and 

• ... 

fubftance they could carry with them, to be themfclves in more fafety, 
and at liberty to confult their friends, and to determine what meafures 
were to be taken to recover their loft eftates and poflcflions. Here no 
doubt they took care to convey what was for military ufe and fervice, 
and were ever ready from hence to help their friends on occafion with 
their beft fupplies of council and afliftance. The truth of which might 
be that which moved the pen of the hiftorian to call it, Infulam incolts* 
validam & perfugarum receptaculuniy viz, " the ifle of heroes, and the 
refuge of the diftreffed who fled into it/* 

This very thing, with the exceeding wealth of the place, we may. 
well conceive, provoked the greedy Romans to fall on the mufes feat, 
and to ufe extraordinary efforts to feize and ravifh it, with the reft of 
the Ordovican territories. At this time appears Suetonius Paulinus, go- 
vernor of Britain, a man of wife condud: and refolution. . He plainly, 
faw there was po quelling and keeping down the reftlefs fpirits of thefe 
bold and daring Ordovices, while this ifland, the very fountain of their, 
life and courage, remained untouched ; and therefore he haftes to fet 
things in order in the provinces, and immediately attacks thefe merv 
with a refolute army on the brink of the river Menai. While this briik 
and refolute general was getting ready a fmall fleet of plank- boats, as 
Tacitus defcribes them, to waft his infantry over ; thefe cunning Druids/ 
we may imagine, were as bujTy on the other fide in providing them- 
felves fuch boats and corraghs as they then ufed, to be at hand, if ne- 
ceffily required, to carry them over to the ifle of Man .or to Ireland, 
their next places of fafety. 

Here we muft not think too mean of our Britifh governors, that they 
turned their backs before they faw the face, or coijld difcern the frowns 

• Anglefey feems to have had three names given to it by antiquity ; viz. Tnys FoUy from its fitua- 
tion ; Tnys Donuyllj from its groves ; Tnys *y CeJeJrn, from its heroes, or its powerful and cele- 
brated priefts and DrUids.^ So that it is proverbial with us to this day to fay, vhen-any thing 
appears wonderful or Angularly remarkable, Ni hu trmd y faih beth yn ynys y Cedeirn ; viz. " Ne- 
ver was the like in the iile of the heroes," Which, according to Plutarch, muft be the Ifle of ^ 

i , ' . .. , ' 

O . and 


and menaces of the cnctoy. No, that would too much difliearlen the 
zealous multitude, who had taken thar laft faniftuary under the power- 
ful charms of their holy rites and iavocations- That motive might pre- 
vail with thefe unwarlikc leaders to ftay a while, to try the event of 
things, and to fee what the infernal powers would do in defence of 
their Sacraria, their groves, idols and altars. And therefore we may 
believe that they ftood to it, and marfhalled their men in their beft ar- 
ray to ftand the brunt, while they were preparing their dreadful artil- 
lery of curfes and execrations. In this order we may conceive they 
came, and encamped themfclves in that place before-mentioned, to 
watch the enemies motion, and to make what refiftance they could in 
cafe- they landed. 

Here was an appearance, by what * Tacitus reports of them, able 
io have given a much greater (hock to the adventuring Romans in their 
landing, than we find it did. Bat we muft not exped them here to 
a<9: as true Britons, but rather as a befotted crew {though many of 
them perhaps of the prime Ordovican gentry) which had wholly con- 
signed themfclves over to the guidance and conduA of infatuated monkifli 
Druids j who, it is like, mrade them believe, that the deities of that fa- 
cred place, once well pacified, and engaged by repeated oblations and 
facrificcs even of their beft things and dearcft relations, would be highly 
concerned to ftand by them, to proteft their perfons, to fight their bat- 
hes, and to exert fometbing more than human means, in defending 
that facred ground and thofe holy things from the impure hands and 
polluting feet of thefe hateful mifcreants. 

And therefore for fome days, while the R^oman general was fitting 
eut his little armado, and expefting tide and ieafon for his fwimming 
cavalry, we can expeft in this Ifle of Mana nothing bat loud invoca- 
tions and curfes ; and difmal fcrcams of dying viftims, ecchoing one 
another from the holk)w refounding groves i in every corner, altars 
fmoaking with the horrid miferable burnings of the bodies of men, wo- 
men, and children; of rogues, profligates, and captives. Crept- 

tantquf preces^ aharia famant :. when prefcntly the Romans make to the 
boats, put in their foot, and fwim their horfe ata convenient .tide with- 
out the leaft ftop or oppofition, 

Lo here the unlucky fruit of befotted bigotry ! The Britons if well; 
difcipiined might have bitterly annoyed the difordered .Romans at their. 

•- CprueUus. Tacitus, ^nnaL lib. j 4,^ . 



firft landing. But what did they do ? Stabat pro Btore dherfii acies^^ 
fays Tacitus. Shall I render it, " They fought for the (hore and their 
country ?" Or rather, •* They ftood ftill," expeding, belikei the ar- 
tillery of the Druidical curfes to naake greater execution on the daring 
affailants, than the (harpeft of their Britifh darts and weapons. And 
in this indeed they were not quite out j for it was bravely acknowledged 
by the Romans, that the very fight of their mad ceremony, ftupifkd 
the Roman foWiers more than all the blows they received from their 
unileady miiguided enemies : Ut quqfi harentibus membrist immobili 
corpus vuherihus praberenty as the hiftorian words it ; i. e. they (mean- 
ing the Romans) ftood alfo ftock ftill, and fixing their tyt^ on the fur-* 
prizing ftrangenefs of the encounter, expofed their bodies for fome time 
to be the open unguarded mark of the enemies fury ; till their adtive 
general at laft with fome paffion called them on, to drive away that 
madded foolidi multitude, that with vain imprecations and filly geftures 
thought to put a ftop to the progrefs of thofe arms> which by good 
manhood and difcij^line had already conquered the greateft part of the 
then known world* 

Now the enraged Romans having got to land, and the conquering 
fword having taken its fill of Britifh blood, thefe giddy Druids who 
durft not engage in, but ftood without the array of battle— JPn/z^j^w^ 
circum', as Tacitus remarks upon them — feeing their facrifices and ob- 
lations, on which they moft depended, prove inefFedual on thefe fear- 
lefs Romans, nimbly dipt away, we may fuppofe, to their woods and 
coveits, leaving their pojple to be miferably cut down and flaughtered 
by the advancing Romans i Infer unt Jigna^ Jiernuntque obvios & ignifu0 
invo/vunt, are Tacitus's words, «• who without pity or moderation 
hacked and hewed down on all fides the unfortunate Britons, augment- 
ing the flame of their unhappy Sacrifices with the fuel of their flain and 
wounded bodies." 

As for the place of their landing, and of their routing this religious 
army, we have no exaft account of it. But there are probable grounds 
to conclude that it was near Portbamelf betwixt a place called Pivll ^ 
fwwcb and Llanidan. For Tacitus fays that the horfe vado fecuti—{vf2xa 
it at the ford : And that ford or (hallow is juft under Llanidan. And 
it feems their foot landed in their fiat-bottomed vcfl!els near the Aid 
Pwll y fuwcb ; where there is a place called Pant yr yfcrapbie to this 
day; the Romans calling fuch boats Scapba^ and we from them 
Tfirapbkt with an addition of one letter, as is ufual in thefe changes. 

O 2 And 


And indeed the mount or Cumulus in one of the fields adjoining, about 
three bows fliot from the fea, feems to be the place of that great facri- 
fice : whence the Druids took up firebrands in their hands, brandiftiing; 
them like furies about the army ; and where the Romans involved the 
taken and flain Britons in the devouring flames of their own facrifice. 

Now when the prevailing Romans had reaped the fruits of conquefl:,. 
and the retreating Druids, the heads of them who had efcaped untaken^ 
in the flight, had flipped to fea, leaving the reft of their crew to fculk 
and fhift for themfelvcs ; we^may conceive that the Romans* next work 
was to demolifli and proftitute under their infulting feet their moft facred 
things and places, then devoted to moft grofs inhuman barbarities r 
And when that was efl^eded, to fixahd fettle a garrifon over the fepa- 
ratc diftriifts and- townftiips of the ifland.. Frajidium impofuit vicis, as. 
the hiftoriah- renders it. 

There are the ruins of two or three fmall Bfitifll towns, near this 
place of battle : one near Brynfienkyfij called Hendre -y another on the 
top of Bryn Gwydryn, called Caer Idris ; and the third on the top of 
a hill near PortAame/houk, whofe name is loft ; which in all likelihood 
were all then demolifliedi In one of thcfe, namely, Caer Idris, , on iho~ 
top of' Gwydryn-hiW, it is probable the Romans built a fort (it being a 
jplace of ftrength^ and confpicuous to the whole ifland) to plant in a, 
garrifon to fecure themfelves and eftablifli their conqueft. 

Thefe conquering Romans maftering the ifle, and fetting fomewhere 
a garrifon, as Tacitus plainly, tells us,- there feems none likelier than, 
this ; fof it is a Roman work, of a half moon form, guarded by a treble 
wall, and^defended on the back by a pre.cipice. It feems to have been 
built on the ruins of one of thofe Britifli towns; for fome of the round 
foundations appear yet about the flcirts of it. It was a well fortified 
place and well fituated^ in the fight of a great part of the ifland^ to keep 
them in awe-and hold them in. due fubjedion and obedience. See figure: 
6. in plate yil. 

But although it-was convenient4y fituated and ftrongly fortified at that 
timei yet it-ftems it did not continue long undemoliflied by the native 
Britons ; who, upon a fuddch turn of aff^airs in a fliort time after^ quitted, 
their fubjeftion* and- returned *to their former liberty and pofleflions.' 

'For Suetonius Paulinus the Roman general, before he had finiflied 
the abfolute cooqaeft of this ifland, and Hunted out the fculking Druids 
that remained from their holes and receptacles, was fuddenly recalled 
io aflift the Veterans and JRoman garrifons at Ferulam, London and 
' * 7 Camelodunum ^^ 

!♦«• ^ . ."t ~ 


Camelodunum > who were at that time in very great and apparent danger 
from la general revolt of the Britons of thofe provinces. 

Now the general being thus in hafte called away, and the affairs of 
the ifland being yet. crude and not digefted into any ftanding order and 
regularity at his quitting of it ; it may now become a queftion, whe- 
ther he left any forces in his new prajidium to keep things in a tolera- 
ble order, till a more favourable opportunity would prefent itfelf to 
fettle and complete the conqueft. It is moft likely he did not leave any;, 
for the harraffed Britons, being. at laft overcome with moft unfupporta- 
ble injuries and proypking hardfhips, made at this juncture ftrong and 
violent (bakings and convuliions in the very heart and ' bowels of the 
inland provinces,, whichu muft oblige this .wary foldier to contract his- 
whole ftrength to fecure the main ftake ; and therefore it is moft pror- 
bable, tliathe then took up everywhere (fo great a flaughter having 
been made in thofe provinces of the Veteran Romans) the few Cohorts . 
arid Legionaries he had, whom in that. cafe he could only truft, and with- 
them made a fpeedy march to c^uench the then open flame of a great: 
and terrible rebellion^ 

In this interim^ the Roman forees being all gonic from the ifland, or 

if any were left, they were here as in a pound, and would be fooa 

knocked on the head ; the lurking Druids, upon that welcome funfhine* 

after fo- terrible a. ftorm, might fafely peep out ^ and forfaking their 

dens and coverts might come, once more in view to contemplate the fate 

of the place,, and to put theic heads together .to concert the bcft and 

fitteft meafiires to difpofe and order themfelves and their affairs for the 

future. They faw everywhere the. deplorable effcds of fire and fwordi 

They beheld in every corner the marks of the Romans implacable ha^- 

tred to them and their religion^ wounding their fouls with" ghaftly pro^ 

fpe<9:s of ruins and dcfolations. . Their, groves deftroyed; their altars^ 

pillars and other facred inftruments and ohjedts of their worfhip laid 

level with the ground; and their ereded ftrtidures and habitations de- 

.moliflied and; funk into afhes and.ruins* This muft needs exceedingly 

aifiid: and grieve thofe diftreffedipeople,. already extremely intenerated 

by the difappbintments of their . adored powers, to find themfelves and 

• their facred places, cojifignfcd and abandoned by their gods (whom 'in 

:.vaih they fought to!appeafc with their profufeft adorations) to. the rage 

. and;fury.of their incenfed wrathful enemies, under whofe.lafli' they. had. 

V lately io fevcrely fmarted, : . i ^ ' . ' ' \ ' 

i ' ^" • ^ . • . ... -..,.:. 'Thcfc; 


Thcfc or the like reflexions, rt is natural to conceive, wrought ia 
•the minds of thefc religious people when their thoughts began to clear, 
and determined them to quit the ifland and get to their brethren, who 
had gone over before to the ifle of Man and Ireland. For although un- 
der the charms and infatuations of their fuperflitious religion they gave 
fpecimens of very abfurd and uopolitic carriage, which muft on that 
account be cxcufed them ; yet in other refpcds they muft be allowed 
to be a fobcr intelligent fort of people. And in that circumftancc we 
«nay be fure they could not chufc but confider, that although the Ro« 
mans were now gone, yet they well knew the way, when their affairs 
were fettled, to make them, if they ftayed here, another vifit; for 
Avhich indeed they could have no great relifh, having been the laft time 
£o feverely treated by them. 

They faw their groves cut dowa and deftroyed ; they confidered that 
a ihort interval of peace, if they (hould have any, would be too little a 
time to replant and repair them : They were not ignorant in geography 
and navigation, after the mode of that time : And they well knew 
there were many large territories to the northward, which the Romans 
had never feen ; anci they were not altogether unprovided of means and 
ways of going thithen And therefore we may well fuppofe they might 
conclude it their beft and wifeft courfc, to get themfelves over to the 
iile of Man and to Ireland-~being the next countries to them, and places 
of more fafety and lefs fubjed to invafion, than the place from whence 
they tatne ; and where, with their fellows who had gone over there 
before, they might re-fettle their Druidi(h government and jurifdiftion^ 
over Ireland and the unconquercd Caledonian Britains. And {o 1 think 
it probable thefe fearful flippery Druids quickly left the Ifle of Mona, 
where they had fo long prelided, and cunningly tranfported themfelves, 
and what they could carry with them, from the conquered to the un- 
iconquered Mm or Manaw. 

Thefe things being fo at that time, as we may probably think, what 
iliall we then conceive of the cafe and circumftancc of this defblated, 
deierted ifland ? No doubt its late Druidifh magiftrates, though now 
all gone, left yet their beft advice and directions behind them to fupport 
its peace and welfare whilft it might enjoy them. And if on that fud- 
den difTolution of its government, it will be thought to groan for fome 
time under the direful effeds of confufion and anarchy, in being ex^ 
pofed to the tumults of the bufy and to the luft and rapine of every 
tbramblcri yet we may think that even in that cafe, the very thoughts 

4 ef 


of another defcent of the enemy, which they knew not how foon might 
happen, together with that natural defire all people have of the fecu- 
rity and prefervation of their lives and liberty, was a ready fuggeftion 
to prompt and animate the remaining natives of the place to confult and 
meditate all poflible means to protect themfelves, and to defend their 
country, from the unjuft ufurpations of thofe lawlcfs aggreflbrs. They 
muft have confidered that all this in fuch apparent danger was only to 
be effedted by a firm refolution of abandoning all private difgufts and 
animofities, and of maintaining among themfelves a ftridt inviolable 
unanimity, peaic and concord, which in all likelihood they clofely ad- 
hered to and cultivated. 

Thus in a little time, it is probable, animated by the advice and ex- 
ample of their neighbours, they put themfelves in a pofture to receive 
the enemy with a fecond brufli whenever they came upon them. But 
the Roman general, having his hands full of work with the fouthern 
Britains, gave them time to repair their deflations, and to fortify 
themfelves here and there after the mode and example the Romans had 
lately given them. The footfteps of which little works and fortifica- 
tions are to this day.vifible in many places along the banks of the river 
Menai. They had opportunity by what they had feen and wofully felt 
of the Roman way of fighting (their fuperftitious mafters being now 
gone) to form themfelves to more regular methods, and to train their' 
men to that way againft the time that occafion fhould call them to it. 

But that was not foon ; the Roman diftraftions encreafing, the poor 
iflanders continued free — popu/us fui Juris-'^ptrh^ps a longer time than 
they expedted. The death of Nero, the pro-prators being fuddcnly and 
frequently changed, and the affairs of the provinces being very various^ 
and fludluating, this ifland enjoyed fome calm and refpite (unlefs a few 
inward ftorms interrupted it) from the middle of Nero's reign to the 
eighth year of Vefpafian ; which was at leaft fifteen years. But this 
Vefpflfian, who had formerly hirafelf ferved in Britain), knowing bet* 
ter than any of the former emperors the ftate and genius of the Britifli 
people, fent over one Julius Agrico] a, \m pro-prator or lieutenant-ge- 
neral, to reduce and fettle the tumultuous wavering ftate of the British 

This Agricola, no ways inferior to any of his predeceflbrs in martial 
abilities and condu<5l, wifely confidered, as Suetonius had done before, 
that the Ordovicest who had been all along a vexatious thorn in the Ro- 
mans' fides, and hadllately cut ih pieces a whole party of them, were 



to be firft quelled and fubdued before any enlargement of the conqucft 
could be efFcdled, or any lafting tranquility fettled in the provinces. 
And therefore though this General came not over to Britain till it was 
late in the fummer, yet he quickly difpatched affairs, and immediately 
transferred the whole weight pf the war to the Ordoviccs country ; and 
marching down there, uied the moft brutifli barbarities on all that 
came to his hands, fparing neither age norfex; and as the chief end 
and defign of his coming there, he fuddenly appears with a numerous 
army on the fouthern (hore of the river Menai. 

The.ftation he took before the Ifle of Mona was in, all probability 
near the place called Crig in Llanvair ifcaer ; which retains, methinks, 
fomething of his name. The iflanders on the other (ide were, no doubt, 
extremely perplexed and furprized at fo fudden and unexpected an ap- 
proach of the enemy. They had almoll: lulled their fears afleep in that 
long interval, and had well nigh perfuaded themfelves, that the Roman 
eagle had forgot his little prey, till they fa>v him, to their great afto- 
nifliment, fpread his wings on the farther banks of the river Menau 
And though they were not a little daunted at the fight of fuch an army, 
ftanding at their doors ; yet being fome, as we may fuppofe, of the 
nobleft of the Ordovican Britains fled thither, we may believe they 
wanted not a flock of valour, though of flrength and arms they did, to 
fliew the floutefl and mofl obflinate refiftance againfl the attack of an 
mjurious enemy. , 

They faw that the Romans that threatened to invade, were enraged 
againft them, who perhaps were the men that had mafTacred and cut to 
pieces a party of the Romans a little before, and were now to expedt 
avengement ; and therefore they eafily forefaw that if the Romans land- 
ed and took by force the ifland, there were no quarters to be expefted ; 
thefe Romans ufually punilLing what they called rebellion wiTh fharpeft 
feverity, tho' ufing their conquefls with great mildnefs and clemency. 
Thefe thoughts of the like might difpofe the Britains in the ifland, tho* 
othcrwife their hearts were big and hajughty enough, to propofe, in 
cafe the Romans landed, terms of fubmiflion and obedience. Yet 
they might leave that to the lafl; they might trufl to their natural en- 
clofure, their liquid fence and ramp?irt. And befldes, obferving that 
the year was pretty far advanced, and that the Romans, to make an at- 
tack, wanted boats \ they might therefore conceive it would be too 
late e'er they could furnifli themfelves with boats and other necelfaries, 
for an attack that year. And perhaps they were not out of hopes, iJF 


M d N A AN T I QJJ A RES T A U 1^ AT A.' jo^ 

» • f » • ... 

the komans'^ontinued there a conlidierable tirae^. that the OfJo'oica 
from the hills, unfcafonable weather, or fdme other accidents would in-* 
terpofc to give the enemy a diverfion. • 

But the great Agricola, when he found neither boats, nor roaterfals 
for them ready at hand, to carry his infantry over (as Suetonius had 
done) to the ifland, determined to tranfport them by another method ; 
and being told, it feems, that there were placed of no great depth, at 
low water, in that interpofing channel, refolved with all poffiblelpeed 
to ford and fwim it over. To that end, one may prefume that he caufed 
diligent fearch to be made of all the fhallows and fordable places of 
the channel ; and enquiring into the ufual way pradlifed in pafllng v/ith- 
out boats fuch fords and (hallows, and having been well informed of 
the way and manner of doing it, and apprehending it very fuitable to 
his defign and purpofe, he committed the whole adlion and the ma-, 
hagement and guidance of the atchievcment to a choice band of auxilia- 
ries ; ^i bus not a vada & patrius nandi tifus^ are'Tacitus*s words, i. e. 
** who were well acquainted with the fords and the country method of 

Having fecured the fidelity of thefe men, as it is reafonable to fup- 
pofe, and having all things in readinefs, and at that time of the year^ 
(being about the middle of September by Tacitus*s account) meeting 
with the opportunity of very low ebbs, which are then ufual ; they fct 
forward the aSion, I conceive, by tacking together horfes, men, and 
arms, in a certain ufual way i they took the advantage 6f a movekfs 
tide, fair weather, and a very lo\y ebb, and by the help of poles, pikes 
and launces (perhaps bearing up the footmen where the water was^deep, 
and guiding the motion of the horfes along the turnings of the chan- 
nel) they got firm and folid footing on the (hore of the ifland ; which 
is what I can make of that account of Tacitus, S^uo Jimul f^que & 
arma £s? equos regunt, i. e. by which (meaning their country way of 
fwimming) they managed themfelves, their horfc and armour in their 
paffage i and that it was a fwimming poflure they v/ere to ufe there 
and govern themfelves in, Tacitus is exprefs, calling it patrius nandi ufus^ 
the ufual ferriage and way of pafling over fuch fords. 

The place they pafltrd over muft be where thefs fhallows are, that 
is, juft from Llanvair-point on Caernarvon/bire-fidt to a little fouth- 
Vreft of Llanidan^church on the other fide, where the water now at 
loweft ebbs is not above a fathom or two deep where it is deepeft. And 

P when 


when tb^ fapds, which reiOQve to apd fro with the wijids and tldcir 
bapk and Ipdge at the ed^e of a rock* which croffes the channel in that 
place, as now fometimes they do, and probably did fo at that time, it 
is except in few places fordaWe without much difficulty. And I have 
been credibly informed it was about forty years ago fo (hallow there at 
fonie ?bba* that very fmall boats fox fome while ftuok a-ground in paf- 
fing along the channel ; and that two men approached fo near on each 
fide, that they came within a pole's length to one another. 

At this place, and in thi§ manner, I prefume the induftrious Gene-* 
ral, as Tacitus fays. Repent^ immijkj fuddenly difpatched his horfe and 
foot over upon the aftonifhed yielding Tritons ; who it feems expeded 
nothing lefs, than to foe the Romans all of a fudden firft conquer their 
fea, and then enflav« their country. ObJlupeJhSli boftes qui clqfj'em^ qui 
naves, qui mare expeSlabant, i. e. •• The affiighted Britons, who ex- 
pe<fted a fleet of boats to attack them," as they found Suetonius before 
to have done, ^' were half dead with terror and amaz^ement, to fee them 
ilem their liquid fence and channel in that manner ; and they immedi-r 
atdy concluded," fays my author. Nihil arduum & inviSiumfic ad bellum 
yenientiius, ** That nothing cojuld be loo hard and imprailicable to thofe 
who entered battle in that manner ;" and therefore without more ado 
petitioned for peace, and yielded up the ifland. 

Here it ipay appear fpmewhat plain, that the Druids,, at leaft the 
chief of them, were all gone ; np appearance of them, no uncouth ce* 
pemony*. no amazing fcene of invocationa and odd geftures (which at 
the iirft taking of the ifl^d by Suetonius Paulinus took fo, much of the 
foldier's eye and of the hillorian's pen) now at all prefenting themfelves^- 
For undoubtedly if the Druids, the common incendiaries 'of the people 
^t that time againft the Romans' religion and government, had been then 
in the ifland, they would have here (hewed themfelves— p-^r(9 aris G? 
y^aV-^doing fomething remarkable in the defence of them* For it may 
be very probably fuppofed>. that the q^uarrel wajs mofl:ly againfl th^ 
Druids; who if they had been here> it cannot well be imagined, the 
hiftorian would have omitted the mention of them-^-they being fo prin^ 
cipal a part and character of the adtion he records. Neither is it aJUb *o 
be thought, that the iflanders would, have fo taoely petitioned for peace 
and fo ealily obtained it, if thefe men (the objedts of the Romans' im- 
placable indignation and hatred) had, been tUer> among them ;. who be- 




iog now gone probably bore the blame of all that was pad^ and the 
ifland returned to its former fubje&ion and obedience* 

Now the Romans having got once more poffeffion of this ifland> we 
may reafonably guefs they took all effeftual means to rivet their con- 
quefi:, and irreverfibly faften it, with the whole Ordovican territory, to 
the weftern province* The Roman General now* in all likelihood, 
traverfed and viewed the country, and perhaps left fome monument of 
his name> at or near the furtheft wedem point of it, called ^ GricciU, 
as the Britons probably called him, i. e. Agricola i and eftabliihed gar- 
rifons in two feparate places of the ifland, viz. at the two Cajiellivrs^^ 
Dominorum cajlru^'^^% the name imports ; Cajitll originally importing a 
Roman Fortp and lor being the ancient Britifli word for Lord or G(9- 
vetnori the one part of the name being Roman and the other British, 
gives me grounds to guefs that they were his firfl: prefidiary garrifons^ 
the one being near GriccilU that bears fome umbrage of his name. 
And to confirm my conjecture, th^re is not far off there a place called 
Bodior, i. e* the Governor's Habitation ; and another called Prefeddfodf 
or Prefaddfedt Prtsefidii Z^^jf,.the Pre£dent's Habitation 1 and the other 
place was, X take it, in tbe^ other end of the country, near Forthatthwy^ 
in the parifb of Llanfadwrn^ called CafieUhr^ where do yet appear ^e 
marks of an ancient fortrefs ; and whether there be the like at the other 
Caftellior I cannot fay, having never been upon the place. Both theib 
Ccfielliors may be conceived, as being at two ends and. territories of the 
country^ to have fcrved very conveniently to ovcr-^awe the fevcral Bodt 
and townfllips of the ifland, and to enure their necks to continue fied- 
faft for the future under the yoke and fubjedion of the Roman authority 
and government. 

Thus the poor, and iate famous Me of Mon2^^mofis valida^'-^^Qxct 
before that, v^c hear of conquered by an enemy, was fain to put on the 
Roman {hackles 5 under which it continued to groan fome hundreds of 
years. But yet in this to be comforted, if thefe be any comfort in the 
lofs of liberty, that flie had her fetters put on by the two grcatcft Ro* 
man8> next Julius C^far, that had ever trod on British ground ^ the for-^ 
mer of themi viz. that Suetonius Paulinus who well deferved, and went 
once well nigh (if we believe Tacitus) to be chofcn emperor > and the 

* Near that place Is Rl^ Coljn or Celofn :' The Romans ufually erei^ng colamns at the utmoffc 
hounds ^ their viftorleSy as Dion, Cailius relates. 

P2 latter. 


latter» viz. this Julius Agrlcola appeared fo brave in all his aftionsr,; 
that he v^as equally feared and cnvyed by Don^itian ; as if his lau-^ 
rcls Had fprcad and mounted fo high, as to caft an untibfage on Gaefar's 

In this condition I muft now leave this poor ifland» when thofe* 
grand inftruments of Providence, the Romans, having now chafed away 
her fuperftitious Druids, and unmaflced her face of her ancient (hades 
of heathenifm, made thereby a happy undeiigned way for the light of 
the gofpel to (hine upon it; and by fubjugating the bodies, lives and. 
fortunes of the Britons to Csefar's fceptre, gave them an opportunityj, 
which was (hortly after taken, of bringing their fouls to the obedience^ 
of Chrift, 

, Now to add a few words of thefc Druids before I conclude this 
fcftion. If it be demanded, what became of them, of their orders and 
focieties, when they were obliged to withdraw from the Illc of M ona ? 
I anfwer. It may be well fuppofed, that having quitted this place where 
they fo long prefided,. on account of the eager perfecutions of the infult- 
ing Romans, thefe religious orders fkfced and eftabliOied themfelves inr 
fome other place unconquered By the Romans, which muA: be- Ireland, 
the north of Scotland, and the Scottilh Ifle&s yet fo, as that their chief 
feat and refidence was in the Ifle of Man, as the Scottifh authors una^ 
nimoufly affirm : From whence, as before from the Ifle of Mona, they 
extended their authority and e^ercifed their jurifdidion over fuch of 
thofe Britons as would and could yield it fubmiilion and obedience; 
That they did withdraw themielves tb fome places out of the Romans' 
reach (and where could they in hafle but to the places now mentioned ?) 
is very plain from Strabo, an author of that time ; who affirms, that 
the Romans endeavoured with might and main to chafe away, andcrufh^ 
the religion of thefe fuperftitious Druids, but could not-; they having 
cunningly flipped away and efcaped their fury; 

Now that this is no^roundlefs opinion, but that it is fo far true^. 
that for many years after this time, thofe religious Druids and their or- 
ders were numerous in Ireland and Scotland, is apparent fronri many 
Irifli and Scottifli authors. Firft, in Ireland, their religion wa& in 
mighty vogue among the people, and their three mentipned orders were 
called Druids, Sanachies, and Bards. They were fo numerous there in 
the days of St. Patrick, that it is faid by their hiftoriaas that he burnt 



three hundred of their books. * Mr. Roderick Fljiherty fays the Druids 
made one of the three orders of the kingdom, and were fignalized with 
a mark of honour on, their garments, next that of kings and princes -j-. 
Nay farther, for more certainty in this matter, that they had been very 
numerous and common in that kingdom, the name of Druid is there 
ftill applied to a cunning fellow or wizard, whom they call in the Irifli 
tongue Draoi or Druid* And it is as certain that O-Donnel in his tranf- 
lation of the New Teftament into Irifli, calls the wife men of the Eail,. 
Matth. ii. i. Draoubey i. e. Druids 5 by which it appears that the: 
Druids, before the Chriftian religion gave thena another remove,, were- 
cftabli(hed, and of great authority in Ireland. 

I own indeed that the Irifli, even from remoteft a:nti<juity, had a fcfe 
of Druids among them, planted there with fome of the firft Britifli co- 
lonies ; but by the accounts which the Irifli antiquaries give us of them,* 
they differed in aiany particulars relating to power and juri£Jidlion, and 
the ufe of writing, from the paulifli and Britiflx Druids. Whether the: 
Milefian colony which greatly prevailed in that kingdom, altered their 
primitive inftitution, or whatever elfe it was that wrought that change,. 
I cannot iky. HowcvePj their agreement in many things with our 
Britifli. Druids, and the very name of them, was encouragement enough* 
to many of thofe who were expelled by the Romans from the Ifle of 
Mona, to refort thither, and perhaps to incorporate with them ; the. 
Irifli Druids by the bounty of their princes being then plentifully pro^ 
vided with lands and revqnues^ whereby they were well enabled to give, 
thefe their old friends and new guefts, a reception fuitiible to their cafe 
and circumftance, and what in their diftrefs and calamity they mofl: 
wanted, that is,, fiibfiftence and fecurity. 

So likewife in Scotland and in the ifle of Man, Hedror Boietius hath: 
given large defcriptions of the government and orders of thefe Druids,, 
which many Scottifli authors followed. The main of what he fays, L 
fhall deliver in the words of the reverend and learned bifliop Spotfwood,. 
in his Hiftory of the Church of Scotland. " Cratylinth^fays he, king^ 
of Scotland, coming to the crown in the year 277^ made it one of his 
firft works to purge the kingdom of heathenifli fuperftition, and to ex- 
pel the Druids, a. fort of people held in thofe days in great reputation.. 
.^— They ruled their affairs very politicly ; for being governed by a prefi- 
dcnt who kept his rcfidence in the ifle of Man, which then was under 

* OKJ*** P- 5^» t Matthew Kennedy, r. 19. 



the dominion of the Scots^ they did once every year meet in thxt plaee^ 
to t^ke eounfel together for the ordering of affairs ; and carried things 
io politicly and with fuch difcretion, that Cratylinth found it difficult 
enough to expel them, becaufe of the favour they had amongft the peo- 
ple.— In this Ifle king Cratylinth, after the expuliion of the Druids, 
ercdted a ftately church to the honour of our Saviour, and called it 
Sodorenfe Fanumj i. c. our Saviour's Church." So far he. Mr. Martin 
alfo in his late book of the Weftern ifles of Scotland, very much confirms 
this opinion, both by tradition and monuments, and by feveral cuftoms 
in thofe ifles, ftill favouring of Druidifh rites and pra^ftices ; and pro- 
duces variety of inftance^ betokening their being and refiding in ancient 
times in thofe iflands. 

I cannot but obferve here, that the Iri(h Druids had a form of letters 
very fingular, which they ufcd, as their antiquaries fay, before the pre- 
sent ones : The alphabet whereof they called Beth-luis-nionf from the 
firft three letters of it, i5, L, Ni in which every letter, to the number 
of twenty-fix, was called by the name of fome tree in the wood, very 
agreeable to the mode and profeflion of that fort of men, fo much con*, 
verfant with groves and woods as the Druids were ; and the letters or 
chafadters they called Feadda^ which with them fignifies Woody and th^ 
writing Ogum, of which they fay they have many remains ftill extant 
among them. An occult and myfterious way of writing it was, pecu- 
liar to. thefe Druids, by certain rods or virgular charafters, and other 
itaarks and figns for fyllables and whole words, diftind from the ordi* 
ttary known letters, which required a particular ftudy, fo that the vul- 
gar could not at all underftand it. Mr. Roderick Flaherty, from the 
book of Lecan, explains the whole fet of them. And whether cur 
Ogivyddor or Egwyddor^ i. e. jitphabet^ perhaps compounded from 
Ogutn and JVydd, which is W$od^ the fame with their Peadda, the other 
word Ogttfn being loft in our Sritifti tongue, may have any relation to 
this Irifti form, I will not pretend to fay. Or whether the"/r^z letufy 
Irland^rum litera^ mentioned by Arngrim Jonas, in his Runick alpha- 
bets, be the fatn^ with this Betb-luis-nion^ having not fcen them, I want 
information. However that be, we are pretty fure that the Gaulifli 
Druids ufed in their private affairs the Greek letters, for Casfar cxprefly 
fays fo I which Greek letters, it is not unlikely, might in time and 
among our people degenerate into what we call the Iri(h or Saxon letters* 

To conclude this whole matter. All I have faid of thefe Druids, 
from firft to laft, will, I prefume, fairly refolvc itfelf into thefe three 



paiticulars. Firft, that thefe Druids had their chief feat and refidence 
ibmewhere in Britain, of which C»far is a potent witnefs. Secondly, 
that this feat or principal rcfidence was in the Ifle of Mona or Anglefey, 
Tacitus and a ftrong tradition do fairly intinniate. Thirdly, that , after 
their cxpulfion by the Romans, they fpread and eftablifhed their hie- 
rarchy in the ifle of Man, Scotland, and the Scottifh ifles, the Scottifli ^ 
authors unanimoufly agree, and amply confirm. And, laftly, that 
their removal out of the Ifle of Anglefey to the Ifle of Man was between 
the two defcents of Suetonius and Agricola on this ifiand.. This laft I 
gather chiefly out of the before cited pafl&ge of Tacitus ia -the life of 
Agricola ; where the hiftorian does not mention one fyllabJe of thefe 
Druids, who when they were here, as in the other paflage of Suetonius 
Pauiinus, took fo much pains in deicribing them. And though I 
am as cautious as any other in laying too much ftrefs on a negative ar- 
gument ; yet I rouft confcfs, confidering the pundluality of that hifto- 
nan's writing—never omitting principal charaders,^ whicb undoubtedly 
thoie perfbnages would have been, if they had been here^-his faying, 
nothing of them, is as much with me,, as if he had faid in exprcfs terms^ 
that they had withdrawn,, or were driven away by the Romans. Efpe- 
cially fincc I find it fo taken by the learned bifliop * Stillingfleet ; who 
obferves that Ae Arch-Fkmens and Flamens in Britain under the Ro- 
man government, could be no part,, as was generally believed,, of the- 
Druidiflf) hierarchy ; they being before gone, and their ways and me- 
thods mortally hated by the Romans : But rather as that learned and 
worthy prelate ftrongly proves, theFlamens and Arch-Flamens were a. 
later invention of pagan Romans here,^ calculated by them after the form 
and model of our primitive church government,, which they feemed for 
£bme reafons tahave affeded. 

But to purfue our expulfed religious countrymen one renwve further.. 
When Chriftianity made a clofer purfuit of them than the Roman fword 
was able to do — captivated fome to the kws of Chrift,. and put the 
refl: on a fecond voyage, to find once more a place of reft and fafety, to- 
kty down one other new foundation of their ancient plat-form— I know 
not where to find them, unlefs it be in the Schaldry of Iceland, and 
their dependant claflfes and orders of old in the territories of Norway,. 
Deumaxk, and other Northern countries. Thefe not only in name, in. 
twhijcb thcEe is fome congruity, ijfel-dry, the *^ lower or northern Druids*'' 

• Grig. Brit. p. 79^ 


perhaps ; but alfo in their * Ira letw and in their Edda IJlandarum; as 
they call it, i. e. the poetical memoirs of their bards ; and cfpecially 
in their extant remains and monuments of antiquity, which have a very 
confiderable affinity and coherence with what i have already defcribed 
of our remains and monuments of Druidifm. They have their Crotn-*' 
leche like ours : There is a temple in Kialernefs in Iceland, not much 
unlike ours at Bryn Gwyn : Their eredted altars, pillars, mounts, and 
burying-places, and ours, are much of a ibrt. And whoever would 
be more informed in thefe particular inftances and parallels, may con* 
fult the books of Olaus Wormius and Tho, Bartholine, of the DaniQi 
antiquities, and he will find fufficient fatisfadion on that headi 

Let not. the mention of thefe Danifti and Icelandi(h inilances in- 
vert the tenor of my argument, and turn the force of it againft. what I 
before affirmed in this matter ; that is, give grounds to objedl, that if 
our monuments and theirs be fo exadly alike, that it may then be as 
probable, that the Danes ereAed them when they lorded over us i and 
confequently that they are rather the marks of their religion and cuf- 
toms, than the remains of Druidifm, which is indeed the opinion of 
fome obfervers of late. 

But in anfwcr to this, I fliall offer it to be confidercd, Firft, how 
very probable it is, that thefe Driiids, who were expelled by the Chri- 
ftians from Ireland and Scotland, fhould repair to fome of thefe nor- 
thern countries, and there propagate their cufloms and forms of wor- 
(hip among thefe ruder heathens. For where fhould they go but thither? 
What other reafon can be given of the congruity of many placits of the 
Runick religion with thofe recorded of Druidifm, than that they had 
them originally from the Britifh ifles ? None can doubt of the facility 
of their palTage thither, who confiders how the northern nations of old 
abounded with boats "f* and rovers. And this being granted, it will eafily 
follow, that the rites or cuftoms which thofe heathen Danes and Saxons 
brought hither of that kind, were but what their fore-fathers had be* 

• The ancient inhabitants of thefe northern countries called one of their Runic alphabets, Ira 
htur^ 5^iz. Irifli, as if they had had them frdm Ireland, whence our Druids were lalt 

t It is not unlikely but that the Britons, with other northern nations, being (Irengthcned and 
driven by the Romans into Iceland, and other ifles of the North, might then pafs over in thefe 
boats from thofe ifles into Greenland, and thence into North America, and fo people that conti- 
nent, it being but a fliort cut over from Iceland to that continent, not above two or three days 
fail; and Mr. Jofeph Mede, in one of his letters to Dr. Twifs, gives reafons of the probability of 
the peopling of America about this time, and in this manner. 



ibre taken from hence— *a little mixed indeed, and metamorphofed in 
^another drefs. And then no wonder they erefted here rings or coronets 
•of pitched ftones, for their puWic inaugurations ; or rather applied thole 
old ones they foandhere to that ufe and purpofe. Might not Sf&m/jenge 
and RoIUHci coronets be very well the relics of ancient Druidifm, and 
yet fall in fuitably enough with the u(eand performance of Danifh con- 
secrations ? And after ages might well be luppofed to miftake that fecond 
edition of their original ©fes for the firft publication of them. 

Secondly, in England there may be, I cdnfefs, fome colour for 
afcribingthofc remains of antiquity to the Danifli confecrations and cuf- 
(toms. But in Wales, in the midft of fome of the mountains of it, 
where not a few of thefe monuments are, and where it is not likely the 
Danes ever were. Who can reafonably attribute thofe ercdions to them ? 
That ellipticd ring or coronet of pitched flones between two great 
mountains near Cg^//(^^rri6 in Caernarvonfliire— -in number forty- two- 
is as likely to have been fet up by the Danes, as are the pillars of Tad* 
tiior, or the pyramids of Egypt. 

Thirdly, let any one confider alfo what hath been before inilanced 
•of the undeniable analogy^ and agreeablenefs of the ancient BritiOi 
names of fome of our monuments^ with what is recorded of the rites 
-and ufages of the Druid&, in authors of much ancientier date than the 
time of the Danifli depredations. Cromlech^ Carem-luacb^ and Bryn 
*Gwyn^ Brdn Gwyrt, are words ♦of more ancient compofitlon^ than is con 
fiftent with the notion, that the parts of them were fetched from Syria, 
^nd lierc fodered together to exprefs a ktte Danifli barbarity. 

But particularly let this very Ifle of Mona be a convincing infl:ance of 
*he improbability of that 6pinion \vhich would afcribe many of thefe 
'credliorts and mbnoments to the Danifli cuftoms. 'fht groves in it.ftill 
retain their old Britifli na'tnes ; aftd alfo the many places bcfore-men- 
doned betoken" the dillin<ft names and orders of the Druids, agreeable 
lenough to the relations given of them by Strabo, C*far, Tacitus, -and 
others. And together with thofe groves and precindb, we have multi- 
tudes 'df raonoments in tJiofe very places which bear the names of 
f<hofe -Ibcleties and orders. Thefe pflaces fo named, and thefe monu- 
Tticnts ed-exifting and bearing mutual: relation to one another, ^s every 
t>nc that knows them tvitt grant they do. On what grounds can any 
man pretend to afcribe fome parts and appurtenances of thefe places 
to Dariicifrti, and not the reft ? For if thofe groves and thofe places, 
in which thefe monumeftts are erc&^d^ and which evidently bear the 

Q^ names 


names of all the orders of* that ancient fccS:,. be Druidical^ as. thofe 
names do greatly import they arc ; then iit will follow by a very rcafoiir- 
able confequence, that thofe momuxicuts arc fo, too : Aaid at the fame 
time evince the im probability ^ not to fay mocc^ oFt-hat opinion, whicli 
would afcribe them to a Danidi origin aL I find now what I have of- 
fered in this* particular very much confirmed by the late author of the 
Hiftory of the Weftcrn Ifles of Scotland, who avx>uches names and tra- 
ditions in many of the Scottifli ifles,. exprcfly agreeing with what I have 
here conjeAured ; where many circular ranges of eredcAftones ace to this 
day by the common people called. Druin-Crunney^ the Druids- Cijclcs, 
and generally believ-ed theic temples;, and feveral antient rites and 
culloms conformable to their uiages and pradtices before-mentioned, he 
there lays down, as undoubted matter of fad, and generally believed fo;: 
to whofe book, for more fatisfaffcion in. this affair,, I recommend andi 
refer the reader^ 

8 E c T r o isr r. 


Cf the dhijions andfub-dmjions of the Ijle of Anglefey ; and of the lawn 
and cujioms ofit^ at the latter time of the Britijh princes. 

ANGLESEY is,, and has been, of very, ancient time divided print-^ 
cipally. into three Cantrefs^ and each of thefe into two Comots y 
viz. Cantrf Rbojfir^ Cantref jib^rffrawy^ and Cantref Cemaes. The 
firft contains Menai and Ijndaetbwy : The fecond,, Malldrattb ^ndi 
hl^on :: And the third, I'wrcelyn and Halyholion.. 

I fhalU Firft„ begin with the etymology of the namesr of thefe divir 
£ons. Secondly^ I ihall account fop the. antiquity^ ufe and applicar 
tion of them to the ancient BcitiHi adminiflration and government*. 
And, Thirdly,, for the quality and condition of thofe, fab-divifions of^ 
"Hrefs, Rljandir's and GafePs. 

As to theii: names; Firft,, Cantref RboJ/ir is vawoufly denominated. 
Some woiUd calf it 'BJb6sfair% from a little church fo dedicated, which 
flands near the head of the majior 5^ and.ibme call it RbSf^Aur or RbSfr 
ffairy from z.Rkos near it, where it is faid. the fair was anciently, kept.: 
But to. me it feem3 more probable that the true name wa^ Rbos^btr, 
more anciently than any of the fore- mentioned names, proceeding from 
the natural propriety of the place, as. original names generally did;; 
that lougDorfum, or ridge of land,, running from Newborougb to Mynydd 



Ijlwydiartf ten miles in length, being on tht top of it all heath or Rbos 
tir ; and when the cx^untry was generally woody, might be x\^w all 
one. bleak and barren RbSs ox heath, of that- length 5 and this heath 
running through tlie two ComotSy was probably called Rbos-^bir, and- 
thence gave name to the whole territory or C&ntref. The two Comots 
contained under this Cantrtff zre Trndaetinty and Menaii of the former* 
I have before accounted, and of the latter I fhall give fome account in 
the lad: fe£tion, 

Th6 fecond Cantref is called the Cantrtfoi Aberffrawy and was (o 
called from the OJlium or entrance into the fea of a fmall brook of tha-t 
name, and called Aberffraw ; where the latter princes of North Wales 
chofe their principal refidence ; and has under it the Comots of Mail^ 
traeth and hlifon. The Comot of Malldraeth is undoubtedly ib called 
from the formerly quaggy and very dangerous fands bordering upon it ; 
but the Comot of Uifon has its name derived from a more obfcure ori- 
gin. I find it written in fome ancient records Llen/oon^ and am apt to 
think it was given at firft to this territory, becaufe it was the mod 
weftern part of the ifland ; the Weil being called in the ancient Britifh, 
Gorlleworif or GorUewifif as it is to this day. 

The third Cantref is called Cantref Qemmaesy I take it, from Cefn-- 
faesy i. e. ridged or arable land ; and the part of that Carttrefy particu^ 
larly called by that name, is the bed corn-land in the whole country ; 
Aodmanyotherlittlc territories in Wales, excelling in bearing corn, are 
called by the name of Cemmaife^. This Cantref has under it the Comots 
~vt^wrce/yn and T'alybolion. 

T\i^ Comot of ^wrcelyny I hafve obfcrved in atictent matiuTctipts to 
he called T/r Cybelyn \ which yet may not perhaps be its firft aiid moft 
•ciciefH 4ianoe, becaufe not betokening (as the ancienteft names gene-* 
rally did) any natural or local propriety, but the poifefiions of one 
-Cybdyn^ who was probably lord of thofe lands. And ibnoe think that 
VCafyboUon^ the other divifion of it, bad fome reference in the found of 
the word, to Suetonius Paulinus, who firft conquered this ifland^ and 
brought it to the Roman fub;edion; it being very probable that the 
firitoos called this Paulinus, PoUlion ; as is obferved by Mr* Edward 
Lhwyd, of a place called Pant y PoJion, near which he took tip the in- 
£>ri|ution of onePaulinus^ who probably was flain or buried at that place. 
And though it muft be confefted, that TaJ in the old Britiih properly 
imports a region or terriibry> and this Suetonius Paulinus, or in the 
language of the Britons, Po/io?:, having fagnalized his name in this 

Qjt - ifland. 


ifland, ndight very well h^ve appropriated to hiinfelf the polSeifion of 
fome part of it y and tbereby have given occafion to its being called ever 
a|ter> RegJo Paulini^ i. e* T^iI^P^Hon i ytt that great pertbn halting had 
no long time here to enjoy the fruits of his conqueft^ and the place be-* 
ing too inconfiderable for io gretX a main I aoi rather inclined to be- 
lievej that as certain territories inCKmbtrland are called Cope-land, ah 
0Luminath cqllibus^ as Mr. Canotdth obfepw$> fo this name might be de* 
rived from the many bleak and coped hills which are in that territorjr 
called Moelion or Motbi4d\ of which one or two. retain the appeilation« 
of * M^fil to this day. On which acconnt I think it probable (fuchi 
bare^topt hills being called Moelkn) that therefore this Comot abound^ 
ing with thofe hiUock$> might then be called ^cly Moelion ; and confe* 
fequently that (the.letters M and B being o£ one organ, eafily convertible^ 
one to another^ and promifcuouily pix)noanced in our tongue) it might 
fo come to pafs in traiSt of time». that Ta/,y Moelion came to be called 
Tal y Boliony as Mod y, don is now commonly pronoimccd BoLy dom 
And for further confirmation of it^ we haji^c one bleak hill in this coun<«- 
try called y Foeh and the territory adjoiniog it, is callitd T^al y F^l to* 
this day. 

Now as tfaefe €anirefi- are divided into fix. Comots, fo thefe Cvmofs 
contain each of them about fixty Trefj or townfliips; which were 
alfo divided towards the latter end of the JSritifbgovernment^.mto abonfc 
five tboufand tenures^, i. e. Gja/efs, ff^ek's and Rkandir^s. 

SECONDt Yy As to the antiquity, ufc and application of thefe di^fions i 
it cannot be denied but that the general partition of Waks^ and eonv 
fequently of the TAkr o( Anglefey, intx> Cantreft and Camots is^ very 
ancient. And if that reading in Tacitus-^Pr4^^/]8//» impofuii vicis-^ht: 
the right one, and means our Irefs or townfliips ; 1 can fcarce forbear 
concluding our Cantrefs or hundreds (theji^ being but numeral dtno* 
mipations of our I'refs: and town(hips) to have been in ufe asnong 
the aborigiua)^ Bcitons^^ loag before the. coming^of the Ronoans into theft 

i^or though that ibrttng aad rafigiog^ of I'refs and townfliips into^ 
hundreds and Cantrefs may feem, vrith fonxe probability to owe its ori- 
gin to the Roman mod^i «$ being but a copy or imitation of their 
ancient clafiical diftributions i»to tribes and centuries ; yet on the other 


^ It feeois that the land here was aU woody, when thcjr ctUed and diftinguUbed ibme ^ndntaea 

^t bad no wood upon, them bjf the name of hM\\ e. bald-tops or. hillocks. 



Bde, who knows but the jiujami-^d Ifitrufcbi^ the anfieftorsof tlie H<W 
mans, did rather derive and borrow* that raode apd platform of dividing 
their land from our aticeilors the Ceha ; ai^d tb^t their T^ribu^jdxA Cen^- 
mt[i^ are the fanie with our Tr^fs and Caatrejfji. And. I. dare appeal to 
any critick in thqfc antiquities to judge; if the Latin .7r/^icf| both ip 
£;)und and fignifLcation aofwecingour T'ref (fi'aad V ot F being labials of 
promifcuous ufe ii» our ancient wprd«) can in its own, or any other 
language fix on fo^ proper and agreeable a derivation^ as from the Cekifi 
or G^ulifi^ Tir-efot Tref. But however that be, Wf may juiUy coft* 
elude, \h^ thofe were reckon^ and called ib^ before the Rotnans had 
any thing to do with our conftitutioA and.goversmeAt;. and liiat; pclflH- 
eipally oa thefe reafons.*^ 

FiRST» ^caufe it i^ in itfelf a very natural aft^Juft diilribvtaQfir for 
fo many leiear hf)t^(hokis ta m^j^e oi^ 7r^ apKl £> m^ny Xrefs to make 
jip one iepar^^ and diftiad: diviiion or C^ntrjff, And ^s- thi^ is a moft 
fit and accom<x>Qda;^ prop9rtion'i for a plebeiaa adminiAratifi^^ fo k 
nk^y be eocKflifded .to- be very ancient, if not to have been the very firft 
aAjd origioi^l. conflitutioh amongA: us* . Secondly, we find the ancient 
Iri(h, v^ko w^rc branches of our Britifh origin, aad am^ng whom the 
Rom^ p9>«er ncyor- prevailed, to have had the £u3iefort of dtvii^Qa of 
their country as we have, i. e. into Cantrefs and Carracbts^ Thirdly, 
we meet with foiii^e paiTages ia Cseiar and Tacitus; which give accounts 
of fuch cei^tvrial divifions among the Gauls and Germans, before ever 
the Ronpans ^ footing in any part of their country y and therefore 
what ourneict neighbours, efpeciaily the Gaul^> ufed of this fort, may 
^ juft^f pfefumed ta have been pra^iled alfo,,. among the ancient Bri«- 
toaa. Andi, Fourthly, it is fufiiciently knowA that the Roman policy 
iKery feldom o& never attempted the alteration of the origi^sil and anciene: 
forw^ and iifagiea of their coi%quered .pr<pviAce«^ except where great pro^ 
KOC^ons.made th^m, raot out the natfves apd ei^p^i/1^ colonies, of their 
ewn. Which alteration of ourmoft anojeitt laws, an d.cuftoms havings 
Aot, by any thing tln^t appears, ;beea ever enforced by the prevailing Ro* 
mans in.thia l:0e of Mqna ^ one may very well conclude that our divi^ 
£ons of Catitfie/ir aad Comfit vc^^ much old^ date, than the Roman 
foirerffini^HSVf A(Ki aj^^o' ^ia^.'di^ibN;i^n of kada iato CUmtrffs m^ 
GmMs twiybe of ipA^h aacieater date,, tbaa that of the Romanor per- 
hsip$ ef th^i Druidical gpy^rnpient ;. yet it is probable, the vidorious> 
RoaMas outde ufe of it, aot only in theic civil and martial adminiftra- 
^pi^ IK it. ifi made, ofo of tp this day^. but a)fo in their diftjngujihing of 



^feudal rights and proprieties ; as it continued to be ufed after the Ro* 
•mans forpDok ns, tliro* the whole time of the Britiih government. 

Now to ^conceive rightly the feature and ofc of thefe divifions, and the 
parts of them» we are to obfcrve, that as Cantref or hundred in the 
right notion of the word, betokens an affociatcd onion and confederation 
oi as many Trefs or townfliips as the word imports ; fo for a more re- 
gular difpatch of affairs and conveniency of aflemhling together, thefe 
Cantrefs are each of them fub-divided into two or more Comots : And 
thtk Cvmots^ as they are *themfelves but parts and divifions of the faid 
'Cantrefi^ iaire commonly ^but* very improperly) called hundreds, as 
thejitmtfred of ^Jlfffwrr,- the hundred of MaMraHb. Yet as they confift 
of fo many Tivefs^ Bods and townftiipsi as are comprehended within 
one comn^on ^l:cciaft> Ko have they held from very ancient time, as fo 
many petty -l<*rdlhips, ^heir feparate courts* and jurifdi€(ions : And 
-as fuc>h, thiFjr'may fee well 'faid to have been the prefervers and con- 
veyers down of our mbft ancient ufages to this day ; and to be the very 
-channels wherein the many ftreams of our national cuftoms were thro* 
a long tradt of time -carried to us from their original fbuntains; and 
which now, fince the union of the EngUfti and Britifh governments, 
ihave met together and dnited into one body of our common and mu- 
*nicjpal laws. 

And thefe ancient laws and ufages of ours thus conveyed to us, hav- 
ing in iheir frame and compofition fo little affinity with the Roman 
law, and having alfo in the adminiftration and execution of them, ib 
neceflary a dependance upon, and connexion with thefe centurial pre- 
t:infts and divifions, may feem to give good warrant to conclude, that 
thefe ancient laws and cuftoms fo conveyed down, as well as thefe 4ittle 
precindts and hundreds in which they were conveyed, were long before 
the Roman government among us '; and fo continued without much aK 
teration, till they came to be Ywallowed up and incorporated into the 
EngliAi laws and government. 

But as to the poiTeflionary part of thefe ancient divifions; as^ they 
were originally in themfelves feparate precindta and jurifdidtions ; fo un- 
der the Roman admin iilration they might become very.ufi^ul and ac- 
commodate proportions ami dividends, to be as the governmi^nt thiMght 
£t, difpofed into feveral feudatory rights and pofTeflions. And (Irtsh indeed 
we find them to have been, that is> the inheritances of princes and no- 
bles during the continuance of the Britifti government ; as is obvious to 
*»iy one, jyho is acquainted with the tran(a(Sions of the Briti(h hiftory;- 
- '• * Thus 


Thus the viifcorious ions of Cunedda Whdigy a Cumbrian prinCc, 
came to be "^oflcflcd of feveral Ctf«/r^/} in Wales, and left their namea 
on them to this day ; which undoubtedly Were thefc mentibned fcparatc- 
ju-eciudls before, and called after wards by other names. . Thus Roderick: 
t4>e Great divided all Wales by a diftribution of thefe Cantrffs, into 
ihree provinces, vix. Gwyneddy. Debeubarth and Pouys^ and difpofed of 
fehem tahia three fons. Ai*td we may reafonably prefume that the late 
Uriti^ pj-mces have thus created their nobles, hy giving them the feudal* 
poiTedions of Cantrefs and ComoU with their jurifdiftions and powers,, 
en terms of homage and fubjedtion. 

Thirdly, To underdand the quality aad^ condition of thefe- ancient; 
divifions in the Britifh (late and government, it will be neceifary to liy^ 
down a fummary cepreieiitation of the ftMidry forts arid different pro- 
prieties of thefe ^reji and Viilds^ of which the Cantrefs confiil ; that 
is, to fee on what terms of AibjefUon and dependance on theic in^me- 
diate lords and princes, thefe particular tenures were eftablifhed ; and; 
how they were difpofed asd managed to the fupport and fafety of the. 
Britilh government. Which being well feen into and confidered, mayi 
give us fome glimmering' light, inta the form and model of our ancient: 
Britifh adminiftratiom 

Now here it mud be confefled, that in the long fpace of fotaie hun***- 
dreds of years^ fince . the diflblution of the Briti(h government, our 
nation being inexcufably remifs and incurious for the information of po^ 
fterity,. the memory of the true ftate and coodition of that government,, 
efpecially of the more popuUr part of it whibli relates to thefe mentioned 
divifions, might for us have been utterly loft and peri(hed» 

But as a juft reproach to our wretched oicitancy and remiflnefs, what: 
our own carelefs negle<3: omitted, the covetoufnefsof our* more watch^ 
£ul conquerors took care to. record and preferve for us j, that is,.the Eng^ 
IKh moaarchs when they got themfelves feized of the laft remains of 
our Briti(h royalties, and found or made themfelves intitled. or in- 
terefled by defcent or conqueft^ to the ancient revenues of our BritiHi 
princes;, thefe £ngli(h monarchs, I. fay, as well to inform themfelves of 
the ftate of tho(k revenues, as to fecure the utmoft benefit of their con^ 
queft, judged it advifeable then to.ifiTue out^commifiioas of inquiry under 
their royal feal to every Comot. of North- Wales, with commifiioners ap- 
pointed: to fearch into> and examine the true ftate of the ancient Britifh. 
tenures, and the former cuftoms and ufages thereof. 



Thefe c6mmiffioners by the authority of the power they were intruflcd 
withp fummoned and tmpannelled juries of the moil fubflantial men 
in every hundred or Com^t, and gave them in charge to make due re- 
turns in writings uponoadi^ of the true flate and circumftance of every 
tenure ; as thofe tenures ftood bound to the prince, and had not before 
been granted over, in Frank* jilmcine or otherwife^ to other proprietors ^ 
as indeed many tenures in feveral Comots were, of which therefore 
we have at prefeitt very little account. At the fame time, or little af<- 
ter the firft c^mmifiion'Of this foft> the Bishop oi Bangor took out ano- 
ther commidion dn like manner, to enquire into the tenures of the 
l>i(hoprick .; wliich txtent I iiave Keen with Dr. Humphrey si late bifliop 
x>i Bangor. 

Now thefe juries having faithfully difcharged their duties, hy what 
light add iivformation was* then pfoduced before them in thofe particu- 
lars^ and the retupris a«d visrdids them, being of record, and 
fairly written, were taken by the comtniinoners in every Cemot ; and 
in this part o^f North- Wdes vyewf fcnt and delivered up by them into 
the prince's exchequer at^ Caernart^oDj to be there carefully and fafely 
kept and recorded. Froti!! fh^fe vcf^di£ls it is that we now have the beft 
lights into fome parts of the frame and conditution of the Briti(h polity, 
and other particulars of that goviernlnent, which otherwife would have 
ic^ ever lain in the dark ; or at leafl we ihotild have been far to feek 
for them. And' m^eed lor what light we have fronn thdie records, we 
cmgiM ta be tnuth obligdd eo the gienerous care^ and induftry of that 
very worthy and defibrv^l^y <;elebraK«d pei^ibn, ^r William Ctuffydd 
of Penrfyn^ ktiigbti 3iiSd ck^bei4ain of North-' Wales i whl> pre- 
ferv«d th^fe records from periling, by coHe^ing fo many of them 
as he could- fetrieve fF(!)«i moth and eorrupt^kfini and th^m caofing 
tho& fbatieiie4 idite'and fragments 'Which bt could meet with^ to 
be fairly written by oM y^nkjn G^n% in two large books of pardb^ 
mem, for ihft^ infbrmation df pofterky. One whereof is that hdtik^ 
kept stlwoys in the Chaniberkin's-dflke/ called by the name <f{ the E:X<^ 
tent of Nofth-Walcs ; ami the other he traniirtitted into the Audift»rV 
t>ffice at London, where it is preferved t6 this day. Of this book there 
Imve been many entire copies written, which are yet in many hands ; 
and (bme in parcels, of particukr counties ; which deferve to be more 
tiat^FOwIy fearchcd into and examined than generally they are; out of 
which, and a few other remains of antiquity, in order to account for 




ihe ancient divifions of thia ifland» I have taken up and coUcdlcd thefe 
pbfervations following. 

First, We have thence to obfcrve, that the ♦ Britifli princes and 
4)ther lords of particular territories^ were owners in capite of all their 
lands, and ibvereign lords of all their fubjefts and bondmen ; unto whom 
thefe pfiiices and fovereign proprietors diftributed feveral townlhips and 
liamlets, or particular tenures or Gavels of thofe faid townfliips and 
hamlets 5^ which Gavels they generally called JVele^s^ i, e, feats or dwel- 
lings : Thefe, I fay, they^ diftributed to their bondmen and fubjeds, by 
way of martial difpofure, to be enjoyed by thefe vaffals and fubjefts on 
fuch terms and conditions, as thofe lords and princes who beftowed 
them thought fit to impofe ; and \?ith fuch privileges and degrees of 
right and liberty, as they found thofe men, either by defcent or toerit, 
to deferve. And thofe men they called either freeholders or vaffals, and 
♦he lands and tenures fo given, cither freehold or villanage ; being all 
equally tenants to their lord or prince, but in regard of thefe privileges 
difpcnfed to them in the firft difpofal, they were in different degrees of 
freedom or vaffalagc. 

Secondly, We have thence to obferve^ that thefe town (hips were 
:diftingui(hed by them, in refped either of quality or quantity. In re- 
fpcA of quality, we find that thefe vills or townfhipsi were either wholly 
free or wholly bond; or partly free ,or partly bond. And we may 
obferve alfo, that of the bond and native town£hips — Terra Nativa the 
Extent -book calls them— there were feme lands of greater freedom and 
feme of lefs, or of none at all ; and their poffeffors or tenants, I mean 
t)f the firft fort of villanage, called themfelves Nativt Liberty i. c. Free 
Natives, or the better fort of vaffals f as the others of the fecond fort 
were called Puri Nativi, Pcrfed Slaves. In Ireland, much the fame 
divifion of tenants, viz. free* and bond, fubfifted ; as is mentioned by 
Sir James Ware and others in their accounts of that kingdom. 

But the wholly free townfliips and freeholds were in themfelves from 
their original conftitntiOT, fuch as gave their poffeffors a. rahk above 
other tenants ; qualified them, it feems, for offices and employments^ 
and gave them feats and voices in courts of judicature ; from which pri-* 
vilege of fitting aJoft^ higher than the other tenants in their Goffeddau, 
and of aiflifting in pafling of judicial decrees and fentences, the tenants 

* y Brcnhin lufjdd tir y Jtjrnas o!L See Unntl Ptft 



of thofe freeholds were generally called Ucbehoyr^ that is, men of prin-^ 
cipal rank in the I'ref or townfhip. 

On the other fide, we find that the tenants of bond-lands and vil- 
lanages, as they were of a quality below and inferior to freeholders, fo^ 
they were obliged to greater drudgeries, and employed in more fervile 
works, and were to be difpofed of in many things as their lords and 
princes pleafed to ufe them. And of thefe, fome (as I obferved before), 
were free natives and fome pure natives. The free natives I take to be 
thofe who had fome degree of freedom, who might go whcr^ they would,, 
might buy and fell, and had many immunities ^ but the pure nativea 
(as they were called) were the peculium of their proprietory lords and 
princes, to be difpofed of as they lifted. And I remember to have met 
in Sir William Gruffytb's book,, with aa extra^St pf a deed, where the na- 
tives of the townftiip of Portbaetbwy^ many years after the time of the 
Britifli princes, were fold as part of the eftate of thofe lands they be- 
longed to; and of which, and others of that fort, I havcgiv^n elfewherc 
large inftances. And I have by me a copy of injundion ifiued out by 
Henry the Seventh, king of England, commanding efcheators and all 
^ther minifterial officers to fee that the king's native tenants kept with- 
in their common limits ; and if any of them were found to ftray and 
wander from their home, to drive them back, like beafts, to their pin- 
folds, with the greateft feverity. . 

Thirdly, In regard of extent and quantity;, thefe T^refs were fomo 
of them entire and undivided ; and fome disjointed and fevered into 
parcels and hamlets. Some T^refs were large and capacious, confifting 
of many WeleSy feats and families ; as thefe again of Rbandirs and Gavels^ 
meafured out by Boviats and Carucats. And fome Trefs were narrow 
and fcanty, confifting of fewer of thefe divifiona; as thefe did of fcwet 
Carucats and Boviats. 

It is obfervable alfo^ that thefe Trefs thus quafified and diftinguiftied; 
and likewife the feveral partitions and fub-partitions of them, as they 
happened by gavel-kind,, efchcats, the gift of princes, or any other 
ways to be divided^ were all of them obliged to the prince, ot under 
' him, or by derivation from him, to their immediate lord, or chief pro* 
pric.tor, by certain fixed and determined ties and conditions, rated and 
.cftablirtied, it feems, at the firft difpofal of thefe tenures by the prince 
or ^citfe^ lords of the fee; and to be pundlually obferved and per- 
formed by thofe tenants and their fucceflbrs,. to theip fuccecding lords 
and mafters. 



• • • " 

Now all thefe bonds and ties whereby all holders of land in the Brhifh 
ftate, were indifpenfably obliged to the prinCe their landlord » were, as 
we may obferve out of thefe records, of divers forts, which I reckon to 
be thefe, viz. 

Firft, RENTS. 

Secondly, SERVICES. 

Thirdly, DUTIES. 

Fourthly, MULCTS. 


By thefe the prince's wants in every refpeft were fupplied, and the 
people had enough to make a plentiful fubiiflence : By thefe too the peo- 
ple engaged the love and enabled the protedion of their prince : And by 
ihefe the prince fufficiently fecured the people's loyalty and obedience. 


First, Rents : Some of thefe were paid in ready, money, and fome 
in goods and cattle. What were paid in ready money, were paid cither 
dt fixed and certain times, as the four quarterly payments, and the two 
half yearly ones ; or were paid uncertainly, and by cafualty, as Releefs, 
and Herriots : Thefe were fmall fums of money now, though great then, 
afcertained and rated on all thofe particular tenures that were conditioned 
to pay them. 

What alfo were paid in goods and cattle, are either certain quantities 
of com, at certain times in the year, as a fet quantum of wheat, barley, 
oats, (Sc. which very often occurs in the BiHiop's Extent-book; or 
Staurum Principis^ which many Trtfs were obliged to pay i and that 
was a certain number of oxen and cows, at the end of the year : As it 
frequently occurs in the King's Extent. 

As for what they called T'ttw-rent, it is properly referrible to thofe 
fums paid to the prince at times limited and certain ; it often occurs 
in the Prince's Extent, and feldom or ever in the Bifhop's Extent-book. 
It was a fum payable by four villain-townfliips in every Comof, five 
(hillings per annum on thofe Trg/}, ceffable on every Gavel or tenure, 
and colleded by the Gojiegwrot ferjeant of the manor. And fo Efcuage, 
when it was rated and certain, was a fort of Soccage-rcnt ; but when 
uncertain and cafual, it was no other than military or knigbt-fervice, 
as I found it obferved in * G^wydyr-capy, among other ufeful remarks 
on the Extent of North-Wales. 

• Sir John Wynn's copy of the Extent of North-Wales. 

R 2 It 


It is to be obfcrved in this place; that ^eis origmally fame rents were: 
fixed and rated on all tenures whether free or bond, and on dl tenants,, 
whether freeholders or vaflals i and that thoie were of that fort whick^ 
the Englifli laws call foccage-rent or tenures; fo the difl^rence lay 
chiefly in the different grants of the fupreme difpofing power which the 
prince had over thofe lands and tenants. As to the freehold-lands, the 
tenants or freeholders of them had a legal right thereto, on the bcforc- 
liientioned conditions, but forfeitable in certain cafes (as I obferved 
before) to the prince or lord of the fee. But as to the villanages, the* 
bond-tenants thereof, whom they commonly . called ^'/Ibii^x -iur Vqffalsr 
had no property in the lands aligned to them« but merely occupancjr 
and poi]^i3ion during the prince's or lord's pleafure ; and they were but 
as flaves, to be placed. here and there, as it .pleafed thek lords aqd nui--^ 
fters to difpofe of them ; yet moftly with tliis regard, that the rents 
charged on thofe ^///j/n-tenures were fixed and certain, and payable,, 
as the rents of freeholds were, on fixed and certain days of .paynrent^ 
which appears ii> every part of the prince's Extent-book. On this aci> 
count it was that when the ^Bnglifh monarchs 'poifeflbd the rights and^ 
xevenues of ^e Britifh princes, they could not without manifefl wmng: 
difpoflefs the freeholders, becaufe upon our -fubmiflion ta the Englifh 
fceptre it was otherwtfe fVipukted f but as to the villanages and rlands* 
of Vajfalsy they foon made bold to take them into their own hands $; 
becaufe to flaves, that is, to fuch as have no right, no wrong can be 
<done : And then they let out thofe lands on leafes, as they did their 
other crown-lands; ftill confining themfelves to the old rents; but en*^ 
hancing their benefit from them, by augmenting, their tenants' £nes as> 
they faw occafion . 

And thefe forts of tenure were they, which afterwards came to be' 
called King's-Lands : All which, with other lands that accrued to the 
crown by efcheats, forfeitures, and di^lution of religious houfes, &ix 
are now almofl all fold here to private families ; I mean the improved- 
rents of them ; but the old rents of tfaem^ being unalienable are fliU^ 
paid yearly by the prefent proprietors it the Auditor's«*office f as the- 
other freehold-rents are or ought to be annually colleded^ in every^ 
Yownfhip by itfelf, by fome (Mie deputed by the Auditor to receive them'j: 
^nd in order thereunto, to give acquittances in difcharge of what thej^ 
fo receive, upon the coUedors (hewing their warrant and the roll or 
record of the hundred fubfcribed by the jury thereof on the lafl: forv^ 
7 mades; 


Made.; -by whi<ih ppil it was to appear what every tenant was to pay, 
, and on wkat lands they were to levy i$> • ^ ; 

Here give me leave to make one further remark, not uniifefal on this 
fubje£t; which is, .that fome may he apt to wonder that .two or three 
Shillings may, with any propriety of fpeaking, be called the rent of fo 
much land as they are itfually paid for. But that wonder will fbon va- 
vnifh, when they confider that two or three iliillings were, at the time 
thefe lands were fo ratedr in intrinfic value, more than fo many pounds 
flerling in thefe days.; <as I want not clear evidence to demonftrate. 
And though I am as any to advance a proportion that may 
ieem ftrange,. yet in this natter, it is not fo ftrange as true, that if gold 
and filver come to appear above ground yearly in fuch prodigious quanr- 
fities, during the two next centuries, as they have done. the twolaft~» 
the property of thofe metals being to laA for a long time, and in the 
Bfing not oafily waftdbi&-—the iotrinfic value of i«^ much gold or filver 
as mafees two or three pounds fterlifig now, wiiU dwindle and diminifh' 
. one half ; that is, will buy no more (goods at two hundred years hence, 
than what .half the fum.of thofe metals will now da. The reafon wHt 
kold good on both fides : For if there be now twenty times more iilver 
and gold m Europe than was two hundred yeacs ago^ .as we prefume 
there is,, and provided the encreaie of thefe petals advances proportion- 
ably during the next two hundred years in the& countries, it will follow 
that the intrinfic value thereof muft decreafe, for the next two hun« 
dred years in the iame proportion > fo that twenty AiilHngs then wiir 
be but as ten jQiiUtngs now : Becauie the gold and filver of Europe, if 
k comes up, and be imported here in the fame proportion, and the ex- 
portation of it prevented by law, will be forty times more at that 
time, than it was two hundred years ago, and therefore it comes down^ 
to half the value f for it is apparent thjit the intrinfic value of all good» 
rife and fUl in^ proportion to the plenty and fcarcity of them. It mat- 
ters iiot in this cafe, whether thefe metals in a kingdom or flate be coined' 
or not; for when the flate or kingdom is pofiefTed of it, it is eafily on 
occafion made current, and is fo to be reckoned the cafh of that flate 
of kingdom > and tbe value 6f lands and goods mufl ratably increafe, as* 
. the intrinfic value of gold aiKl filver falls and diminifhes« 


. Secondly, Services : Under this head is to be reckoned a great deal- 
•f what the fcveral 7r(fsy or the particular Gtfv^/f and tenures of every 



manor were obliged to do. To the well conceiving whereof it will be 
ncceflary to prcmife, that in every Cantref^ generally, the prince had 
a manor^houfe^ his chapel» mills, offices, and other conveniences j to 
everyone of which, and that i« fcveral forts, ihe fervices pf tenants 
were fcverally adapted. 

The head-manor, or the place where the manor-houfc or Llys (loodir 
was ufually comportioned into feveral Gavels^ laid out to tenants for 
private and domeftic fervices. The tenants or pofleffors of fuch lands 
were in many places called, Gwyr MaeU Gwyr tir y porthy and Gwyr 
gwaiti. The tenants of the reft of the Comof were fbme of them obliged 
to repair the walls, fome the hall, fomc the chapel 5 and fome of them 
to do other neccffaries and appendages of the prince's palace, or the 
chief manor "houfe of the Cantref. 

Befides thefc alfo, there were in every Cantref fome tenants who 
were tied by their tenures to carry ftones, fome to carry corn, fome to 
repair the roof, fomc the walls, fome the water-courfe of this mill, and 
fome others of that mill ; fome to carry the Mabere^ as it is there ex- 
prefTed; by which, I take it, they meant the great ftones *, and the 

• great timber, of this or that mill. Some alfo were obliged by their te- 
nures to repair weirs, fome to carry wattles and brufti-wood, fome to 

• hedge warrens, and fome to attend the offices of the larder and kitchin, 
as every where occurs in the prince's Extent-book* 

As to the mentioned diftindion of Gwyr MaeU Gwyr Gioaitbf and 
-Guyr tir y portb ; I take Gwyr MaeU to be either the prince's local 
guard, obliged to arm themfelvcs, to watch and ward about the palace, 
-anfwerable to the caftle-guard- tenure among the Engliftii or perhaps 
they were only fuch as had fome fmall vvages allowed them for their 
work, as there occurs the mention of feveral tenants in the prince's 
Extent-book> who had a penny per diem allowed them. The Gwyr 
gwaitb were fuch as were to work on their own cofts. And the Giayr 
tir y portb were fuch as were obliged to do, on the prince's corn-land, 
the ufual work and fervice incumbent on them. Of this laft fort the 
Bifhop's Extent makes frequent mention, but not by that name. 

Now tiry portb I take to be terra pajih in its true fignification i that 
is, fuch landSf— and generally they were the beft— as the princes re- 
ferved in every manor for the corn-provifion i and fuch in many places 
have been called Ceinmaes or Cefn-Jaes, as I before obferved, viz.r idged 

* The great timber, not the great ftones. Maergmtum, or Mahirimium, is an old law term 
-for any fort of timber fit for buUding, derived from the French Mert/nn. 

2 or 


er ploughed land : Which diftihdlion was very proper, when the coun- 
try was generally wild and woody. And thefe Cemmaes^s, of which 
there are feveral in Wales,, arc always reckoned the, bed corn? lands in 
their territory. , 

Thus in the manor o( R6o/fr, the dividend or portion of land afligned 
to that ufe was the townfliip of Celleiniogy alfo called Maes y porth,. as 
one part of it is fa called ' to- this day ; which- Llewelyn ap lorwertbi^ 
prince of North-Wales, beftowed as provifionTland, as he did alfo 
Bodgedwydd or TCrefod Gedwydd in the Cantuf oi Aherj^raw^ on the ab-^. 
bey of Conway,. Both which places were afterwards by. the monks of 
that houfe called^ the one ^irt or ^art grains^ and the other ^irtau > 
they being both applied and made ufe of by that convent, withfome dif- 
ference of condition^ to the fame- ancient end and purpofc- 


Thirdly, Duties : Under thi^ head I comprehend the feveral fuitiF 
and courfes,* which many of their tenants, both, free and bond, were: 
pbliged tp perform : . 

Firfl:,. SeSia ad Curiam^ i. e. appearance, when fummpned,. at the^ 
prince's court; which without great peril nonedurfl: refufe. 

Secondly,. SeSia ad Hundredumy i. «• to appear, when, fummoned, at 
the court of the Hundred or Comot where they lived. 

Thirdly, SeSia ad Comitatuniy 1. e. appearance at the County Courts 
This was formerly their great court of Comrnon-Pleas,.and of great au- 
thority,, whofe jurifdidlion extended over the whole county. And is to- 
this day under the kings fubftitute, the flierifFof the county, of confe* 
quence ; wherein matters of the greatefl moment^ relating. to the county^ 
are tranfaded. 

Fourthly, SeSla ad Molendinum^ that is, to grind at fuch aiid fuch a^ 
mill, paying griil-toll, adtrigefimum va^^ the thirtieth, part,, which was 
tlien very confiderable, when the repairs* were all upon thefe tenants^^ 
who yet were obliged to pay that tolL And fome.of th^fe tenants who 
w^ere not concerned with the repairs, were yet obliged to make and clear 
water-courfes,. and to carry feveral things, thereunto,, efpecially the 
prince's own corn. 

Fifthly, Si6ia ad giver ram \ they were obliged to array, and follow the 
prince to the war : This was a general. duty, where the nobility andcom- 
monalty were to attend, when called upon. And the fame in. that cafe*, 
was. the duty of every tenant to his immediate lord or nobleman ;. //v 




raS MCNA ANT fC^UA K« S't' AU R A TX. 

cum domino ad gwerram fumptibus proprns -f that is, to* attend tfieir \otd\ 
engaged in the war, fooie for a limited time, and to a limited phce> bat 
fome indefinitely to any place^ at their own pfX)per coils ^nd. charges. 
This latter duty« where it was fb peremptory an4 indefinite^ was then 
called Gwaitb Mikoyr^ that is, a fort of knight-ferviccv 

Secondly^ under this head I reckon alfo the Cylcbau or die courfes 
thefe tenants were bound to undergo* In this I muft confefs there is at 
this time no fmall difficulty to give a determinate account what they all 
were, and how by the prince or his officers they were ufed and managed*. 
They are in the Exteat of North- Wales thus expreited and reckoned* 

Cykb Stolon. 
Cylcb Rbaghn. 

3. Cylcb Hebogyddion. 

4. Cykk Greorion* 

5. Cyicb Dowrgon. 

Thefe were duties incumbent on particular tenures, to be performed 
by the tenants or poiTeirors of them at certain turns and courfes, accord^ 
Ing as thofe lands were originally ilipulated for, ^nd conditioned to un« 
dergo. On fome, one or two of thefe duties ; on othel-g, more were 
incumbent. Towards the explanation of thefe courfes, I (hall ofifer the 
following conjcdures. 

Firft, it feems to me very prdbable, that in thofe ancient tumultu- 
ous times^ when buildings were very mean, and frequently demolifhed 
by the rage of wars ;— that in thofe unfcttled times, I fay, provifion 
was eveiy where made, when lands were to be difpofed and cantoned 
into Gavels and tenures, for the fupport and maintenance of the nu* 
merous retinue that was oi neceiSty to ferve .the prince and to attend 
his court. 

Oh this provifion, and in this manner eflablifiied^ the princess ofii* 
cers and fervants were to fubfift. And as our prince's court was then 
rather apibulatory and (hifting from manor to manor, than fixed and 
fettled to any certain place ^ fo into what Cantrefot manor focver he 
came, and for ibmc time refided, the tenants of that manor, by a re* 
ferved power as before* men tioned^ were particularly to take in and pro « 
vide for fuch and ib many of the prince's ofiicers and fervants, as their 
Gavels and tenures of lands, fo given out to them and to their anceilors, 
obliged theni to do. 



-And thus I conceive that CylcS Stalon was the receiving and entertain- 
iflg of the prince's grooms, and feeding fo many of his horfes, for fuch 
and fuch a time, among fuch and fo many of the tenants of the manor 
he redded in, as were particularly bound to the performance of that duty. 
So likewife it is probable, that Cykb Rbaglon * was the entertaining 
the prince's Senefcbal or fleward, among fuch and fo many of the tenants, 
(for we muft . know that as well freeholders as bondholders were te- 
nants) who were obliged to receive them, each in his turn* And this 
is exprefs in the Biihop's Extent*book, where you may find that his 
Senefcbal was to be entertained, for fo long a time as their cuftom ob- 
liged them to do ; and alfo the bi(hop's horfes or GarreonSf fo called 

/ there, to be fed and provided for, during the fame, by feveral of the 

bilhop's tenants* 

That Cylcb Hebcgyddion was, after the fame manner, the entertain- 
ing and providing for the prince's falconers and his hawks. This i^ 
ealily to be gathered out of the King's Extent-book of North -Wales, in 
villa de Pennartb in Qomitatu Carnarvon & pqffim alibi.^ So it is alfo to 
be gathered out of thofe records, that Cylcb Greorion^ as it is called, wai 
. the providing for and entertaining by turns (every tenant for a limited 
time) the keepers of the prince's live-ftock and cattle; fuch I fuppoft 
as were defigned for the (laughter, for the proviiion of his family, when 
he refided in their manor. And this duty, it feems, came afterwards tQ 
be commuted into certain payments oi money, called Arian-Greorionr^ 
which often occur in the Prince's Extent. 

1 But laftly, with refpe£l to that Cylcb. Dorgon or Cylcb Dowrgdn', 

which occurs very often in the Prince's Extent-book, and incumbent 
on very many free Tre/s and Gqfels ; what is meant by it, I think is 
not eafily determinable. 

It feems with fome likelihood to relate to the prince's huntfmen, and 
his dogs ; which the tenants were likewife obliged to take in and pro- 
vide for by turns, as often as the prince made any flay, or came to hunt 
in any I'ref or manor. This I think is made out fomewhat plain from 
a paffage in that fragment of the Moelmutian Laws mentioned in Howel 
Di(a*s book, in the latter part of it, where Trefs are diftributed intd 
Maenals ; of which the author of that writing affirms twelve ought to 
be in every Comot: Whereof four, fays that old law, ought to be, / 
feibicn eillion ; that is, as Dr, Davies explains the word, in villainage or 

S vaflal- 


vaiTai-tenure -f*. And the ufe of thoJe towj)(bips was, as it is there tx^ 
preffed, / iartAi Cwn, a Mdrcb^ a CbfycA^^ a Dcfraitbf viz. to receive 
and provide for the prince's dogs» his horfes^ hii haivdcs^ and hf 
D^railAf we arc to onderftand all iervile drudgeries which thcfc Trf/s 
Were borutid to do.; And fo that old law coododes, that in that manner 
the. prinpc was to order his court, and to difpofe of his retinue and (tr- 
vants in every Cantrrfox Cemot he canoe into^^whicli I take to be the 
mcarting of. thofe words in that Izw-^Ac yn y Modi byrmy y dyk y 
Brenhin wejifa bob blwydtfyn^ i. e. and in that manner was tfaie prince ta 
go about or vifit his manors or Csntrtfs every year. 

Neither is it untcafenafak to think, Goniidering the fmallneia of dba 
prince's cnanor-houfes ami buildingSn which he had generally id <€very 
Cantref^ and. which were but forry habitations then $ I fay, it is not at 
all unreaiboable that his ^reait lEouofiiold ;ancl uetimie fliould be thus dif- 
tributed by turns and changes amongft his tenants. But how ]«pig 
thefe turns continued at a time, or how oft they retomod, i canndt fary i 
But do fuppofe that when the prince's ooart caoie to any Cantrtf^ he 
having a manor-lMufe for the moft part in every one^ the tenants of that 
manor, were, as before^mentioned, obliged to keep and maintain tb^ 
prince's fervants^ while he made his ftay in iheiaid manor > and wheA 
be r9fl}Oved to .sDOtber manor, it is likely the tenants of the laft manor 
I^ re&ied in wore eafed of their guefts. And it is pnobabk that when 
th^ prince did n^ or pould not conac at the oihal times among liick 
tenantSj, that they were then obliged to pay in lieu of it, a fiim oi money, 
which iM^s therefore caUed jirioM Gwejifa ; which Dr. Davies on the 
word Gv^eJ/a explains thus—- ^mmmt pecuniarum ^juts fubditi fohtbartl 
frtnciph pro eo quSd ipjkm tSfuas^ in trat^tu^ fud guifq$u vice in bojpkium 
txctpere tenebantur : that is, " A fum of money which the tenants ptid 
to the prince, inftead of entertaining him and his court by turns, as he 
went about on liis pcogref^." 

It is remftrkabje here^ that the ancient Iri/h laws ieem to have been 
much of a fort with ours in this cafe, by their Brebms and BonacbfH 
their Cofgne and Lherits, their Cq/berings and Cf^/, and their Cuttings 
^00 their tenants, claixned and exaifled by their lords and princes; as. 
iippears at large in Sir John Davies's book of the State of Ireland. 
Which is a further argument of the original agreement between the 
JriAi and old Britons, in their forms of government, as v^lla s in their 

t It iliould rather be traadated^--^* Sons of Sliens or ftrangers.** 



laoguagej and miny other particulars ; betokqiing their being once 
one people^ or having at lead a great intercourfe and communication foe* 
twccn them. 


FounTHiY, Mal€ts : Of this fort we find not many incomes to Hie 
prince, fixed and rated upon any particular tenures 1 only Cdier, Amohtr^ 
vA Obediw. The othef mulds, whereof there were a great many» 
« may be obfer^ed out pf the books of Hdwel Dda^ were cafual and 
not local penalties, infli6ted but in particular cafes, on a few perfo^al 
tnmfgreffions. • - 

Amobefy or Am-^ntdbr^ Ammobrogium in the Biiliop's fixtehf-book, 
was a mulft payable on certain Tr^i and Gafels. It wiaS generally ten 
ihillrngSy and on fbme places but five, Pto faminarum Scortatione^ for 
"womens* incontinency. And there afe fbme who affirm, ^at it was 
anciently a fine paid to the prince or lord of the fee, at the maffiage of 
% raifaFs daughter. See Dr. Davies's quotatioh^on that word. 

Obedi^a ♦ was a fum of money rated on fevcral Trg^, and payable to 
the prince or chief lord, as the mortuary for the death of a tenant ; anci 
this was fbmttime called Obedko Dietifedd^ where a fum of 'mdttey was^ 
payable to the prince or lord for a tenant dying without iflue. "This is 
fometimes called Rtlevium or relief-money, paid to this day to thfe prince 
by the tenants of feveral lands \ though it be exprefly remittdd in the 
charter of North -Wales. ' 

But for Gober^ I have good grounds out of the Extent af North • 
Wales* to a^rm, that it was that which was paid to thfe princd 6r lord 
for the marriage of a vaflal's daughter ; which was mofi comfhoAly ten 
fhiHings. See the Extent-book in Filld TreddeJIennydd m Anglefey. A 
rdic, it feems, of ancient heathenifh barbarity, commuted in time of 
Chrifliasity to a fum. of money, and therefore called Am-wobr ^f ; bein|; 
afupplctory mulft, payable to the chief lord of the place, inflead of 
that barbarous cuftom of dcflooring his vafTars bride.' Many of thefe 
payments are now remitted by the charter of North** Wales, granted to 
the Welfh by king Henry the Seventh. 

' * Thiff b^the fiune whh Aiedi^, EMinv^ and Daered, rn Ahglefejr, Hd^tJ, where the befc 
beaft of the tenant's at his deaths is due to the lord : An^Uu^ Herriot. 

f Oohtr and AtMher are two dlfUnft mul6ts ; the former beiiig a fine paid to the Idrd On the 
marriage of a tenant's daughter, or on her committing the a£l of incontinency: The latter, & 
payment made to the bride's father or guardian, for his confent. 

S2 AT- 



Lastly, Attendances: Thefe were an obfigation on the great ones 
to their fovercign prince. I call it attendance, becaufe it was the con- 
dition of a fee or honour, as fervice was the condition of inferior tenures. 
Aqd jhis. attendance was of fundry forts, according to the feveral occa« 
fions of the prince, both in peace and war. 

The perfons thus obliged were generally the prince's nobles, lords 
and barons, and therefore this attendance of theirs is fometimes called 
baron-feryice. And thcfc lords and great menliad like wife under them» 
both tenants of frceliolds and vafTals, over whom they were lords in fec^ 
And it is here a queilioi), perhaps worth enquiry, whether there was 
before Edward the Third, any fuch thing as fee-fimple in Wales, except 
only ih the le noble and feudatory poffeffions ? Of this fort was Llowarch 
ap Bran of Porthameli Hwfa ap Cynddd of Fr^ad^edi ^egerui a^ 
Carwedd of Llwydiartb *, Eneon ap Gwalcbmai of 7refeilir i Cadrod 
Hwrdd of Bodafon, and others in their time of this country, who ttad 
(rufls and offices both martial and civil conferred u^pon theai> andaUb 
titles, honorary and miniflerial ; all depending on thefe conditions* 

Thus * Hivfa ap Cynddel of Prejaddfed held hi» eftate. in fee, by at- 
tending on the prince's coronation, and bearing up of the right ifidc of 
the canopy over the prince's head, at that folcnpinity. And. the bifhop^ 
they fayt held fomewhat by his peculiar o0icc of crowning him,, and 
\y being his capellanus primarius, his principal chapkin. Moft of th? 
jpxince's lords and nobles were bound to particular attendances byi. thofe 
land-conditions, befidcs what they were in general obliged tq,. as fub* 
jcfts by bpmage and fealty j which conditions under pain of baniibr 
inent (which fort of punifliing was then moft in ufe). and forfeiture Qi 
their tftatcs, they were bound to perform,, when, duly fummoned and. 
called thereunto. 

On this account, I conceive, it was that the three ions of l^udur at 
pronw of Trecqftell^ viz. Ednyfed of Trecajiell, Gronw. of Penmynydi^ and 
.-R/^j of Arddreiniog^ were in their time called the three temporal lords 
of Anglcfey ; as the Penclas of Holy-Bead — ^L e. Pencolas or prefident 
of the collegiate church there ;— the arch-deacon of Anglefey 3 and the 
jpripr of Penmyi^ were the three fpiritual lords. Their tenures, it^ 

Yr Hwfa lywviii Eti/eJJion bynaf a nttfcavt y Dolaiib €tm hm y Tfivjfig, gy^a at Efi^h Banc9r\ 
y dydd (iffita/y cyJ/igrtJ y Tywyfug yn y Dalai tb, yr uiid ^ i H<wfa y pdr dillad a fai am jfy 

nn^fiz^ wnh 'wijco y Dalaiib am ti but j a byn otdd wafauaith Ihv/a ap Cynddd. . Vide Lmmj ZW 

iiloddaiib copy, p. 53- 


• MityKIA: -AHfTiVtlV A . R:E^S T A U^R A T A. ' r j3 

'being baron or knigbtrfervices/ and anciently intitlcd to fbme of tbofe 
martial or nunifterial attendances; encouraged themi for pKfenration of 
their ancient rights and cuftoms, to take on th^m thofe. titles and call 
themfelves' knights oriords^; «as the ilory :of one» who indeed was father 
of thefe mentioned temporal lords> is reiDarkable^iiin) Mn Robect 
Vairghan's book concerning that particular, Thefe forts of Welfli lords 
were they that paid homage for their lands and eflates in fee,, to Edward 
prince of Wales, at Chefter, in the time of Edward the Firft. See 

.CaraJoctis Lancar. Mr*. Wynn'^s edition, pv 3 lov. ;^ 

There, tvere in Aiiglefeyi arid in other countrieay. eerfoin tenures arfd 
lands, which were held, of neither prince nor lord, but of certain faints^ 

.or patrons of churches ; where we find,* as appears in the Prince's Ex- 

> tent-book, the t.enants of thofe lands call theiniclves abbots^ Of whicb 
faints or church-patronS). there wera feuen in Anglcfey that were, in- 
titled in capite to feveral tenures, viz. St. Beitrm^ St. Cybu St. Cadwaladr^. 

•St, Peirio, St. Cyngar^i St. Mamtus or MecieW, and St. E/ian\. ThelSl* 

. of thefe, viz. St.. BUatty. had. a great deaL of lands beflowed on him aod 
his church for ever by CafwaUtm haw^hin^ ibmetime prince of theie. 
countries,, as appears by an andent. charter* under of Cafwalfon^, 
but how authentic I cannot fay ^ wliich yet has been inipeded.and conp- 
firmed by fome of the kings of England. Mofli of tbefe churches, as I 
obferved in an ancient manufcripts had m ancient times their Nawddfaau- 
or fandluaries eilabliihed in them :; Which gives tne grounds to guefs 

:that one of the conditions of thofe tenures fo beAowed on them, was^ 
to maintain and fqpport thofe places^ of refuge^ and the. perfons pro* 
teded in them i and to Tee that their privileges and immiinities, with 
.other rights thereunto belongings were from time to time preserved and 
kept inviolate^. i 

To conclude this- fedtion; There take leave to iay^ that the reafon; 
.which. induced. me to collect thefe brief remai^cs on the flate and con- 
dition of our Cantrefsy Comots^ and tdwhfliips^. with their fubordinate 
divifion^ in this ifle of Angle&y, was, that by them we might: have fbme 
light and infpeAion — ex Ungue Leonemi^iMo the frame and conflitui* 
tion of our ancient Briti(h government. A«d what Ihave gathered oiit 
. of thefe mentioned verdi<f):s^ I take to be unexceptionable teftiihonresv 
and evidences of wbat I have offered, in^ celation to thofe fmaller di^i* 
fioj^s; being the.reportis of , the mofi; fobftiiTtial men in evqry ^0fioty, 
madeupon. oath,, and taken out of the. beffc/affurances, of aiicient men». 
Kcords^ and. tradition-i*attd that tboJa-thrveVy.clofe and fct ting of tliat 



1 ancient BritUb f;avtmrbeni ; which (as all bdiAriUBhinary tiMigf faa^ 
their determined fjttes and periods) was forced to lay down hei'aiicjeilt 
claima aed pretenfions, and fubmitto the more peaceful and happy forms 
of a well- tempered BngKfli eftaUidnncnt^ aodar which it has notr for 
Ibme ages happily continued. ^ - ^ 


Tie mofi remarkable occurrences in the Ifle of Mona, JtmH the time H Hvat 
. fubdued Sy the Romans^ and the Druidijh hierarchy n»as Sfiihed in it^ 

ta the time the Briti/h favertignty was ejlabtijhed at Aberfrat)^, where 
• . the b^cryaf Wales begins ^ to which I refer the reader for fi&iber ac^ 

counts of it 9 during the reigns of its Jkccejive princes ^ to the time it vas 

madefuiyeB to the crown and laws rf EngUmd. 

HA V I N G. In fome oT the foregoing fed^ions accounted for the firft 
planting and pofieffing of this iile of Mbna by the ancient Druids, 
.and tlsfls ftuxendering of it afterwards into the hands of the prevailing 
Romans i and in the laH, for its ancient divifions, and the dHtribufion 
cf them into fundry fbrta of rights and pofleffions; it will net ht, I 
prefume, unufeful^ if I briefiy touqhin this on fome of the nioft tt^ 
markahle erents and ovsertmrea relating to this Ifle^ from the oonqoeft of 
it by the Romans, to the time it was made again the feat of fo^irereignty 
under Roderick the Great. Of. which time^ the QTertarus I (haH take 
notice of will be of two ibrts, civil and ecclefiafiical ; and will be diftlr>- 
gurfhed under two. periods* Firft, from, the Romans' conquering the 
.lik of .Mona, to their dc&rting it, and with It the whc^ iile of Britain. 
And, Secondly, from that dcfertion, to the time when the British iceptie 
.was cAaUifhed at Aberframy which in feme nieaiiire m^ dear the way 
to the WeUh hiflory^ which commences about that time^ and givtfs 
many accounts, of thia iiland of Mbna. 

In^the firft interval, hiftory indeed a£Fbrds us Very little certainty in 
4!datian. tx>. this iCle, fare only that as a principal part of the Ordty^ican 
iterritory, it had a garrifon of Rooxan foldiers eAablifhed in' it by Sueto- 
niua Pa^inos.«*^ri^y£iamr impofuk vicit^ as I'adtus reports-— which was 
ibon ruined by the firitons^ as I have before^^mentioned. Yet this iQc 
being a piace of confidefable consequence, as being the chief i^treat of 
,tbe Qrdovices or. Norths Wales naen, we may well prefaoie that fome 
time aftcrr whcnr Julius Agdcola had retaken and compleated the con- 


qaett of 'it, he likcwjft eftabJiflbcd gafrifbns in if . And thotjgh hiftorjr 
be filent, as to tfec particulars of that tnnfscG^n, yet tlie propriety and 
import of the nftmcs of oiereain placee, may be juftly taken to fupply 
that dcfe€!. By the evidence of which we may gudS the two Ca/ieiliSrs^ 
fittratc near the. two ends of the tfland, to have been the feats of thofe 
ftandtng garrifons. And not far from each of thefe we finA z\(o two* 
places called Pen EJcynt^ importing chief aicents, with fomc analogy 
to out Chr^JJs ; as if in thefe two prccinSs were then eftablifhed dfo 
their ufctd prafidiary <x>ttrts of juftice, for the adminiftratiorr and go- 
vcmmeiit oiF the ifland. . Arid Prejeidfod^ !• e. Prafidis Mahfio^ now 
C^Ml Prefad^fd^ may fcem to have been the refidcnce of the Prafes 
or its chief governor. For it is probaUe> being an ifland, that it had 
a feparate government of its own, for fbnac time at lead. 

Whatever thefe Roman eftaWrftiments at that time were, we are furc: 
this Ifle of Mona, with the whole Ordovtcah territory, became After- 
wards part or member of that proWnce, which in the general diviiiort 
of Britain by the Romans was called Britannia Secunda ; dnd had a pre^ 
ftdent of its own to govern the affairs of the province ; and had alib two 
legions efkbliflied on the borders of it ; • viz. one at Chcfter, called 
VMens or ViShioc Vtgefima^ which title of that legion might give occa-*- 
fion to the Britons to call that place Caer ILkm Gawr ♦ ; that is, the 
flation of the mighty and valiant Legion^ as by the many and great feats 
it had donc'here and elfewhere, it deferved to be called: — And another 
at the other end of this province, feated on the river ^^, called Britan^ 
nica Eecunda Jiugufta. Both thefe legions were advantagcpufly feated to 
awe and keep under the Ordovices, the SHures, and the Dimetit (whicH 
were fo many unions and confederacies of jpetty lords and fovereigns; 
who at firfl had given die Romans work enough) and to hold them in 
to their due obedience and fubjeftion. 

As a part of this weflern province of Britain, called, as I faid before, 
Britannia Secunda^ this Ifle of Mona— having now fubmitted to the Ro- 
man yoke— muflr be believed to have had the fame fate with other coun-^ 
tries that were members of it, in paying of tributes, and fending what 
levies of men it could afford, to ferve abroad in the Roman armies and 
garrifons. And perhaps in refped of this latter or perfbnal thraldom„ 
the inhabitants of ihia ifiaiid were a little happier than many of theiv 

* Om* author mpB b«Ff, afttr Mr. Ca»<icfi» into aitiiflalEt* For &is plaoe^ according to all 
our Britifh writers, was fo called from its firft founder Utm.Gi^'^% tb^ fenof JKntfiii D^iriiiUu. . 

I fellow- 



feUow^vaiTals in the more inland parts of the country; where draining^ 
of marches, paving of bogg$, raifing of caufe-ways» levelling of port- 
ways, building of caftleSf palaces, temples^ public edifices, and/other 
fervile drudgeries, employed the hands and wafted the (Irength of abun- 
dance of poor wretches : As the noble Galgacus^ in his pathetic fpeech 
to his Caledonian arn^y (recorded by Tacitus) fays they were in many 
places compelled w;ith (Iripes and hardfhips to undergo. 

For indeed in all this Ifle of Mona we find no tokens of that fort of 

ilavery ; uo remains of palaces, baths, temples, great caftles, and other 

j^oman works, that may be thought to employ the natives of it ; eiccept 

we reckon under that head, the great caufe-way or . bridge near Hdy^ 

Head^ called Pont Rbyd Pont, and the many fifheries or thbfe enclofures. 

of great flones. raifed in many nooks and angles in the fea round the 

ifland, efpecially on the (hore of the river Menai. And this fort of work 

I take the more probable to be Roman, for that I frequently find thoiii^ 

J^one-iveirs in our ancient ^ deeds to have been called Gurgites, a name 

undoubtedly the Romans gave them— *as being generally made in creeks. 

and eddies that draw and fwallow in, and therefore called by them 

Gurgites, and corruptly by the Britons, Gorgit or Goret, a name they 

retain to this day — as having been firft built at the command and by 

the difeflion of the Romans, fome of them with great toil and labour. 

Yet this ifland fcems to have been a place of fome confiderable repute, 

efpecially in the more peaceful times of the Roman empire, as appears 

by the many medals that were from time to time taken up in this ifland, 

and from the abundance of their coins, gold, filver, copper, brafs, 

that were and. are daily here and there dug up in it. Not to mention 

the probability of greater quantity of thefe Roman coins being taken up 

in former ages, when more of them were to be found ; I have myfelf 

feen (of the number of fuch as we may well prefume were taken up 

lately) coins of many of the emperors, and of fome of the Caefars, from 

Caligula to Valentinian the Second, taken up in this. ifland, which com* 

prebends all the time the Romans governed here. And of fome of them 

whole pots full were lately found, and great numbers of Caraufius's, 

* y^bannti Hamm^ni^ Sec, deJi (^ eonfej/t H^illim$ dp Gryffjth ap Gwilim unum tnumtnttm mnm 
turn emnibtu lirris mtis in Villa tit Bod*va in Cemit, Angltfiy^ &c. ac ttiam ^uarram partim Eicottpmia 
m Dtmni9 Epifcopi Sc Capituli Bangor in Comctsj Mnu^ MaUtroith fS Lktimn in C9mitatu Anglifiy : mc 
nm partes meas in Gurgitihus Jvui pifcariis Villa de Trevorton in Cmnilatm Camar*uony pr§ Sexaginta 
fihdis Siiflingerumy prafato fV. G. G. Jblui, qna quidem Tenem, ttrc. Eicnmnise partes in Gnrgitshs Jhn 
pifiariis mibi deisenmnt tx parti Marund uxwis mia qna fidt ux9r Edf^ii ap fadT^ &c. Dot apud 
Buha% xxt dif ^timi. Anno Hin* 4. Frm$* ' 


AUfi&usiB iCewiftftrHrijWp Co£xftafltiQe*Mfflther and £>«> Conftans, aod of 
HApnth^ empre&^ Ali wfakh muft needs ar^ue tixsut tbe place was. 
vQfy. Qiucb frequented by the better fbpt> when it had fucli quantities of 
Roman coi;)s loft and buried in it* 

AU this wealtii of the place^ of which theie coins at« To many tefli- 
monies, proceeded either from the plenty of corn and other proviiions 
it afforded ; or froni die £i^ularky and pleafures of thejdace, and other 
cQpvc^iencies of it> invit^g -perhaps many of the Roman gentry of the 
cn«tghhotiringxoiiirtrte6» . and not unlikdiy many of liie officers of the le-^ 
gion ftt.Chefterytocomeand divert th^oi&Lves in proper leafons, with fifh- 
ing^ huntings iUid catching of wild fowl, which may i;0eil be itippofed to 
havp broAight this money into it. And if it abounded with com, fiifa; 
and ^^id fowj^ ^ we hmc rc^on to prefume it then did ^ we m<iy as 
juftly preiuQiie^ that whpn affairs began to be fettled/ and laws to bex>b^ 
feryedv it grew agflin weolthgr aad coniiderabie : k t)e4ng near enough to 
VAnd itsjconiQiodities byiea tothe legion at Chefter, whofeconfumptiontif 
proiRifions muff be mttch more tfaan* dads fmall ifland could afford ; and 
ytt hx esongh /rom it, not to be harraffed, abuiedand pillaged, as their 
tao n«r oetghbours frequently wiere, by the infcdent ibidiery. On 
which accfMiat, 4md by its being removed out x^f the vv'ay of oppreflion, 
this iile may be nreU the(iigiit» after the firff devaftation was 4>vtt; ta have 
enjoyed great plenty ; luid to have borne its yoke, when once acouftomed>. with giceatcr xafe and fecurity, thtn many of its leUow^fiib|e6ts 
in the, ibore expofed piarts of this nation. 

In this interval alfo, this ifland enjoyed the greateft bleffing it etrer 
htdJioee it was an 'ifland. Almighty Providence was now an mercy 
pl^afed to difcover to it tbe knowlege of Chrift crnoi6ed ; wheseby tho' 
for the puni&ment of their fins he ^had fubje£bed the bodies' of thofe 
poor natives to. the dooiinion of the Romans,, yet for the glory of his 
great name, he at the iame opened' tbem a way to releafe their fouls 
from th^ vaffalage and tyranny of Satan, under which they had fb long 
groaned during the darknefs and errors of Gentilifm. 

Now in accoimting for this great affair, I cannot with others, forbear 
lamenting here the misfortune of our nation, in having the precious re- 
cords tha^ were to convey to 4>oderity the memory of this great worfe, 
all deffroyed by the ravages of tlie barbarous Saxons,- when we had the. 
good fbrtuneto have 'the Cofpel prepacked to ns in the earl^ ff ears of 
Chriftianity, even before Rome itfeff And. our complaint herein is 
the more juft, in that it is too much to be fufpe<Sed, that this execra^ 

T ble 


ble villainy was perpetrated by the inftigation of Romifh agents, cnvtoafr 
of our earlier converfion, after the coming over of monk Auflin, to per- 
vert our purer faith , and to lay on the ruins of our ancient church the 
foundation of the papal grandeur and tyranny. 

For a little before the arrival of this monk Auftin^ we find Gildas, 
the mod: ancient Briti(h author we have now extant^ pofitively affirmi- 
ing it of his certain knowlege. And what knowlcge, properly fo called, 
could he have, but from undoubted records prefervcd to his time, and 
perufed by him, probably at Bangor'-tnonz&vyf where he ftudied, and 
was a member of it ? * Which place, with all its books and- records, 
•it is too well known, was burnt and ruined, and about one thousand 
.and two hundred of its monks inhumanly butchered by the. Saxons, on 
the perfuafion (as it is much to befufpe£ted,fromhis having before threat- 
ened in a fly prophetic way our bifliops with it) of that wicked Auftin, 
The lofs of. other records he bemoans, indeed; but of thofe relating 
to the affairs of the church, he is pofitively fure. Tempore ut fcimm 
fummo Hiberii Cafaris — '* We know"— he does not fay it is reported, 
- there \i a tradition or the like ; but upon afifured warrant, the records be- 
ing full and certain, their authority not in the leafl queftioned, but owned 
by all. He fays, " We know that in the latter end of Xiberius Caefar'^s 
reign, when this ifland lay frozen by its diftance from the vifible fun, 
Chrift the. fun of right eoufnefs, the true fun, not from a temporal, buC 
fronian eternal firmament, was firft pleafed to communicate his rays, 
that is, his precepts, to our inhabitants, held fafl, by feme with more 
or lefs fervency, to the hot days of Dioclefian/' , 

Who it was that was meant by Gildas, by whole coming the light 
of the gofpel {hone in Britain in the latter end of Tiberius's reign, is 
quite loft from the memoirs of the Chriftian church* And whether the 
ancient tradition of Jofeph of Arimathea,. who might then well tranf- 
port himfelf to Britain in one of the Phoenician (hips that frequently 
traded for tin, and fo carry with him the firft tidings of Chrift, has any 
foundation in truth, (not heeding the Glaftenbury ftory of it) is equally 
uncertain. Yet it feems very probable,, that that honourable perlbn, 
foon after the afcenfion of Chrift, conveyed himfelf away from the Jewiih 
fanhedrim, of which he was a member, to fomc remote country, for 
fear the Jews fliould queftion him about Chrift's body^ which he had 
buried, but had rofc up from the grave he had laid it in : Which muft 

* We have no authority at all to fay that Gildas was a member of ^^ff^^monaftry. 



be a fear well grounded, and a juft occafion of his withdrawing himfelf 
fomewhcre out of their reach 5 and that he did fo is very likely. For 
a perfon of his charadler and nncrit, if he had ftaid in Judea during the 
ten fucceeding years* after the rcfurreftion, would in all probability have 
met with an eminent mention even in the fcripture, either for his death 
or his conduct in propagating the gofpcL For though the firft propa- 
gators of it did not turn to the Gentiles for the fpace of ten years after 
that, yet I fee not how it can infer, or what (hould hinder, that the 
light of the Chriflian dodrine, even in the time which Gildas mentions, 
could not be conveyed and difcovered to us 5 fince it is fure that their 
great commiffion from Chrift's own mouth was, ** Go ye and teach 
all nations," without any limitation of time or place, only beginning at 
Jerufalem, which might be done at any time. To this may be added, 
that what was tranfadted at the Pentecoft feems to warrant the doing it, 
at any time after, efpecially in remote countries where no Jews were, 
and where any one of the difciples of Chrifl did arrive, in order to do 
it. But whether Jofcph of Arimathea or fome other perfon did it,. 
Gildas in his way of writing feems poiitive it was done before the death 
of the emperor Tiberius. By which account, if granted to be true, it 
will appear that the gofpel was brought to and preached in Britain, 
even before it was at Rome itfelf by fome years 5 which is a point not 
to be given up by us, without an evidence as early and exprefs at lead 
againft it as this of Gildas is for it, which has not yet appeared. For it 
is not fo much as pretended by the Romanics that St. Peter, who, they 
own, brought firft the faith of Chrift to Rome, arrived there before the 
fecond year of Claudius's reign, which was at Icaft five years after the 
death of Tiberius, and after it was brought to Britain : Which ferves 
to fhew that the Britifti church in its firft rudiments, was fenior to that 
of Rome by fo many years. And as fome evidence of the truth of this 
mentioned tradition, it is well known that the kings of Britain and 
their bifhops challenged and were allowed precedency in great fynods. 
and other folemn conventions by many of their neighbouring king- 
doms, on account of their having, received the Chriftian faith before 
others in thefe weftern parts of the world ; by which it appears it was 
no groundlefs tradition upon which they built that claim. 

Now befides what Gildas hints to us in this paffage, and was no 
doubt well known in his time ; we have other teftimonies that come 
near it in foreign authors (which neither the malice of Rome, nor the 
barbarity of heathens could deftroy) left yet remaining i which probdblv 

T 2 wvjc 


were but what thofe foreign authors coUeded out of oar Britifb records ; 
or rather received from the mouths of fome of our Britifli clergy at Aries 
and Nice, where fome of them rcforted to fynods ♦^ and might be well 
prefumed to give the other biihops there an accotiQt oE the primittre ftate 
and planting of the Britifli churchy agreeable to the records we pre- 
ferved of it. By which teftimonies in general it appeared, that the 
evangelical light was brought to the ifles of Britain^ and to the ulmoft 
bounds of the Weft^ by fome of the apoftie^ thex»felvt$^ and others fait 
by them. 

First, By fomfe of the apoftks : It is repts^rted that St. James, the 
fon of Zebedee, with his mother Salome, came into Britain to give 
tidings of Chrift about fix years after the refurre^ion : And alio that 
Simon 2yelotes came to Britannia about four years after^ teaching Chrift, 
till he was taken up and martyred by the magiftratea or Druids, who 
xwere then of great authority among the people. Some fay that St. 
Peter was alfo in Britain, to which Oildas feems to aihide in his Sedem 
T?etrii &c. 

Secondly^ By apoftolical mttty or men fent by the apoftles. It is 
affirmed by thtofe tefiimonies that Ariftobulus, the brother of St. Bar* 
nabas, was fent by St. Paul and St^ Barnabas to Britannia to be their 
bifhop about the year of our Lord 51. Of the twelve companto^ns of 
Jofeph of Arimathea, the monks of Glaftenbury have fo deformed that 
tradition with their abftird fables, that their ftory of it deferves little 
or no credit. But of all the foreign teftimonies we have of tha/t a£^air,, 
the ftrongeft and bed grounded, and on which I chiefly infift, is that 
which tells us St. Paul travelled to the British ifles and eftabliflied a chutch 
therein : Which implies that he ordained preibyters and deacons hereun- 
der Ariftobulus, or fome other, whom he appointed bifhop over them, 
in order to fet forward that important work of converting the British 
.people to the faith of Chrift, which indeed in a little time gaiaed con- 
fiderablyupon them. 

This coming of St. Paul to the Britifh ifles, and as Eufebius menr* 
tions (though he names him not) to the utmofl corners of the Wefl, is- 
owned on all hands to have been after the fourth year of Nero, at which 
time he was fet at liberty in Rome. And being to make his journey 
weflward, it is not unlikely that he was influenced and engaged by that 

* There were out of Britain at the council of Aries three bifhops, one prieft> and one deacoiw 
The biihops of York, and Londou, and the* bifhop of a colony, probably of CaerUtn. Ll»]f^s Uift, 
Chun p. 72. 




noble Britifli lady Claudia Rufina, his Convert, and at whofe houfc.he 
wa& entertained, to proceed Britain to her countrymen and 
relations to preach unto ihem the word of life 5 which it is probable 
he arrived at. Anno 59. For it is fuppofed that Sl Paul came into 
Britain fome time before Suetonitis PaulJnus was fent to be governor of 
Britain ; which was Anno 60 or 61. Of which comirig of St. Paul to 
the Britifhliks an ancient Chriftian poet writes thus : 

^ranfiit Oceanuniy vel quafacit Infula portum^ 
S^uafque Brhannus habet terras^ quafque Ultima Tbule. 

Venantius Fortunatus, //^. 3, 
de vita Martini. 

Now fince vtre ar6 pfetty fare from the beft foreign authorities, that 
St. Paul came himfelf to Britain about the time now mentioned ; and 
if he came, no doubt is to be made but that he planted a church in it 
(if none had been planted before) as he did in the many countries he 
came into; and if he planted a church in, it, it is as doubtlefs that he 
ordained a bifliop, prefbyters, and deacons, who, together with other 
devotit converts, were inflrufted by him to proceed in carrying on the 
work of the gofpel to thq utmoft corners of the land, if he did not him- 
felf go there : Then, I fay, it may come well to be enquired, whether . 
fome of thofe prefbyters at leaft, or fome other holy men before, did 
not travel to the Ifle of Mona was conquered by Suetonius. 
Paulinus, and preached the gofpel in it. This is indeed what no one 
can pofitively affirm : But if we confider that the Ifle of Mona was the 
utmoft weftern ifle of Great-Britain, to which utmoft weftern bounds 
the gofpel is faid to have been preached by him ; that it was alfo the 
principal ieat of the Britifli Druids; that thofe Druids governed the 
confciences of the people ^ were great moralifts-arid adorers of one God; 
and confequently that the gaining them, or fome of the chiefeft of them, 
was a ready way of converting the whole nation ; and indeed, except- 
ing their human facrifices and diabolical * magick, they were, as to 


• This magick of the Druids^ or one part of it, feems to have remained among the Britons 
even after their converfion to Chriftianity, and is called Taijh in Scotland ; which is a way of pre- . 
dieting by a fort of vifion they call Second Sight : And I take it to be a relic of Druidifm, parti- 
cularly from a noted ftory related by Vopifcus, of the emperor Diocleflan, who, when a private 
f()Idier in Gallia, on his removing thence, reckoning with his hoftefs, who was a Druid woman, 
ihe told him he was too penurioi^s, and did not bear in him the noble (bul of a foldier ; on his 
reply, that his pay was fmall,' flxe looking iledfaftly on him; faid that he needed not be fo fparihg 



life and converfation in many points, almoft half their 

hands Confidering all this, I fay, we have forae grounds to think that 

the firfl fteps of feme of thofc holy men were bent towards it, and made 
no long flay till they came into it : Confidering alfo a little farther, that 
the power of life and death, in point of law and judicature, was vefted 
in thefe Druids ; that one of the feats of judgment whereon they exer- 
cifed that power by acquitting or condemning,* as I have before (hewed, 
was in the Ifle of Mona ; that a medal of our Blefled Saviour was taken 
up out of the rubbiOi of that very mount or tribunal, where their fen- 
tences and judgments were pronounced ; that feeing it was taken up in 
fo obfcure, unfrequented, and defolate a place as now it isj and I be^ 
lieve ever fince was, none<:an well doubt of its being true and genuine, 
the circumftances of thing and place confidered ; that bearing on it a 
Chriftian infcription, importing, •* This is Jesus Christ the Media- 
tor," it muft be fuppofed to have been brought there by fome Chriftian ; 
that the Druids* authority was quite diffolved here, and their perfons 
routed away by the Romans at the conqueft of this ifland, and confe- 
qucntly no further judging and condemning of criminals at this mount 
or confiftory ; all this will fliew that that medal muft be dropt there 
before the demolilhing of it by Suetonius Paulinus, And laftly, the 
conqueft of this Ifle of Mona happening about feventecn years after 
Simon Zelotcs is faid to have preached the gofpel in Britain, and about 
two years after St. Paul planted a church in it, we may on thefe confi- 
' derations be inclined or at leaft have room to think, that one or other 
of thofe. holy men, thofe devout planters of Chriftianity, did come to 
this Ifle of Mona, preached or oiFered to preach the gofpel in it, and 

of his money, fcr after he ihould kill a boar, fiie confidently pronounced, he would be emperor of 
Rome, which he took as a con^pliment from her : But feeing her fcrious in her affirmation the 
words ihe fpoke ihick to him, and he afterwards took much delight in hunting and killing of boars, 
often faying when he law many made emperors, and his own fortune not much mending, ** I 
kill the boars, but it is others that eat the fleih " Yet it happened that, many years after, one 
.Airius Aper, father-in-law of the emperor Numerianus, grafping for the empire, traitorouily flew 
him, -for which faft being apprehended by the foldiers and brought before Dioclefian, who being 
then become a prime commander in the army, tb^y left the traytor to his difpofal, who afliinghis 
name, and being told that he was called. Aper, i. e, a boar, without further paufcr, he flieathed 
his fword in his bowels, faying, Et bunc Aprum turn Ceteris ^ i. e. •* Even this boar alfo to the reft •" 
which done, the foldiers, commending it as a quick extraordinary a& of juftice, without further de- 
liberation falutcd him by the name of emperor. 

1 bring this ftory her^ in view, as not improper on this hint, nor unufcful to be obferved, be- 
caufe it gives fair evidence of the antiquity of the Second Sight, and withal (hews that it defcended 
liom the ancient Druids, as being one part of the diabolical magick they are charged with ; and 
upon their difperfion into the tenitCJries of Denmark and Swedeland continued there, in the moft 
l.calhcnini parts, to this day, as is fet forth in the ftory of the late Duncan Campbel. 


' \ 


perhaps loft his life, with this medal, at the place it was taken up, be- 
fore ever the Romans fet foot upon it ; Verifying in part what Tertul- 
lian, an age after, relates of the fudden progrefs of the Chriftian faith 

among us, viz. Britannorum loca Romanis inaccejja^ Cbrijio verofubdita 

i. t. *^ The Chriftian dodrine anticipated the Roman fword in the. ce- 
lerity of its conquefts, and reached where that had not." So much fwifter 
were the wings of the dove, carrying the joyful tidings of peace on 
earth and good will towards men, than of the Roman eagle bringing 
war and defolation among them. 

But after the fubduing of this ifland by the Romans, there is no 
room to doubt that the word of life was plentifully beftowed upon it; 
it being, by the wife adjuftment of Providence the fignal advantage of 
propagating the Chriftian faith, in. having the minds of people, at the 
feafon of offering it to them, extrjemely diftreffed and intenerated, as they 
were then, by a. world of calamities and oppreffion— ^^7^(Sf/(? dat inteU 
Ie£fum^^^t\izn which nothing could more fit and prepare them to receive 
and Add to this,, the Druids being then on a fudden all 
driven away^ or deftroy^d, . or not daring to appear, the minds of people 
were left free and at grcater.liberty to take in the comforts of the gofpcl, 
which are always welcome to the grieved and afflided. 

On this opportunity, wc may well, conceive, the gofpel foon took 
footing, iind by degrees prevailed in this ifland, as it did in all this 
weftern province ; which we find in about an hundred and fifty years 
after almoft all Chriftian, and making an ecclefiaftical province, with an 
archbiftiop at Caer Llion on Wijk 9 and.fuffragans under him. Having 
h%d many years before then, that is. Anno 182, as thje learned Primate 
Ufher afiirmSj a fchool of Chriftian learning, to fupply the province . 
with clergymen, founded at jBiJ/af^.^r ^^^1/ in Flintfhire, which became- 
afterwards that fo much noted and famous monaftry of Bangor. But 
what, number of biftiops the faid archbiftiop of Caer Leon had at firft 
under.his jurifdiftion,.. or to what diocefe the Ifle of Mona belonged is 
uncertain: Bangor zndi St.,-^i^j6 diocefes, the neareft to it, being not 
founded till after the Romans deferted Britain, and the Saxons had driven 
the Southern Britons to Wales. It is indeed generally conceived that 
after the n>anner of the Eaftern churches, there were itv^vx biftiops un- 
der the archbiftiop in this province. And it is not unlikely that the 
fcven partitions or clafles of clergymen, which venerable Bede mentions 
to have been in the renowned monaftry of Bangor , were fo many dif- 
tinft communities peculiarly appertaining to thofe feven fuffragan 

churches i, 



churches ; whereof fome had biihopswith feats endowed, and fopeha4 
theirs con fee rated ^^/ij* "Titulo ; as we findSatnpfon the difciple of Iltudus 
and abbot of Llangarmon to have been ib ordained by archbi(hop Du- 
britius, as Primate Uiher obferves. And indeed the fame learned pre- 
late alfo fays, that in this interval^ viz. Anno 364, one Cebius; fon of 
Solomon duke of Cornwal, was confecrated biihop by St. Hilary of 
Poidiers^ and was feated in this lile of Mona as bi(hop thereof^ at a place 
called from him Caer Cybi to this day. But I fear *, if the genealogy 
we have of our Britifh faints may deferve any credit, that that great and 
learned perfon was out in placing him fo high in time, as to be con- 
temporary with St. Hilary biihop of Poii^iers* For the faid genealogy 
makes Solomon the father of Cebius or Cyin^ to be great graodfon o( 
Condantine duke of Cornwal, who next fucceeded king Arthur in tb^ 
Britifh throne, and who was contemporary with Gildas Badonicus about 
the year 550. But whether of the two is in the right, John Tinmouth> 
from whom the archbifhop feems to have had his account, t>r the ge- 
nealogy I mention, I (hall not pretend to determine ; only I ihall obferve 
here, that our St. Elianf firnamed Cannaid "f-, i. e. the Bright, by 
Latin writers called Hilan'us, who was contemporary with Cafwalldh 
law bir^ who ruled in this lile of Mona abput the year 45 0| hath been 
x>ften miftaken by many for St. Hilary bi(hop of Potdiers. 

As it does noc appear that the bifl^ops of.Nprth^Walefi (uoljefs we 
allow of this account cA Cybi) had any peculiar feais before th^ ereiflion 
of Bangor and St. Afapb into diocefan fees \ (o neither can we find that 
the clergy in general, during this interval, had any ^iiftindl cures or 
pariihe^ to, but lived together with their bishops on the enao^ 
luiviient of the church in collegiate bodies^ as thofe (dv^a partitions or 
commnnities mentioned by Bede at the great convent at Bangor^ in all 
likelihood, were to attend to reading and praying ; and in obedience td 
their bifliops, to go to fuch didriijts as were allotted to them, to per- 
form the offices of their funftion^ as occafion required. And a« to what 
is there faid by Bede, of their living in that monaftry by the labour of 

• To remove our author's fear it may be pbferved, that we have a tradition pven to this da^, 
about this Cyhi — that he ufed to meet St. Seiriol weekly at a place called Ctoracby near LlaHirch- 
mtddf where there are itill two wells bearing their names ; and becauie of CyhPs being continually 
with his hiit to the fun going and coming, and the other the contrary, they gave them the fir- 
names ot Seiriol ixyn a Cyhi ftiyn, Mr. Rowlands places S^inol in the year 6*30; And the great 
grandfon of him that lived A. D. 550, might alio Iwe in the-year 630. So that this traction an4 
t)ur ancient genealogies agree exactly. 

t By our Brttifh writers he is called EiiaM Ceimra^. He was the fbn of JlUuif lUJega-w^^ 
i/c. the Swift. , , 

6 their 


their hflinds^ k miy have reference only \o their lay-hrethrcn, of whom 
they had great noaibeTsj and if they had not^ it does not yet argue 
♦Hat 4)hey were trnt gi^rgyntcn, but father fliews tbat at the iirft infti- 
tuti<in df that ho^fei thfir order was^ as. generally in all thofe boulc$ 
diat were fercfiSed in times of perfecution, fo to do-j however, after- 
wards when the church floufiflied, they might become better pro- 
vided far, aiod live plentifully, without much labour, on the income 
of it; 

: And as it does riot appear that the clergy had any fettled diftiniSt pa-* 
riflies in this Ifle of Mona within the time of, or indeed in any part of 
the kingdom, till many years after, fliis period ; £0 we do not find that 
•they had many churches, but here and there perhaps a few cloifters and 
.oratories to afiemUe in, where the miniAer of the allotted diilri^t at 
fet times came, as. the cuftotn was, to read and preacl^ the word of 
God, and to adminifter the facraments. Or perhaps the tenants and 
vaflals in many towniliips (for at that time there was no fuch thing as 
independant freeholds) were obliged to repair and affemble at the ma- 
nor-houies and manfions of their refpe<flive lords and mafters, who in 
aU likelihood had their chapels for that^facred ufe and fervice. For by 
what remains to us of the records of thefe times, we find that mofl of 
the cj^urcfaes and chapels we have, were dedicated to, and called by^ 
the names of fuch patron-faints, as were not born till after this period, 
excepting fuch of thofe churches as took on them fcripture-names, as 
St. Mary, 61. Peter, St. Michael, and the like. And if there were any 
public churches here within this period, it is very probable they were 
thefe mentioned. For we find the fxrfl Chriflian Bqfilica or facred 
ftruSures in other countries commonly dedicated to fcripture-faints* 
But I leave this as doubtful and uncertain. All we can poiitively afTert 
of this period is, that, as the Romans found us a place of wealth, and 
in full poffeffion of the Druidical, fo they left us in the free enjoyment 
of the Chriftian religion. ^ 


THE Second Period begins with the fad and mighty confu(ions that 
happened among the Britons upon the recefs and diifolution of 
the Roman government in Great-Britain, which was tfbout the year 
390, when Maximus of Britifh race, to obtain: the imperial purple, had 

U cxhauflcd 

146 MOKA antiqjja restaurata. 

exhaufted and brpught along with hi« into Gallia» the very flower of 
its native forces^ and thereby left the ifle of Britain a prey to the luft 
and rapine of every jfcrambler. The PxQts, who were the remains of the 
anciently difpoiTeired Britons, with the aid of their neighbours the Scots 
and Iri(h, thought they had good right to re-enter their loft pofiefiions, 
which they ibon did> and with their old pretentions to the whole land 
(looking on the fouthern Britons as a degenerate race, niore than half 
Romans) they continued to make repeated inroads with lamentable dc* 
folations, into the very bowels of. it» to try their title, and if poffible 
to regain it. 

In this conteft, which Gildas defcribes with very moanful accents, 
there ftood up to oppofe thefe PiGts >and Scots, and to reftrain their ir^ 
ruptions (for now walls and turrets with which we formerly fecnred 
ourfelves^ ^vithout Roman arms to defend them, were but a jeft to thefe 
warlike tygers^ greedy of changing their mountainous dens for more 
pleafant fruitful habitations) I fay, there ftood up two eminent fami- 
lies» who lay cfaim upbn the abdication of the Romans, to the Britifli 
fceptre. The one was defcended from Coil Godbebog^ and confequently 
nearly related to Conftantine the Great, who was grandfon of that Coil: 
The other family was headed by O0avius, grandfon. <if jifcl^iodotus^ 
duke of Cornwal, who had been before chofen king of Britain, and flain 
by the faid Coil Godbebog. Of the former mentioned family were the 
fons of Cynetha Weledig a northern prince, whofe .nM)ther Gwawl was 
fifter to Helen, ConJiantin€% mother. . The Cornwal family ibme time 
after, under the ufurpation of Vortigern one of that lineage, who in- 
vited over the Saxons to their aid, had great ftruggles with thofe very 
Saxons, who would fain have appropriated all to themfelves. And af- 
ter him, the fame ftruggles went on under the fucceffive reigns, of ^- 
relms Ambrojius^ liter Pendragcn^ Art bur and Conftantine^ all of that 
family i till at length the faid Conftantine yielded the ftak^s, and retired 
to fecure himfelf and the harraffed Britons that ftuck to him, in his 
dutchy of Cornwal. In the mean time, the fons of Cynefbcy on the 
other lidc, having driven away the Pids and. Scots, who had invaded 
the Ifle of Mona and the maritime parts of Wales, made.head alfo againft 
the encroaching Saxons* Thefe fons of Cynetba^ at that time, having 
left Cumberland and fome neighbouring countries where they ruled, to 
tlie government of one of their family, retired into North- Wales, their 
grandmother's country, and feated thcmfclves in the fcveral divifions 
«f ix, as their names left on thofe places do to this day teftify. 



To thefe> thus fettled, the poor Loegrian Britons ^^ efpecially their 
clergy, retreat for fafety of their lives, from the rage and cruelty of the 
barbarous Saxons ; where the driven Britonsi, together with the ancient 
inhabitaots of the place, under the condudt of the princes of the Cyne* 
tbian family, made for a long time a noble (land againil the encroach^ 
ing attempts of the victorious Saxons, and fecured all the ancient Bri^ 
tannia Secunda^ now called Wales, together with Cumberland, and a 
great part of Chefliire, from the violences of thefc ravenous inv^ers* 

The eldeft of thefe princes, called Eneon Urdd^ or the Honourable, 
fent his eldeft fon Cafwallon law-hir to the Ifle of Moni, to fight and 
drive away the Iriih Pi(^s, who a little before had forced the iflind, and 
near a ftrong fort called Hin Dryfal^ had flain many of its inhabitants 
at a place called to this day, from the fought battle, Cerrig y Gwyddyl. 
At that inftant Cafwallon came feafonably with his forces to the iiland, 
fought and routed them ; and at a place which the Iri(h had built, called 
Lhny Gwyddeh now Hofy-Head, and where their fleet lay, killed Slrigi 
their captain with his own hands ; then fortified the place, and fo cleared 
the ifland of thefe piratical rovers, who by their frequent incurfions had 
fo long infefted it. This CapwaUori law iir being the eldeft branch of 
the family, chofe his feat in this ifland, the ruins of whofe court or 
palace are to this day to be feen near Lion Elian, called Llys Cafwallon. 
And I have by me a copy of a charter of lands, franchifes and immu- 
nities granted by this Cafwallon to St. EUan and his fucceflbrs ; which 
has been confirmed to the tenants or freeholders of thofe lands by fome 
of the kings of England. 

The eldeft fon of this Cafwallon was the fan:K>us Maelgwn Gwynedd, 
Infularis or Infularum Draco, as Gildas calls him, on account probably 
of his being born in this ifland.. But others think he called him fo, be- 
caufe he conquered the ifle of Man and the Hebrides. He behaved 
hlmfelf gallantly in many battles,, and was a terror to the Saxons. His 
court or ufual abode was in Caernarvonfhire, at a place in Creuddyn 
called^now Bryn Euryn or Llys Maelgwn Gwynedd-f, where or near which, 
many years after, Ednyfed Fychan a nobleman of Wales and descended 
from him, had his chief manfion^-houfe. This Maelgwn ereded the 
fee oi Bangor about the year 550, where a little before, Daniel, the fon 
of Dionothus or Dynawd, abbot of Bangor^ts-coed, had built a college 

- <■ • - 

• C/erici ^J Saaraotti mucromhus unJique micantibus at fiammis^ onausjtmul in exttrmtmum filluMtur. 
Mattb. Wifim. ad Annum 586. ' 

f There is a place called CafttU Moi^wit not far fcwQ L!m Ekan 

U2 for 


for the North* Waks ckrgy, and became the firft bi£b6p of it : Into 
which prince Maelgwn had once fome thoughts of entering himfelf a ^ 
monk, and to take on him the profefiion of religion. But the charois 
and pleasures of the world, to which, as Gildas writes, he was too much 
addided, ibon choaked that good refblotioa in him ; and he became, in 
the latter part of his life, a great libertiiie—- -for which he could riot cf* 
cape Gildas's pen, and froth receiving thereby, for bis proud lafcivious 
living, very fevere lafhes— though in his public conduit he appeared to 
have been a brave man, and a noble magnanimous prince. 

In the interim, the Welfh, as Z muft now begin to call them, having 
fonie refpite given them by the conquering Saxons, their fury tovrards 
them being fomewhat abated, and exhauiling itfelf againfl: one another 
for dominions and fovereignties i the Wehh, Z fay, began to fortify and 
make the bed they could— Jiaving lofl their more rich and pleafant pof- 
Tcffions — of thefe mountainous countries they were left B^afters of. And 
indeed in this deplorable cafe of theirs, the more mountainous any coun-^ 
try was, the more acceptable and the better liked by them ; where every 
rock was a caftle, every hill a fort, every vsrood, bog and river, a dc- 
firable defence and fecurity j and above all,' the defolate barrenoefs of 
the place gave little temptatioa to theife now glutted Saxons^ to expo& 
their lives too far, and pay too dear for the purcha^fe of it. 

Among thefe natural advantages, which a people wrongfully dif- 
poffeffed of their country were glad to meet with, the fight and pofition 
of the Ifle of Angtcfey, as I (hall bow caH it, foon gave it prrfcrence 
^ to all other places of this Weftern part of the land, fo as to have the ca- 
pital feat ^i what remained of the Britifli regal ibvereignty placed in it, 
or on the borders of it« For I have already (hewed that prince Gapf»atlon 
^had his feat in the iflaod, who being the elded branch of the Cynetbian 
family, and confequently on this flde, chief fovereign of the Britons in 
the regal line, to whom the other little princes, commonly called kings 
in thei^ own territories, paid homage and fabmiilibn. But his ion 
Maelgwn Ch0ynedd, and his grandibn Rbunap Maelgwn^ being prefled 
upon by the Saxons, took up their abode on thj? borders of it, in Caer- 
narvonfhire, for better fecuring the paffes of the mountains which fecm^ 
the Ifle : the one at Creuddyn^ having a ftrong caftle at Digan^yi and 
the other at Caer RJbun, whofe name it heaps. 

And here we may obfcrve, that as the ridge of mountains called 
SnowJen, is a mofl: flrong and natural rampire, running in a fomewhat 
bent line from lea to fea, with two rivera fbr a moat on the back of 

2 it. 


it, difchargiDg thcmfelves to the fca at I'raeth Mawr and Conway, as 
if nature, defigning this Iflc of Anglefey to be the feat of fovcreignty^ 
had ftretchcd this arm of mountains, fecured behind by thefc waters, 
to cover that neck of land where the Ille is fituated, and confequently 
to be a wall and bulwark to it ; fo we find that very ufe to have beei^ 
made of all the defiles and openings that give paflage through that ridge 
of mountains, which as fo many gates and avenues to come thro' them 
to this ifland, have been all ftrongly fortified with caftles, towers and 
forts : As Diganwy-csi^c at the great opening at Conway; Caer RJbun 
at the pafs of Bwleb y ddaufaen, with a fort below at Aber ; DoJyfelen 
caftle, and a watch*tower at Nant Ffrankon -, Dol Badarn-czRlc at Nant 
Peris; C^Jb«?-ca£Ue or fort at Nant taly llyn. And in the otJicr bro^d 
pafs from Merionyddfliire at Traetb Mawr, they had two* 
ftles, viz. Harlk/b on the one fide of the bay, and Criccietb^on the 
other, with a watch-tower at CaJUe Gyfarch^ and a fort at Dolhenmaen. 
All which *are .demonftrations that the Ifle of Anglefey and. part of Caer- 
par.von{hire, for the fafcty of which, all thefe pafles were fo ftrongly ' 
guarded, was on the firft retreat of the Britons into Wales, chofe to be 
the prime refuge in cafe of diftrels, and the chief feat of their monarchy. 
Foe we find Ca^an the grandfon of Rbun (his Ibn Belt ap Rbun dying 
young) to have refided at Caer Segonf, now Caernarvon ; where alfp 
CadwaUo, CaJfan's fon, who was fo great a fcourge to the Saxons, and 
his fon Cadw.aladr, the laft of the Britiih monarchs, fucceflively re-*- 
fided. The great fafety and fecdrity of the place, and the plenty of pro- 
vifi^ons which it aflforded (tl^e other parts of Wales-being then frequently 
th« feats of war, and therefore poor and uncultivated) induced thefe war-^ 
like princes to fettje bere their courts and families, while they themfelvcs 
purfued their, wars 5 either annoying their enemies, ^ as Cadfan and- 
Cadwalla frequently did with gr'eat ilaughter, or defending their owr^ 
territories. . And the ceafon that the latter of thefe princes removed th^ 
Briti(h court from Anglefey, where Cafwalhn law-^bir had firft fixed it^ 
to Caernarvopftiirf, was, I confefs, becaufe the Irifh and Piiaifti rovers 
werc4hen very troublefome to the coaftsj againft vvhom the ifland was 
kfe defenfible than the borders of Caernarvon (hire. But afterwards the 
royal feat was reftored to the ifland, and continued in it at Aberffratp 
during all the time of the Britift) princes. 

Now in relation to cjhurch aflfairs within this period ; as we have left 
this Ifle at the latter end of the laft period in the free and full enjoy- 
ment of the Chriftian faith, under Mown bifhop, if we will believe 



the recited account of Cebius and St. Hilary of Poidicrs ; or at Icaft, 
as part of the North-Wales dioccfe, under one of the feven bifliops of 
the Cambrian province, wherever his feat, if he had any endowed, was 
placed ; fo by all the accounts that appear, the faith and docftrine here 
profefTed and taught, continued pure and apoftolical for a great part 
of this fecond period ; when at length the Romifh dregs, brought ever 
by Auftin the monk, crept here, and in a great mcafurc corrupted the 
primitive foundnefs and integrity of it ; but never to fuch a degree as 
in the other parts of the nation. For many of the Romi{h errors, then 
and after introduced into the Britifli church and nation by the fubtilty 
of Rome, were never embraced by the people and clergy of North- 
Wales, as appears not only by their reje(9:ing that grand injunftion of 
an unmarried priefthood — their clergy, as well regular as fecular, be- 
ing commonly married all along, and thought expedient to be connived 
at, and reckoned pro vitro Gentis, as a peculiar fault of this people ; but 
alfo by their <Juick and unanimous embracing the dodlrines of their an- 
<:ient faith, of which they retained many remains amongft them, when 
the reformation reftored them to the liberty of re-afluming and clofing 
with their primitive principles, of which they have given remarkable 
fpecimens, in their loyalty to their kings, and in their adherence to 
their bifliops, againft all oppofition, even to this day. 

This infradion by monk Auftin and his confederates on the doSrine, 
rights and privileges of our Britifli church, which happened near the 
middle of this period, was refolutcly withftood by all our Britifli clergy; 
who till then generally refided together in conventual fraternities, un- 
der their heads and bifliops ; perhaps after the example the Druidifli 
priefts had left them ; heathen politics, founded upon reafon and vir- 
tue, not unbecoming Chriftian practice : And which way of living 
contributed not a little to the good fuccefs they had, by their united 
counfcls and labours, againft the then growing encroachments of their 
adverfaries. The Britifli nobles here, however fpottcd in their lives 
and morals, as angry Gildas unmercifully upbraids them, yet as men 
^f principles fliewed zeal and vigour in the caufe. Nay their very bards 
employed their talent that way, as we find Taliejirij Maelgwris Poet 
Laureat *, even at Auftin's firft coming (for he could not be alive much 
longer) denouncing woe on fuch of the clergy as were remifs in their 
iduty, and neglefted any part of it, in fo perilous a time ; when, with 

* Of this we b&ve no proof. 



their temporal their fpiritual rights were in danger of being made a 
prey to the avarice and rapine of unjuft invaders* 

• • • 

Gwae'r offeirtad bydy nis angbreifftia gnjoyd 

Ac nis Pregetba. ^ 

Gwae ni cbeidw ei Gail, ac efynfugail 
Ac nis areilia : 

Gwae ni cbeidw ei ddefaiJ, rbag Bleiddie Rbifeuniaid 
AiffQU gnwppa^ 


* Woe be to the prieft that's born. 
Who will not duly weefl his corn,. j 

And root aw^ the tares i ' \ 

W<oe to the fhepherd that's remifss 
In watching of his flock, and i& 
UnfaithfuLin his cares $ 

Woe be to hiav that doth not keep> 
Witn's crooked ftafF, his harmlefs (heept 
From Romifh wolves and Tnares.. 

All this they performed with good fiiccefs while they continued! to^ 
gether in united focictics ;. but after that fatal blow at. Bangor ifcoed^^ 
where the flower of our clergy^ were killed on the fpot, and the remain- 
der of them, difpcrfed up and down, the countries ; the poor church in- 
deed for fomc time, ftruggled,, but like a confumptive body, whofe vitals - 
were impaired,, it ftaggered,at lift, and was forced to give way to cor- 
ruption and ruin ; under which (like the woman in. the wilderncfs)^ 
{be groaned,, but yet was fed and kept alive for fome hundreds of years. 
Their brethren likewife in Cornwal refifted the. Romifh ufarpation ' 
. much longer than the reft of the Britons, till about the year, of our Lord 
905, when king Edward the Elder, with thepope!s confent, . fettled a 
bi {hop's fee among them at St. Germains, and placed one ^dulphus to* 
be their firft bifliop; who with his fucccflbrs, by the pope's power then^ 
greatly prevailing,, in. a fliprl time reduced them, much againft theirr 

♦ Tliis triplet is wrongs The origiriar literally means,. 

Woe to the^ worldly prieil. 
Who neither checks vice, . 
Nor preaches. . 

154 M O N A AN t iCtVA iit iYAV K AT J^. 

Xvill, to iutnnit ifhek ancient fait^ to the condu6 of ptfpal ilHbi]^in«^ in 
moft of the Britons were before forced to do. 

At the time of this otaflacre^ which* happened in^ the year 603. we 
may date the firft beginning of the downfidl of our Bntifli churches^ 
and of the eredting thereon our loag bondage and flavery under the 
ufurpation of Rome, witb aH the errors and innovations' that ufurped 
dominion then opened a way to, or brought ailohg with it 5 though a 
noble ffendwas made for a confiderable firtie by tht^- remains of the 
Britiih clergy, under the zealous encouragement of tb^r own, and the 
propitious favour and countenance idfo of fome of the Saxoa princes [Co 
forcible is truth as even to make fometimes our enemies befriend us) 
till at laft the ancieht orthodox apoftolical churches in Britain (their 
clergy being now fcpatrated, and their princes becoming divided in their 
interefts) by an unaccountable di/pdfal 6f Pirovhifence, were all fwal- 
lowed up in the Romiih gulph y and, forely agiinft their wills, were 
forced to fubmit to lordly Auftin and his train of foreign metropolitans; 
who, as they had diflcized crs of our rights and privileges, fo they 
warped and corrupted oisir .faith' icfQO a6or, with all tlicr innovations and 
errors they thought fit to impofe upon us* 

At this difperfion of thc.Britiih clergy alfo, began the eredion and ef- 
tabli(hing of Parocliial Cures, and the buildinji" of our country churches. 

This didribution of diocefes into pariflies or diftinft minifterraf cures 
in England^ is attributed to archbifhop Honorius^ who lived indeed 
about the fame time that this diltribution happened ^Ith us.. But in 
the Britiih churchesat that time his injundlions cotfld be^ of no force ; 
and therefore we muft afcribe this procedure rather to a hard fate, and 
the neceflity of the times which required' in the cidrgy a greater vigi- 
lance, and that a niiore near aitendance to th^ir flocfes when fach wolves 
were gaping for them ; or laftly and moft immediately, it may be af- 
cribed to t^eir having at that time their general fcnde^vorfs or College 
Sit Bangor t/coed broke up and ruined by fhe .barbarous Saxons, on the 
inftigation of monk Auftin, as it is too much to be fufpefted. 

But however thai was, of irhich we have only probabte circuniftances 
lo guefs by; wef arc fure that greater riuniberS of the diflipated clergy, 
juft after that inhuiiian butchery, reforted to the Ifldof Angldfey, than 
did to any other part of Wales of twice its dimenlions. For if we 
reckon the number of priefts (hat then. locked into it, by the number 
of churches and parifties, which were then or a little while after eredled 
itnd eftabliibed in this ifland, we fhall find them to exceed by much, 



"ivhat came to any other country in North- Wales. For by that eftimate 
we may obferve in Anglefcy feventy-four pariflics, which we have rea- 
(on to believe, are as old as that time ; and therefore we may reckon 
as many of ^thofe ppiefts to have come and refided in it ; whereas Caer«* 
narvonfeire, which is almoft twice as large, has but (ixty-eight; Mont- 
gomcryfliire almoft thrice as large, has but forty-feven ; Denbighshire 
more than twice as large, has but fifty-feven ; Flintfhire only twenty-t 
<eight; and Mcridnyddfliire thirty-feven pariflies ; and confequently but 
So many prieils that came and fettled in them. Which ferves to (hew 
that the fecurity and fertility of the place invited then many more of the 
clergy to make their abodes in this iflahd, than in any part of North- 
Whales. And yet we may further obfeiVe from this. reckoning, that the 
whole number of the retreated clergy, if counted by parifties, was but three 
:liundred and eleven. And if half the number of them that lived in that 
convent were clergymen^ it well may be prefumed that not only all 
Wales, but alfo a good part of England, might have their congrega- 
<doh5 ferved by mi&ifters out of this monailry. But it is very probable 
4hat many of them were lay-monks, giving themfirlves to prayers and 
^bfliaence, and young (ludents with officers and fervants that took care 
of ferving tke houfe. and of colle<!ting and managing the church's reVe- 
jDiie, their whole number being about two thoufand. 

Indeed a little before this Parochial diflribution happened, we find 
:a college at Bangor in Caernarvonflure, probably in imitation of that 
^t J/coed, ereifled by Daniel the fon of Dionotbus^ abbot of the former : 
And another a^itde after that, by Beuno^ at a place called C/ynnoc, in 
^the fame county. That at Bangor was made a bifhopric by prince 
Maelgwn^ and the faid Daniel coafecrated bifhop thereof by Dubricius^ 
4trchbi(hop of d^lean. But4he other at CfynnoCj having np bifhop, 
but a PrtefeBus Monaahorum or abbot prefiding over it^ continued only 
a place of education and literature, as many other places in Wales in 
thofe days were ; where religion was profefied after the manner of the 
£aft« and young men trained up to the biihop's hands to fill up the va- 
'Cancies of the Parochial clergy,' as I may no^^ call them. 

Now as to the building of thefe Parochial churches y it was then the 
'Ctiflom of fome of the moft eminent of the clergy, bifhops, abbots and 
:the like, to travel, accompanied with fome of their Prefbyters, to the 
lords and great ones of the land, making fmall prefents to theni (as 
Beuno did to king Caiman at Cizer Segont df a little golden fceptre) for 
their aiMance and encouragement to build thofe cells or cloifber^, which 

X are 


are now our churches ; and when that was done, to place one of their 
pricfts or difciples to refide there, and to perform in the diftridt the du- 
ties reqiyfite to his place and fundion. lUius bUhop jiidan^ FJmnart 
and Beuno did in this ifland; whofe nacnesvaarc borne on fome of our 
churches, as well as in other places, tontbis day. 

But for a more particular, acoountiof fome of our churches 
IQe of Anglefcj^„ and.of:rfie patrons or-firft builders of them, by what: 
records wc have yet* remaining, after our eccleiiadical liiftocies written 
by Dubricius, Hyfilio zxii^.Tiwrog were all loft, be pleafed . to take what- 

Beuno was thecfon^of .Bi?vjgf/w or Beugu whoiWas-^grandfonvof Gi^d/ 
Deyrnllygt a noted pcrfon in his time, and prince m Powys-Land. He 
built two cells or churches in this ifland ;. the one at Aberffraw^ rhe other 
at T'refdraetb : And had feveral lands and' townihips in^ thi&iiland given < 
by feveral perfons to his houfo oniDonaflry at Clynnoc 

Aidaftf or Mdan^ was tbe.fon o£ Gabranus or GwrnyiOf who war 
grajidibn oi.Frien^xRegedt .pfinee of Regedia in the North. But whether - 
Aidan the king (who was^this I mention) or ^j^i^/ithebifhep/called .L^A^Jlr.^ 
Jtotddag oi' QjilumcU. zxidi \y^A\o^ oi ' handhfern^ the name to the 

church, of hlan Mdartf is not certain ; but probably the latter ; Becaufe r 
Ffinnatit whofe name is on a church in» the. neighbourhood of the other^. 
was the latter ^/J!f7;f'S difdple, and fueceeded him^in hrts bi{hoprici and: 
to accompany the good work o£ his^mafter Aidan^ h^ mig^thave the : 
other church* built in bis own name,. caUsdXAz;7^47i2J0^ 

Danieh who had a church near that of Lion /EJan^^v^% ion of Dtf- 
niel firfti biOaop of Bangor, and therefore. the cliucch i&commoaly railed . 
Lianddeniel fab,. 

Peirio, Gallgo^ Egruad^ MtitlogjCaffv, were fon« of otioCbte^ commons- 
ly called Caw Q Frydain, and have their churches in this ifland. And: 
theit fifter Cuilhgt a daughter of the faid Caw^ buik hera cloifter here,., 
which became afterwards one of our churches, czW^^ Llangwilhg. 

Ceidiof Ane and Aiddan Foeddog before-mentioned, were the fonis of 
another Caw, called Caw Cowl/og ; and had their churches at Rbodwydd 
Ceidio and Coed Ane^ and the laft,. as I guefled before, ati Uan Mdan. 

Credifael ,^nd FJlewin were the fons of ItbiL Haa^ a nobleman of Ar^ 
morica or Little-Britain ; they had their cells or churches at Penmynydi 
and Llanfflewin. 

Peulan was the fon of Palken of the Ifle of Man, whicfh fincc the time 
«f Mael^ivyn Gwyneddy was in the pofleillon of the Venedotian Britons. 


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vt : 8 . mviMrvM's 

On^Ed^ oftti*Stmt aiove- tlu SkaJ- ef tiu Effi^tf mZaryf ZMtrs. 


Tfun^anaGrctUar la^^l art tk^ ether siie . 



lAfui jam* br»iun>Ji4lUrj ervlhe. Crwk . 



And Gwenfaen^ the daughter of the faid Palken^ had her cloifter at 
Ws/dfrrdin ; whiobafter • ^^ecaeM a pai^Uh chur^ coUed^Uan Gwenfaoh 
as her brother'^ doifler was called Llan Beulan. 

Kynfarwy was the Con of Awy ap hkhenog, a lord of Cornwal, whoie 
church ^was at Lilecb Gynfarwy^ 

Ijl/ilio was oi)q of the fons. of the fainbus. Brycbfael Tfcytbrog^ who 

fought the Saxons when the maflacre was committed by them on our 

clergymen near Bangor is^coed. He is faid to have written an ecclefiaAi- 

cal Britiih hiflory* whereof fomc fragments have been lately fcen, but 

^re now lod ; his cloiiler or church was at Uandyjilio. 

Engbenel was grandfon of die faid Brycbfael Tfcytbr4>g % his church 
-at hldn EngbeneL 

Crijiiolus was the ion of Owen ap Tner^ ii nobleman of Armcrica or 
Little 'Britain^ his church was at Llangrifiiolus. 

lyjonS was another grandfon of Brycbfael Tfcytbrog ; his church at 

Cyngar, lejlm^ and tbe before-mentioned Caw Cowllog^ father ot 

*Ceulio9 Ane, and Aiddan Foeddawg^ w^e the fbns df Gerinnius or Gerainf, 

who was grandfon of Con/iantine duke of Cornwall the fucceffor of king 

Artbvr. This Geraint being admiral of the briti(h fleet, and having 

thereby Qccafion of harbouring fometimesin this ifland, it improbable he 

«!e4:kurdi oi Pentraetbto be built, called Uanfair Btttws Geraint i 

'Cyngar and -left in had their churches at Llangefni and Llaniejiin. 

This Cyngar had, befides the place to build his church upon, a tovirn* 
:ihip beftowed upon him and his cloifter for ever, whofe freeholds are 
to this day heldw^ San£l$ Cyngara. And they pretend to fhew the grave 
oi lejlint at his church in Llaniefiin^ with an odd intricate fort of an 
infcription «pon his tomb-ftone. See plate VIII. fig. i. 

Note, In reading this infcription, the fetter M muflbc taken for A. 

which is the greatcft difficulty. R is both ^ and i?. Rejiinus is 

Rex Jejlinus. ^ 

Which I read thus *, Hie jacet San£lui Rex Je/fi^ur, cui WenlUan 

.p— — F — — — - ap Modoc ^ & Gry[ffytb ap Gwilim obtulerunt in ob'* 

lationem ijlam imaginetn pro falute beat a Animarum fuarum. 

• This infcription Is a mere fi6(ion ; neither fhe letters on the plate, nor the words here read bc- 
u^% to be Ibund •n the ftone at LlamUJlin ; though it is plain by the words Gryffmt ap G^tlym and 
Ammarum /. the fame ftonc is meant. The truth of the matter is this. The tomb-ftone at Llan^ 
itftln is a curious piece oi workmanHiip. It is the effigy of a man in a facerdotal habit, whence we 
may conclude, that it is the tomb of fome abbot. The truo infcription is iniertcd under the falTe 
""i>nc in plate VITI. fig. t. The cburdiis dedicated to St. C4i^^/«#» whjfe ^idurc is elegantly painted 
on the glafsof the Eaft window. 

X 2 <t The 


rf> The ftone has the portraiture of a man in a.facerdotal habits aboa& 
which the infcription is cat ;, bjr the kttcr it-appears tliat theiembr 
ftone and the portraituce were fet there fome ages afti?r the. inter*- 

Seiriol arid Mcirion^ the fons of Owen D'anisgrn, the fon^ of Eneon 
Urdd ap Cyncdda fTe/ed/g^nd brothers oi EneonFrenbtHj had their cells*, 
tiie one at Penman and Priejibohn . Ifle, and the other at Ltdn Feinon. 
Their elder brother, Enecn^lht prince^ chofe the feat of his cloilteir in. 
Lfyny at a place called to this day Llan Ene&n Fr^»ifti«;- an infcription on 
the fteeple of which church* mentions their father by the name of * 
A IV IN I ODLNh and that EneonhmhAt. 

Which infcription i) d:ius to be read, I^ux totoi. [i* fe I'otrGentt] Ait- 
vini Odink mibiy imo Ecckjice illi^ J^f^^ ^J^v^ ^^ cameant>[u c* ca^ 
vcant] Juiviver-^ ad y^dicen [i. e. 'Judicejti\<eternum : Ifiam [j^ e, Ec^- 
. clefiam] Eneanus^ Rex Walliafabricavit. See plate IX. fig. i . 

Note, That the letters in this infcnption..feem fo oid^as thefeventh or- 
eighth century *♦. The Latin of it favours of the. corrupt vulgar- 
Latin which the'Romansi hal a little before left among U5. It was 
very ufual for one lejttqr to bear a. part in the fvrmation of the- 
other, next adjoining, in thefe old iafcriptioas. 

Patricias or Patrick^ z S^^Iuid'Brit^au^h^ng feoLhy^Ccilfiiline hla 
fbop pf Rome, to convert the Irifc ; and on his way. to Ireland, vifiting: 
$t. Edian in Anglefcy,. caufed a church to be built on ^ tLe water- ftde^, 
where he took £bippiag, cailed Lianbadric. 

Cybi the fon of Selyfot Solomcm^ fon of the before- mc^jtioned Gerainf^ 
and Nephew to Cyngar and Lfiin^ built the church of Hafy-Headi and* 
j|s fome write was appointed bi(hop of Anglefcy : Bat^tbe tiin^ that thia^ 
Cfbi lived in dow not favour that gpinion. 

; Elian Cannatdf our Britifli Hilary^ was the fon of AByd Rbedegawgi^ 
who was grandfbn of Cadrod Calchfynydd earl of Dunftable; he buift^ 
his cloifter at Uan EUan^ to whom Cafmallon tanv-iir gave many land^ 
and franchifes« about that church, which are held in his name by the. 
freeholders of them to this day. 

. MecbeU^ or Macutuu as in the Rx)man kalendar, was the £bn of ooe- 
Ecbnoyd^ the fon of Gwyn^ who was grandfon^. of Cloym gwlad lydan^ 
lord of Gloucefter, in the time of the Saxon maffacre at Stonebenge. 
He was made bifliop of St. Maloe'^ ia Little-Britain. - His church or 

* Tb« true ch$ira£lers of this infcription aae reprdbnted in plate IX. %. z. 

3 cloiiler 

rhite IX. 





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-» . 

• « 

.^A- ,!'••■•.• «.rf ♦ 

■ < ■ •«-,•.-■•» n^r <««» 1^ 


cloifter w,as called from his name UanfecbelL He died it fcems in the 
Ifle of Anglcfey, and was buried not at his own church, but at a neighr 
bearing church c^led Penrbos Ltigwy, in whofc church-yard there is 
an old fafhioned grave-ftone with an infcription, which by the form of 
the letters fecms to be genuine. See plate IX. fig. 3. 

Teg/an was giandfon of Cadrod Calchfynydd^ and uncle of Eliatu 
His cell or church was at Llandegfan. Here one Tydecbo alfo had his 
cloifter, which (lill remains ; and ha is by fome reckoned the patron 
faint of the place. . 

Rbuddludy a daughter of a king oiLeinJierln Ireland (the religious - 
devotees of Wales and Ireland having then much communication) came 
over iKre and built her a cloifter at Llan Rbuddladi as alfo did Rbipydrys, 
the fon of Rbwydrim or Kbodrem king of Connaugbt^ at' the fame time,, 
and built his cloiftet at hlan Rbiaydrys -, both which became afterwards 
pariO) churches. 

King Cadw/iladry, the laft Britifti crowned head, ordered a church to 
be built here, which was called, Llan Gadwaladr. There ia over the 
South door a large fiat ftone^ not unlike a graver-flooe,. with the in^- 
fcription in pi ate. IX. fig. 4,.. 

Which infcription is thus to be read^ 
Cttamanus Rex fapientij}imus opimattjjimtis omnium Regum^ 

The (zidi Cafamanus or Cadf any who was grandfather of king Cad^ 
"waladry is faid to be buried in the ifle of Bardfey,-, where a great cloi- 
fter of religious men at that time flouriflied, and where many of the 
Britifti princes and nobles were interred. But by.this infcription it may. 
feem probable that the faid Cad/an was buried in this place ; where his 
grandfon built this church, and. endowed it as one of the fan£tuaries of 
this ifland. 

Tyfrydog was the (on oi Arnvyflle Cloffy who was fon of Owen Danvynf 
fon of Eneon Urdd, fon of Cynedda JVeledig*. He built his church at 
Llandyfry dog y rwYiich church Giraldus Cambrenjis makes mention. of» 
and of a memorable accident that happened in it in his time. 

Dwynwen and Ceinwen were daughters of one Brycbanus or Brycban^ 
who had many fons and daughters that were devoted to religion ; ^ibus 
fidffim per Cambro^Britanniam (fayis the mentioned Giraldtu Cambrenjis 
of the ^children of th^s Brycban) Tempia Divorum ac Divarwn Nomine 
infcribuMtur s of whomthefo two had their, cloifters in this ifland, which 



came afterwards to be the churches of Llanddwyn and Llan Gein'wenp 
and their brother Dyfnan had his church in Llanddjfnan. 

Pabo^ frequently called Pojl Prydain^ i. c. the Support of Britain, for 
his great valour againft the Pifls and Scots, retired here, and built his 
church at Llan Babo *. He was the fon of Arthrwys^ fon of Mor^ fon 
t)f Cenau^ fon of Coel Godbebogy or hawk-faced, grandfather of Conjiantine 
the Great. This Pabo of all the patron faints of this ifland^ (eems to 
•have been t4ie highcft in time, and next him St. E/ian. 

Edwen Sanies or Edwen the Holy is fuppofed to have been of Saxon 
-cxtradtion, either daughter or niece of Edwin king of Northumberland, 
vvho had his education at Cadfans court in Caer Segont i if fo, then m 
4iear kinfwoman or fifter of the famous Kilda^ who managed the dif- 
-pute with bifliop Wilfrid about the feaft of Eafter. She had her cloifter 
^at Llan Edwen^ which became afterwards aparifli-church. 

Many other churches there arc in the Ille of Anglefey, of whofe 
founders or patron-names I can give no account^ And many others 
"we find dedicated to fcripture-names, St. Peter, the BlefTed Virgin, and 
to St. Michael the archangd, -which probably -w«re long before built by 
laymen, and ufcd by the firft Chriftians. -Some alfo of thefe churches 
retained the appellation&x>f.the.places they wereiituated in, as Llangefni, 
Tregaianf Amlwch^ Cerrig Ceinwen, &c. But the far greater number 
bear on riiem the names »^f fuch priefts, as were themfelves founders 
of them,. or at .lead of fuch priefts as were placed in sthem by.thofe 
holy men and women vv?ho were founders, and had probably lived in 
them before, as thefe priefts *mi^ht live in them for Tome while after, 
as in habitations of feledl privacy and retirement. For, according to 
the ufage of thofe days, as well the pcrfons dwelling, as the places they 
Jived in, were equally configned and dedicated to God. And indeed 
by whslt remains now to be feen of our moft ancient buildings, it feem« 
the form of our very houfes at thofe times and that of our churches 
.was much the fame ; the fronts of them being always to the South-Eaft, 
having great window* jn them opening that way, Juft as our churches 
have ; whichmayrender it probable that our churches here were ori- 
ginally .dwelling-houfes, but by being dedicated to God and religion 
became iacred cells and cloifters ; wherein nothing hindred but that 
;hoIy devout men might as well live as officiate, for fome time. And 

* His tomb-flone was diicovered in the church-yard, about the time of Charles the Second, by 
<he fexton in digging a grave. It is a foft ftone of die nature of a date — not of the produce of An* 
jrle&y* It lay about fix feet under ground— -and the characters are in bafs relievo. See plate X. 


-^jyg-a ■ 




!• 4 

J - 


*». * 


IV • » 

■ ( 


we have reafon to believe they did fo here, as well as in Ireland^ where 
the cells 'of their Culdees^^ became their churches, which retain on 
them that name to this day ; as CeUManoc^ Cel-Kenny^ CeUAh. Nay, 
the Irifli attribute to every church, anfwcring our htan^ is Cel or Cth\ 
which is a fufficient argument that they were Cdk a-t fir/l, where holy 
men and women, retiring from the worlds fpent th«ip days in the fer-^ 
vice and worfhip of God. 

And this may bfe one reafon why we find fo ni»ny of our churches- 
built in obfcufe corners and felitary places and peninfules ; as if thefe 
Briti(h Gaf/i^tvj con fcrl ted' more their own retirednefff an?d falitarioefs of- 
living, tlfan the convenitnciesof 'their congregationj^, -in .their choofing . 
the fit es of their cells, and churches. And truly^ .1 think,, there are few 
of our churches but difcover famelhin'g of fingularity in their f>tuatioas 
tending that- wayi h^viwg commonly wells of clear water nigh them... 
with feme traditional-ftory, and other remarks prefefved among the in- 
habitants, bctokenirig-'the folitary afcelic lives of the founders and firfl: 
poficffors of them. 1 cannot-omit»obfervinghere, forthe more' credit : 
to our Br itrfli '-records before-mentioned, which are the gencabgy of our 
Britifli faints, of' which we have yet^ma*iy-<:©piea left, that fome of 
thefe infcription5 ITiave taken and now exemplified, .feem to conciliate 
and to give good evidence of the truth'ofthofe memoirs \ as Catamanvs 
at hlangadilDaladr ^ oi Cadfans being a near rclaticJh of king Cadwaladr, . 
over whofe burying-place he built that church : As Macutii Ecceti at 
Penrbos Lligwy, of MechelFs being fon oi Ecbivyd^ juft as the genealogy 
hfts it. And zsAhini Odtni, i. e* Owain Danwyn at Llan- Eneon in f 
Llyrii ,of hnn^ Eneon'% anceftory whom the faid genealogy makes to Idc 
his father. Note,^ That infcript ions are allowed to be great confirma- 
tions of -hiflory* among all-nationsj and'<may ier\w hefe as good pxoof 
of the authenticity of the faid records. - 

Now the clc?rgy havingtinthis manner feparated and difper/cd them- - 
fclves into fctt4ed -habitationSi over all the countries of North-^ Wales, . 
there was now a neceffity of altering their fund and manner of fubiif- 
tence. Their maintenance- before was fuppoi^ted by the tithes and ob- 
l^rtions of the people* but 'then -paid in common to the church's ufe, , 
and annually coUefted by her officers. Bot when the clergy were nc- 
ccflitated to retire from the rage of the Saxons, and by the afliflance of : 

* CtUtis, rightly called KeltJif^ from the original Irifh or ancient Scotdlh word Ceile* Dif ilgnify- 
is\g fifureftii or tjp9ufti to Guiy were an order of lay religious nioiiks.x)r pre(byterS| governed by an^ 
abbot oc hiead ihoien from arneog themlelvcs. . 



. good and devout patriots to edabliffa themfelves in prartrcular abodes, to 

.perform the duties of their -fundioii^ their right to the fame tnainte- 

.nance, which was before in common, became now to be particularly 
claimed. And to fix and eftabli(h that, no more was now required, 
when thefe cells were built, and priefts refided in them, than for Co 
many neighbouring inhabitants as fubmitted themselves to the fpiritual 
care of one diftindl paftor then living with them, to pay to the faid paftor 

^In particular all their tithes and other ecclefiaftjcal emoluments, and 
obliging themfelves and pofterity fo to do (the fmaller divifions of land 
being before that time under diftinA bounds and limits) thefe divifions 
of townfhips, hamlets, and parcels of land, which the then affociated 
inhabitants poiTeiTed, became in an inflant fo many diflindt pari(hes, and 
continued fo (we blefs God for it) to this day. 

. But though they be now pariflaes, as at firfl, yet they continued not 
to be refidential cures, but for a fhort time after. For as the piety and 
.devotion of people flackened, their oblations confcqucntly diminifhed« 
and the tithes became too fmall and inconfiderable to fupport a priefl 
in every parifli. So that they were reduced to a necefJity of conjoining 
more or lefs of thefe parifhes and their churches into one refidential 

.cure under one incumbent; and by that means the incumbents were 
onade able .to obtain or purchafe glebes, and to build them houfes to 
live in, to attend rtheir curescj while the houfe of God, which before, 
it feems, afforded ^hem -habitation, was now wholly employed to he 
what it fhould have always been, viz. the houfe of prayer. 
, The want of knowing or juflly weighing this affair, has betrayed 
the well-meaning zeal of a late worthy * prelate into a miflake, in 
j-eckoning thefe annexed Parochial chapels in Anglefey to be fo many 
refidential cures; for without that »they could not be non-refidences« 
And indeed what they are, they have continued to be for feveral hun- 
dreds of years ; and are like to do for ever, unlefs the fame zeal and 
piety which at firfl made them a fort of refidences, reinfhite them again ; 

-and the fame benevolence and bounty return again to fupport and 
cherifh the incumbents of them. The want of which we may i>e al- 

. Jowed to lament and expoflulate,; but have ve^ fmall hopes of ever 
feeing that day, when all our Parochial chapels in Anglefey will be- 
come hut competently endowed benefices 4 which benefices, with their 
chapels annexed, now for many ages have been what they called refi- 
dential cures, 

• Biftipp Kenn's Catalogue of Non-Rcfidcnces. 



, • • • 

Dnc thing mo« I muft here wke notice of before I difmtf^ this' par;- 
ticttlar-r-^and that is, the deplorable account another angry clergyman^ 
viz* the Bcitifti -Gilda^^ ^ivis us of the ftate of the Dritifh church ; aad 
thedifmal charaaer he bcftows (being hknfelf one) on many cff the 
clergy of it, in an age aboondihg willi fo many faints, and fo full o^ 
piety and deirotion, as wfe «may well prefume that age was, wherein fo 
giseat and exti:aordinary afts both of piety smd devotion were done, as 
all that IJaave beibns^mentioned, amounted to. To which, becaufe it 
niay appear to giveXome handle of objection againft what I have laid 
down before,, i iball brieiy reply, 

FiRst, The charge of Gildas is not general : he not only acquits, 
tut eartols the vittaes of fomc of the paftors of the BridOi church in his 
time with (iiis higked ftraiirs of rhetoric. 

SscootfDLY, Thoiagh the tran^aAions I nwn^tion happened about the 
iafflw time 4ihatX3ildas lived iil and wrete his book; yet the one was 
before. the other. Gildas wrote that fetyr before Atrftin's coming j and 
then our cJergy, when abroad from their ftrfiinary, generally rcfided in 
prvQcca' courts and in great mens' families, whence by their fuperiors* 
dire^ioas they officiated ;|(i allotted diftfi6ts. Iii this cafe, f confefs, 
they were under too great temptations to be nil exetnplarily good ; and 
it is likely too many of tHem juftly deferved his la(h. But this cafe 
foou after altered with them : God purged his floor, ^nd a great 'flaugh* 
ter was made of them, which undoubtedly muft needs purify the reft. 
And the fame ftroke of Providence which ruined their plan of learning 
and knowledge, amended their lives, by taking them out of the luxuries 
of courts and families, and putting them to the aufterities of cells and 
cloifters. And in this cafe only I apologize for them. 

Thirdly, Gildas, though a perfon of veracity and honefty, yet fa* 
crificed his prudence to his zeal, and thought to reclaim the vices of 
the laity by expofing thofe of his brethren the clergy. But as it is too 
apparent, that though he defigned well, he carried vvith him fome ten- 
der point that had been one time or other too nearly touched by fome 
of both parties ; fo an unaccountable temper in the conduft of his re- 
fentments marred his good defigns, and indeed dif-reliftied his work to 
the tafte of future ages. For the blemifhes he is fond to expofe afe only 
perfonal, and no general charaders can be drawn from them; at leaft 
now when we confider the men he levels at not as a Conventual, as they 
Were when uflder his lafli, but as a Parochial clergy. 



To return from the ccclefiaftical to the civil aflfairs of this iflandii. 
After king Cadwaladrs death, who was the laft crowned king of Bri- 
tain of the Briti(h race, we remained fome time under a: fort of arifh)- 
cracy, till king Cadwaladrs children returned from Armorica, whithec 
they had retreated in the time of a great plague that raged here : Though* 
fome fay Bietricus duke of Cornwal governed here In their abfence ; front 
whofe fon's hands Rbodri Molwynog fon of Idwal Iwrcb^ one of the fonst 
of king CaduQaladr^ wrefted the government of the Cambrian Britons^ 
and left two fons after him, viz, Conan Tyndaetbwy^ born or narfed in; 
that part of Anglefey he took his name from, and HoweL From the 
iirft of whom, the line of the Welfh princes, who governed Wales for 
many generations after,, took its origin. And therefore I (hall here fub^ 
join a Scheme of his defcent from Coel Godbebogy. in whom centered 
the united rights of many of the greateft Briti(b monarchs. On. which 
account the emperor ConJiantiuSf to fecure himfelf on the British throne,, 
by partaking in thoie rights, took to wife his beautiful daughter Tiboen^ 
called by the Romans Helen ;. whp was mother of his fon and fucceffop 
Conjiantine. the Great, And his other daughter, Gio.avd or "Juliay was 
married tp ^derrk the fon of Patemuf^ a. prince of the Britons, in the 
northern parts, who was. father, by the faid Gwawl,^o£. Cynedda Wledigy 
9r the Illuftrious ; from, whofe eldeft fon the fovereign. claim to the 
Britifh fceptre, after the failure here of the race of Heleriy was con-^ 
veyed,. with wJiat. of. their, country, they prefexv.ed*. to the fucceeding^ 
Welfh princQS. 






Coel Godhebog, 
King of Britain, 

S trad wen, 
laughter bf Cadfan ap Conar 
ap EudafF, prince of Nortli 


Gwawl, or Julia. 


Edern aj> Padam. 

Conftantius Chlonis, 



Helen, or Tibocn*. 


Cynedda Wledig f. 

+ We .have, among our old Britifh MSS. 
one Elegy on this prince, called Martjuna^ 

X Our Britiih Genealogies place here one 
Carttic Argliuydd Ctred.'gion^ father of Eim§jt 
Urddf and.fon of Cynedda Wledig. 


Conilantine the Great. 

* Tthoen ferch Coel Godbehog. 
I Gred a gafodd y Grog. 

Elnion Urdd 

II Cafwallon law hir. 

k Maelgwyn Gwynedd. 

I ■ 1 ■ I M ■ ■ ■ I I 


Rhun ap Maelgwyn. 

II In an ancient Ode * or Cywyddr upon St. Elian, to 
this day preferred in memory in that parifh, which lies 
in the north part of Anglefey, there is mention made of 
prince CajknalUtiy and of his refidenceJn that neighbour-, 
hood, i. e. 

EUan <uinatth i reu fuayh t 

O lid am ei fwwcb a^i U • - 

. Fi *wnaetbyn ddall GaJwaStm 
Arglnuydd manur ar ogledd Mon» 

% There is, amongft the fame MSS. an Ode called 
Cerdd i Fatlgn^yn Gnuynedd, In the dme of this prince 
there were two noted peribns in' Anglefey, viz.-. Camj of 
7nur Cefyttf and Eggri of Talyboieoftf who had feveral fons, 
from whom many fiimilies defcended in this ifland. 

V ThL5 prince, RbuH ap Meulgvyn, made great and 
long wars againil the Saxons of Northumberland. And 
at his return home gave notable privileges to the inhabit- 
ants of Caerriaryjonfhire, for having detained them fo 
long with him from their wives and families in that 
northern expedition; and thefe privileges are called Bret- 
nit gnioyr Arfm. He made alio feveral laws, which we 
have, among other things, in a stry old MS. called Cy» 
freitbii Rhun ap Maelgwyn. 

Beli ap Rhun. 


4 lago ap Beli. 


* « I 

+ Of prince la^o ap Beli there is a. Britifh Ode, called 
Marnvnad lago ap Beliy which gives fome account of him. 
There is an ancient exfcript of donations prelerved ia 

* Odi is an Ovidll^ not Cyvujdd. 

Y 2 



tlie archives of tKe cathedral of Bangor, which mentions this prince^, 
viz. him lag* a^ Bitit ux^ itcanatu iccl9fi^m dH^vit^ 1. e, ** Prince Iag9 
a^ B$U founded the deanry of Bangor. 

> Cadfan, king. 


* Cadwalio, king. 

ifCadwaladr, king. 

•" Of CadwaU9 ap Caiptn Hkewife we harr anOdfe or Btegy^ among- 
our Britiih MSS. called Mmtrnmrnd duf'waiJp ^ Cadfani and another 
upon him among the Odes of Llo^woHb hen. 

t We have, among the &id Britiih MSS. a prophecy afcribed to king. 
Cai-'wmUdfy called Dwfgem Qadn»MUa4r* frcnn the timo of his reiga the 
eld Britiih books called Btuty Saijpn^ and Brut yTy*uijiJogiou^ begintheir 
account, commanded to be continued apd preftrved in monaftcries^ hjj 
prince Rhoderic the Great 

Idwal Iwrch; 


Rhodri Molwynog 


Conan Tjmdaethwy. 


Eflyllt, heirefi. 


Merfyn Pryth, , 
king of the Ifle of 

Rhoderic the Great 


BJMeric the Great was prince of all. Wales, s^dT divided, his 4omimons between his tBrcft-elder 

By this Scheme it will appear oe? the oae G^. tfafttthe CynetUdn fa^ 
ttiily (outof which our Britifh princes derive their defcent and right 
of fovereignty) defcended frjom Coel Godhebog king, of Britain^ whofe 
ion Cenau,, the right heir, comentin^ himfelf with his fathtt's: patri^* 
mony in the Norths gsiye up his. eight of ibyereigpty. to his flftei: Hiten^^ 
or TUboen^, who was, as>yaii fee before», macned' to Canjiantius Cblorusr 
Dioclefiaris lieatenant, and afterwards emperor. So on the other fide,, 
we find partly out of Romao>. and pftrdyi out^ a£ Britifh. hiflory, that 
one Jlfclepiodotus a Briton». brought up in^ the Roman camp, and a 
Prastorian Praefe^t^, but by descent duke of Cornwall haviog. ilaia*^ 
AleStuSf and thereby merited and obtained the lieutenancy of Britain, 
was afterwards a revolter,. and chofen by the Britons, ta be: thcit: 
crowned king and emperor. But this Afclepiodotus^ as the Romrans 
called him, and bf the BritoMi called Bran aftUyp^. being flain. in bat- 

7 tie 


tie by Coel GodheBog^ who was likewife chofen king by the Britons, Gj- 
radocus the fon of Afclepiodotus was obliged to retire to North -Wales 
with his court and family,, where his father's fifter * Bronwtn died, and 
was buried on the bank of the river jUanv in Anglefey, whole monu- 
ment I have lately feen# but is now defaced. Caradocus being dead, 
his fon Eudda or Eutba^ called by the Romans OSfavius^ having made 
his abode for a confidcrable time with his father at Caer Segont^ as our 
manufcripts- mention,, was at length recalled by Conjiarttine the Great, 
and by him made governor of Britain. 

This OStavias^ by defcent duke of Cornwal, being now put into that 
great authority, when he had well ftrengthened himfelf in the power 
committecf to him^ made bold,, as othtrs had done before,, to afTume 
the Ibvereigpty to himfelf, and confeq^acntly was crowned by his coun- 
trymen king of Britain; And being in that high ftate, after fome 
bickerings with the Romans, and contefts with his nephew Conan 
Meriadog-'^hoTn in North- Wales at a place of that name — ^for the right 
of fovereignty„ or at Icaft for the pofieilion of it > the faid OStavius 
thought it advifeablc in order to fecure the throne to his own iflue, to-^ 
match his daughter Hekn (born at Caer Segont^ whofe chapel is there 
to this day) to Maxiynusy couftn by the mother to Ccmfiantihe the 
Great, that thereby he might put afide his nephew's daim; But fdme 
time after, Maximut (after great contefts with this Conariy his wife's^ 
Goufin, for the Britifti crown) was by the^ Praetorian foldiers chofen em- 
peror. On which advancement of him to the imperial purple, he took. 
into favour dhe iaid Cman^ Meriadog^ and gave him the province of Ar— 
morica, where before was planted a colony of Britons,, and made him* 
king thereof* And after the death of Maximus^ and of his fon Flavins 
ViBbr by his wife Ktkrt (his other fon Public^is^ builder of Llarr 
B^Uicy having renounced the world and taken on him the habit of re-^ 
Bgion) the fiiiA Canan Meriadog^^ became heir to his- uncle Eutba or 
Q^wohUf and. was confequcntly duk^ of Cornwall whofe line I fhall ex- 
hibit in the following' Scheme. 

But before I lay down that Scheme, it is requifite here to advertifc- 
the reader, that* the accounts I give of thefe two families are principally 
owing to our Brithh marfufcripts^ That of the Cynetbian htnily is ea— 



^ Bidd Pittiud a tuirttedi Pi'mvHitfirtb Lfyf sir htn jHai^^ afjni j ciiddtjuyd Jb/, &c. Sae* 
Dr. Davies on the word PuruaL 

t The author milapprehended a pafTage in the TriadtTf about Htlcn and her brother CoMSMy, 
and thtrefdte. is noc here to* h^ d6ptifii^d uppn^ 

i66 M O N A A N T I QJJ A R E S T A U R A T A, 

fily to be made out from the pedigrees of the chiefeft houfcs in North* 
Wales ; and where thofe do agree, as generally they do in the account 
I give, they carry with them a great degree of hiftorical certainty. As 
to the Cornwal family, I muft confcfs I have not the fame advantage ; 
fo that I was forced to take in there fome coojedtures and inferences, 
\yhich yet I hope are well grounded. For inftance, that AJcU^iodottis 
was duke of Cornwal and crowned king of Britain, the Briti(h hiftory 
is my evidence ; and that he was called by the Britons, Bran the fon 
oT Llyr^ the genealogy of Our Britifli faints gives good teftimony. For 
we iind there that He/en, the wife of Mac/en Wledigy who in hiftory 
is commonly called Maximus the Tyrant, was daughter of Euda or 
Eutha^ the fon of Caradog, the fon of Bran ap Llyr. No»f that this 
Bran ap Llyr^ Eutha\ grandfather, was a crowned king of Britain (for 
the Brijtons called none by that title but fuch as had obtained their im- 
perial crown) a very ancient Britifh manufcript, called Mabinogi^ is my 
warrant. For in the beginning of the fecond fedtion of that old frag- 
ment are thefe words, Bendigeid Vrdn Mdb Llyr a oeddfrenbin Coronaivg 
yn yr ynys bon^ i. e. *' BleiTed Brennus, the fon of L/yr, was a crowned 
king of this ifland." And Jlfclepiodotus being of the fame diftancc of 
time in hiftory, as was this Bran ap Llyr in genealogy, from Maximus 
the emperor ; and alfo being that ancient remain to be a crowned 
king, i. e. their chief monarch, I could do no lefs than conclude him to be 
the fame perfon with the Briton's Bran ap Llyr, however he came to be 
more generally known and called by the name of Afclepiodotm . 

But more evident it is from thefe Britifti remains, that Euda men- 
tioned in them was OSiafvius^ who was alfo crowned king of Britain, 
and duke of Cornwal, For where our printed chronicles fay that Maxi^ 
mus the emperor married the daughter of OSlavius k\x\% of Britain ; 
agreeably with that (excepting in the name) our books of genealogy 
fay, that Maximus or Macfen as they call him, married the daughter of 
Eudda or Eutba^ who— as the very import of his Britifti name Eutha 
or Wytby expreflcd in the Latin tongue OSiavius^ difcovers — could be 
no other than this OSiavius. And it is alfo there as evident that the 
before-mentioned Conan Meriadog was OSiavius's brother's fon, becaufe 
the Britifti hiftory not only calls him 0£iavius*s nephew, but mentions 
alfo the hard ftruggling there was between Conan Meriadog and both 
OSiavius znd Maximus for the Britifti fceptre; by which it appears he 
was his elder brother's fon, and fo I have placed him in the Scheme : 
^Eut of the other names in this Scheme that come after Conan^ both the 



Roman and Britifh hiftories of Great and Little-Britain give ample evi** 
dence. And here fince I have endeavoured to clear this point of -difii- 
eulty in the account andferies of our own Britifh kings and princes, at 
the decline of the Rooian empire, upon the credit of our Britifh manu- 
fcripts ftill remaining among us,, efpccially of our books of pedigrees ; 
and left the reader fhould have too mean an opinion of thofeobfcure au- 
thorities I rely upon, I (hall add one word of apology for them, and 
fay, that our books of pedigrees being in ancient times carefully pre- 
ierved, as valuable treafures in our beft families, andthecolledttonsout 
of v^hich they were compofed, being the peculiar work of a fet of men 
allotted for that purpofe in all ages of the Britifh government j the ac- 
counts contained in them agreeing together, ought to have, at leaft,. 
equal credit allowed them, with what now pafs by the name of hiftory ; 
cfpecially fince the beft foundation of our ancient hiftories was no other 
than what was taken and made ufe of out of thofe colledions ; and 
therefore they ntay well deferve to- be looked into, and equally to be re- 
lied upon in difquifitions of this nature; and cannot but give, confidera-- 
ble light, when warily and judicioufly ufed, in fome points that remain: 
obfcure in our Britifh hiftories, both civil and ecclefiafticaL The in- 
fcriptions before obferved, giving concurrent atteftation and evidence: 
tp the truth of fome of them,, are a. fair vindication of the credit of the: 




The CORNWAt Family, 


alias Bran ap Llyr, du A of Corn wal^ and 

' crawned ki|iff of IMitain. * 



■ ■■ i < ■ i '^ i i ug ^ 

CaradQcv^a^ ^uKe of Cornyral 


»L 1 



■*« J. . ■ I ' ' 


The brother of Oftavlus. 

^i ■ * 


I^OftaviiiSy or Eudda, dtJ:^ of i 
j jComwal aoi^ king: of Britain. } 

I Cohan' Meriadog, 

Jcing of Axmorica.: 

•; Gradlonus, •] 
king of Acmorica. j 

king of Armorica. • 

iMaxnnus, or MacfenI 
I Wledigy ompcror. I 


Helen, or Elen 

avIuVviffor'Nobilis (by the Britons 
c'^Ued O^ei^Fiuddu), Qa>Q ~^^ t--^— •-- 


- k 

by Theodofius the 

by in 

(by the Bntons ] 
(in wit^ his f^theij 
5 emperor. . | 


kine of Ahnorica. 

h Ifc 

iJmI. * I 


brother of Aldroncus, crowned king of 



■Ml fill * 


lain byVortigern, his 
cottfin, who ufurped 
his right. 



f ill* l> 

'J ' L. 

Aurelius Ambrofius, 

who killed Vortigem, 

and beat the Saxons 

in many battles. 





Uther Pcndi-agon, 
whobeftowed thedutchy of Cornwal upon 
his coufin Cador, and was victorious 
againit the Saxons. 



King Arthur, 

dyine without ilTue, preferred Con-; 

tine, ton of the above-mentioned Ca- 

,or, before the fons of his nephew Mor 

red, to the crown of Britain, which oc 

caiioned bloody wars. 


' <" * « % 

eldfeft daugh- 
ter of Uther.' 

fLotho •, 
. of thePk 

I ih 

Conftantine apCadwr, 

ephew of kinff Arthur, duke of Cornwal j 

and crowned king of Britain, called by 

, the Britdns, Cyftennyn Goronawe, the 

« laft crowned king of the Cornwal familyj 

His iflue continued dukes of Cornwal 4 

long time 




who killed his uncle, 

king Arthur. 

* Our author fell iiito 4& miftake'here by following the tranilator of our firitilh hiftory, Galfriditt 
Monemutbinfis\ who turned LUw op Cynfarcb into Lotb^ whereas it ought to have been Le§. Lpth 
king of the Pidls and Lbw af Qjnfarcb were different.perfbne. See WiUiams's notes on JBr, Caair* 
9^ 14+*^ 



Y have infcrtcd here the Schemes of thcfe two families, both to (hew 
what regard the Britons in their greateft confufions had to the right line 
of their royal artceftors, and to reconcile fomc feeming differences whichs 
occur in the accounts of Roman, Britifli and Scottifli hiftories, in relating 
the affairs of thofe times, and the names of the chief pcrfons therein con- 
cerned. In which laft particular I take our genealogies, carefully pre- 
itrved in many of the beft families, where they agree -together, to be the 
beft light we have to trace out what is poffible to be« recovered df 
the truth of thofe matters, wJiJCwin^ national hiftories feem fo much to 
vary in their rehtions. of names and things. And herein I muft own that 
the Scotch hiftories in the time^ of Chriftianity, relating to our affairs, . 
have been better prefcrved than our own-; their libraries having hot been 
deftroyed, as ours were,, by the Dane» aiid Saxons; and • theifefore in 
many things may be more depended upon,. The Roman hiftorians on 
the other fide being over partial in their accounts ; .and an unlucky afr 
fedtation of our prime men in taking on them Roman names with their 
own; by the fifft x>f which the- Romans, and by the latter the. Britons - 
mention them ; it is no vronder that many paffages in Roman and Britiih ; 
hiftories iTave appeared fo perplexed and intricate.^. 

It. is here alfo to be obferved,. that akho- fihce and perhaps long bfe- 
fore the Roman conqueft, the I fle. of Britain was governed by many 
petty princes of fbvercign authority in their territories^ yet all along, 
when occafion- required Jty they fubmitted their powers to the.conduft 
of pne general (bvereign- pr monarchy, whom they called Ring of all Bri- 
tain ; and ever confined themfelvcs in their choice of fuch^ to one im- 
perial line, whichs as an unalterable maxim of ftate, continued from 
DunwaUo Moelmutius to HeK^ot Beli Mawr as they called him, and. 
frojn him to the 2ht>vt-izrA CoeLGddbebog* : Of which line we find all 
thj^t were raifed to that. dignity to have been. And whatever contefts 
might happen for this pre^-eminence between Coel Godbebog and the be- 
fore-mentioned Afclepiodotus^ who reigned with- that title immediately 
before him ; we have reafon to fuppofe they both had pretenfions to that 
lineage ; efpecially „when we confider how OSlavius,- grandfon of that 
j4Jilepiodotusyiotn?ihi fure work again ft his nephew, fcnt to Rome, as 
the Britifli hiftbry has it, for Maximusy CocY^ brother's grandfon, to 
marry his daughter, thereby to falve up that difference. And alfo when. 
Qgnjidntine'% line abditated* their claim, and that' of Muximus was ex — 

* Tb( epthet GtHnhg does not belong- to this Col, but to another. 

Z.. tind,. 


•tinfl:, wc find that royal line divided again^ between the Cynetbian ^^\ 
-the C<3r/zi£;tf/ families, out of which two only they chofe their kings. 
And when that regal dignity ended in king Cadwaladr^ his line conti- 
nued notwiihftanding in the fucceeding princes of Wales, though the 
honour of kingfhip did not, to the time of Llewelyn their laft prince, 
who was ilaia at Buallt. 

. That Qambria and Cornwal, to which thefe two mentioned families 
were intitled, were provinces of great antiquity amon^ the Britons, long 
.before the Romans fubdued the fame, appears by a very old fragment 
of the Moelmutian laws, made fome hundreds of years before the birth 
of Chrift (if they be genuine) and ftill extant among our Britifti ma- 
tiufcripts, wherein among other things is enacted, viz. Un Goron Ar- 
J>ennig a Gynbelir yn yr ynys hon^ ac yn Ldundain Cadwr Goron : A tbair 
I'alaiib a Gynbelir tani \ un yn Gbymru Benbdadr : arall yn Nbin-^Edin 
yn y Gogledd: or drydyddyn Gbernyw^ That is, ^* One imperial crown 
is eflabliOied in this ifland, and the crown kept in London ; and three 
princely coronets contained under it : One in Wales, of the chief line ; 
another at Edinborough, in the North i and the third in Cornwal." The 
imperial crown was poflefled by the fupreme monarch of all Britain, 
whom they ftilcd, Brenbin Prydainoll^ u e. ** King of all Britain." And 
fuch was commonly ele<5ted to that great dignity by the fuffrage and con* 
lent of the other kinj;s and prince^ and was univerfally obeyed on extra- 
ordinary occafions. Of this fort were Lud^ Cajfibeltne% Cunobeline, Arvirxt-- 
£UJ, Lucius, Coel^ znd thofe of thefe two families I mentioned by the title 
of kings of Great-Britain, whereof Cadwaladr was the lafl ; in whom 
ended that royal dignity in the Britiih r^ce, and together with it the pof-- 
feflion of the far greater part of the whole ifland ; which the Saxons very 
foon after reduced under one monarchy, and was called England, and 
their whole nation, Englifhnxen^ as the Ifle of Mona, the capital of 
the Cambrian province, being once conquered but foon loft by thefe 
Englifhmen, was by them called Anjjlefcy, i. c. ** The Engliflamens* 
Ifle," as it is to this day^ 

Now to clofe up this fedion at the time and period wherein the Wehk 
hidory begins, that is, at the death of king Cadwaladr ; I ihall ooly 
by way of fupplement out of that and other records trace the defcent 
lof the Cynetbian line a little further, viz. from Cadwaladr, the laft 
Britiih monarch, to Rhoderic the Great; who eftabliftied his royal 
feat at Aberffraw in the Ifle of Anglefey : Adding a few other remarks 
ihat may deferve notice, relating to thcfaid ifland. 



Here I (hall not pretend to decide the variance there is betweef> Bf h 
tiili and Englifh authors^ whether the lafl: Cadwaladr died at Romct 
or of the plague in Britain ; or ivhether the Britifh hiflorian took the 
Saxon Ceadwalla for the Britifli Cadwaladr ^. But it is agreed on all 
hands, that Cadwaladr left at his death a fon called Idwal^ firnamed 
Iwrcb or (he Roe. The Britifli hiftory fays his father left him very 
young under the care and tuition of his coufin Alan^ then king of. Ar- 
morica; who aflifted the young prince, when he came of age, with a 
poTyerful army to recover his father's dignity and royal- fceptre, or at 
Jeaft his patrimonial right in the Cambrian province r Which laft, af^ 
ter great druggies, heobtained, and left his fon Rbadri MaJwynog fole heir 
and fucceflbr in the government of that province. Who in a fliort time 
vanquiflied and chafed away the fons of Bletricm^ prince of Cornwall 
that then ufurped the fovereignty of thofe countries, over which their 
father was left governor by Cadwallo and Cadwaladr ^ when they were 
chofen kings of all Britain ; and then he fettled hts feat, as his ancef* 
tors had done before, at Goer Segont on the river MenaL 

Prince Rbodri Ayiti^ left behind him two fons; viz. Conan firnamed 
J'yndaetbwy^ probably as being born or nurfed in that part of Anglefey^ 
called ftill by that naine» and HoweL Howel claimed the Ifle of An- 
glefey and other lands for his fliare of his father's inheritance by'gavel-^ 
kind ; and Conan had the coronet and princely government. But as 
prince Conan could not fuffer his brother to poiTefs the capital of the 
province^ in which the royal feat was firil e^abliflied by his aoceftor 
Cafwallm law^bir ; this feat of fovereignty occafioned blopdy wars be- 
tween the two brothers, profecuted with various fuccefs^. till at length 
Conan the prince vanquiflied his brother Howel, and forced him to make 
his efcape to the Ifle of Man ; which was then part of this Britifli pro- 
vince, under the government of one Mtrfyn Frycb. ^xxX, Conan dying 
ibon after, and leaving behind him one daughter named Ejfyllt y Howel 
perceiving the Welflx difafFefted to him, found it his interefl to make 
up a match htx:^^txi Merfyn and his niece Effyllt;. by which bargain 
Howel was to have the Ifle of Man and other lands, which he enjoyed 
not long. For Howel foon after dying without iflue, they all returned 
to the pofleflion of Merfyn. 

This Merfyn Frycb had, befides the Ifle of Man, very large pofl!ef- 
fions in Wales, efpcciaUy in right of his mother, who was daughter of 

* Might not both CadwlaJr and CeaJv/alU go to Rome i ■ 

Z 2 Cadeil' 



<:,adell fon of ihc younger BrycBfad Tfcytbrdg^ from wham ht, enjoyed 
and was lord of all PowysrLan^ ^nd earl of Chefter ; which, joined with 
his wife's inheritance, made hira prince and proprietor of almoft aH 
Wales, and king of the Ifle of Man. In his time Egbert the Weft- 
^axon invaded Wales, took the Ifle of Mona, and called it Anglefey, 
where a bloody battle was fought zi Uanfaes near B^aumares; but was 
fooD after difpofffefled of it by Merfyuy who at length cleared his coun- 
try of thofe invaders. A«d iaftiy, affifting the Danes againft the Eng- 
lifhi he fo incenfed l&ihHmifh their king, againft him, that a moil cruel 
■war enfued, with fuch enormous outrages committed by the English 
againft. his fubjefts, that in defence of his people and country, he at laft 
fell and 'gave up his life a dear vidlim to his enemies' implacable fury, 
leaving his Sovereignty and pofleffions to his folc heir and fucceflbr Z?^ 
deric firnamed/the Great. 

Rodetic the Ton of Merfyn and Ejjyllt^ to make the whole Cambrian 

[province hi« own, which before had been divided into many families, 

take^ to wife jing/jarad daughter and heir of Meyric ap Dy/nwal kir\g 

*o£ Cardigan and prince of South- Wales, by which marriage he became 

'fole prince and proprietor of all Wales. 

Prince Roderic behaved himfelf with admirable condu<3, but with 

variable fortune againft both Danes and Englifh ; who in their turns 

made ftrong and frequent attempts to feize the Ifle of Anglefey, which 

•the Englifh called their own : And both Danes and Englifh with equal 

appetite and endeavour coveted the pofieflion of it, as a pdace of firft 

importance, in order to fubjedt and conquer the whole province ; which 

made prince Rodmc remove the royal feat from Caer Segont^ where it 

continued a long time, into the ifland. But why he chofe Aberffrawy an 

unfenced open place, to fix his court at, I am not able to determine ^; 

;unlefs that had been before a princely palace, and that he looked upon 

the whole ifland, as the ftrongeft and fecureft fort he had ; and then no 

matter where in it his palace ftood, fo he had a fleet to fecure the coafts, 

and a good army to defend the pafTes of the Snowdon. But here "be 

fixed it ; and here it continued all the time of his fticceiTors, the Wel/h 

• • • 

• Ther care many good reafons why Jt^^eric and the other princes l)efore hun, fhould pitA 

Aipon Ahirjra-w as the fitteft place to fix their court. Firft, it is the richeft part of the ifland, and 

the beft corn country, to this day. And^ when the ifland was all woody, this muft hare been the 

fwholefomeft part of it; being expofed to the ibuthern breezes from the fea and mountains. Se- 

-condly, it was the part of the ifland by nature befl fortified, and the leafl fubje^l to invafion by 

.ica'; fo that the prince might have ibfficient time to prepare againfl any power that might land in 

any other part of die country. All the coaft'«car Ahprjraw iis fb dangerbu&for fhipping, that fea- 

;2npi nevchcare to come near i'* 



princes, till prince Llewelyn^ (he laft of that race, loft his life at Bttalh^ 
and with it fbrrendercd his royal feat and dignity and the wltole nriiv- 
cipality, into the hands of his conqueror, Edward the Firft, king of 
England ; in whofe line, the rights and royalties thereof,, and the titles 
in their eldcft fons, continue to. this day. 

I muft not pafs by here the recital of fome of the noble qualifications 
of this worthy prince Roderic the Great ; a name and charadler he weH 
Hefervcd, as being thfe eftabli(her of the long continued government o^' 
the Cambrian province, where the laft remains of the ancient Britons 
enjoyed their lives, laws and liberty for fcveral centuries under the au- 
fpicious valour and protection of their own natural lords and mafters ; 
and much longer might they have done, if they had followed the excel* 
lent rules he laid down for their prefervation and fccurity. 
• First, He was: a wife politic prince ; he (hewed as much wifdom 
in ordering the affairs of his ftate, aad policy in regulating the govern*' 
ment of his province, as he had always done of valour and condudt in 
the wars he frequently waged ags'Jnft two powerful enemies, the Danes 
and Englifti ; who molefted him on every part of his territories. For 
confidering that fo many provinces were itnited by maf riages in him ; 
and that the nobles and peopfe of thofc provinces had been accuftomed 
of a long time to fcrve their own lords and princes, who lived among 
them ; and that fome of them might be too prone to revolt to the enemy, 
when he could not on a fudden yield them fuccours, as occafions would 
fome times require 5 he therefore caufed a furvey to be made of alLWalcs, 
and to obviate thofe forefeen inconveniencies and dangers that might 
threaten his peace and tranquility, diftHfouted the whole province into 
three principalities, each containing under it an affigned number of 
Comots and Cantrefs. The principalities were Qwynedd^ Deieuiartk 
and Powys. And in each of thefe he buUt a royal court- or palace', viz. 
Aberffrav) in North-Wales, Dinefawr in South- Wales, and MatBrafal 
in Powys. Thefe three principalities, during his life, he governed and 
pfotedted by fubftitutes and commanders undgr him % but ordained that^ 
after his deceafe, his three elder fons (hould* enjoy them, to them and 
their heirs for ever ,• arid (hould be from thenceforth reckoned the three 
diademed princes, T Tri Tywyfog Takitbiog. To Anarawd^ the eldeft 
fon, he gave the principality of North -Wales, whofe court he ordered 
(hould be at Aberffraii) in Anglefey 5 giving him thci^itk, at Icaft among 
Jiis own fubjedts, of king of Aberffraw. To Caddl^ (fee fccond foq, he 
jgave Soiflh- Wales, whofe court he appointed to be gt Dinerfaw. And 



to Merfyrij his third fon, he gave the principality of Powys^ whofe courT 
was to be kept at Mathrafal\ as appears in the la wis of his grandfoa 
Howel Dddf fon of the faid CadelU prince of South-Wales. 

Secondly, He was a juft prince ; although he divided his dominions 
in this manner between his three fons, yet he took care to give the 
elded fon a diftinguifhing fuperiority over the other two, as undoubted 
heir of the Cynethian line, appointing him and his heirs and fuqceflbrs 
only, to have the title of Brenhin Cymru ollf viz. ** King of all Wales." 
And in acknowledgment of that fuperiority, the other two fons, their 
heirs and fucceflbrs, fhould pay to the kings of Aberffraw a rated yearly? 
tribute called Maelgedf in token of their homage and fealty. And alfo 
that the kings o{ Abfrffraw (hoald pay for all Wales the I'eyrngedov an- 
cient royal tribute to the imperial crown of London, at that time, by 
conquefl, in the pofleiHon of the kings of England ; as by the confti- 
tutions of Dunwallo Moelmutiut the whole Cambrian province was ob<» 
liged to do. 

Thirdly> He was a provident prince ; he divided his dominions^ 
to enable every one of them apart by themfelves, by a clofer union to 
make flronger efforts againft the attempts of an encroaching enemy. 
He forefaw that nothing lefs than a ftridl bond of confederacy between 
thefe new made princes and their poflerity could preierve the whole in 
£ifety ; and that the relation of brotherhood (if that could keep up the 
bond unviolated) was to be but of a ftiort duration. Therefore prince 
Roderk, taking a paternal care of their welfare, projects as nmch as 
be could to perpetuate that relation by enjoining his three fons^ now 
made diflin£): princes, and their heirs and fucceffors after them, to main-* 
tain inviolable peace and concord between themfelves ; ordaining, that 
when any one of them was oppreffcd or injured by the common enemy^ 
that the other two fhould totis viribus^ affift and fuccour him. And 
well knowing tliat inteftine broils and animofities would inevitably arifc 
between neighbouring prince* of equal ftrength, he added that incom- 
parable article (which yet I do not find was ever obfcrved) to this 
Partition^Ordinancef viz. ** That if any two of thefe princes (hould 
happen to jar and quarrel about their particular interefts, that then the 
third (hould intercede and finally determine the matter.*' Nay, he went 
herein further than general terms ; he laid the cafe home to them m 
order to obviate that fatal mifchief. For he exprefly ordained, ** That 
if any difference fhould arife between the prince of Aberffraw and the 
prince of Dtnefawr^ the thcee princes fhould meet at a qertiain place 



which he named, and the priocc of Powys (hould end the controverfy. 
And if the prince oi Aberffruw and the prince of Powys fell at variance, 
the three princes (hould likewife meet at a fecond place afligned by hii«» 
and the princi of South-Wales fliould compofe the difference. And 
if a quarrel happened between the princes of South-Wales and Powys^ 
then the prince of Aberffraw^ at a third place named by him, (hould 
meet and put an end to the matter,*' 

And, Lastly, As a prudent and religious prince, promoting the 
honour and welfare of his nation and corantry, he ordained, *• That all 
ftrortg holds, caftles, and citadels ihould be fortified and kept in repair; 
that all churches and religious houfes {hould be re-edified and adorned ; 
and that in all ages the hiftory of Britain, being faithfully tranfcribed 
and rcgiftered, and added unto as times required, fhbuld be carefully 
looked after and preferred in the faid religious houfes, for the infor- 
mation of pofterity, and to perpetuate the honour and glory of the Bri-, 
tifti nation/* 

Thus I have endeavoured to trace the affairs of this fmall ifland from 
thp time of its firft planting ; and to fticw that it was a place of fome 
confequence for the greateft part of the tinae it was in the hands of the 
firitons to the time of R^ierk the Great. And what figure it made 
from that time a«d what ovcrtttrcs happened in it (it being the capital 
feat of the Britifh princes to the difiblution of their government at the 
death of Llewelyn the laft British prince of Wales) the general hiftory 
of the province, firft let out by Dr* Powell and lately rcvifed and pub- 
liftied by Mr. William Wynne^ will cafe tne of farther trouble to account 
for, and will abundantly fatisfy any inquifitive reader. Only this I 
muft beg leave to obfervc before I finifli this fedlion, which is, that 
though this ifland has not been fo happy as to have had the court or 
palace of any of our Englifti princes in it ; yet we not only lived happy 
•under the influence of their mild and gracious government, where they 
were, but alfo (which is not a little remarkable) we have by a ftrangc 
compenfation of Providence, the honour to fey, that her late majefty 
^ueen Anne of glorious memory, as well as fome of her royal anceftors 
before her, enjoyed the ancient kingdom of Scotland, the kingdom of 
England and the principality of Wales, by right of inheritance, from 
perfons whofe defcent and origin were from the Ifle of Anglefcy. For 
fhe had the name of her family, and the crown of Scotland, as dcfcended 
from Walter Steward^ who was born at Aberffraw ; the crown of Eng- 
land, in right of ihe lady Margaret "tudiir^ paternally defcendcd from 

7 Q^en 


Cni'en liudur oi^^ntnynydd in Anglefcy ; and (he inherited. the princi- 
pality of Wales from Gwladus Dduy onJy iixrviving daughter and heir of 
Uewel^n ap lorwertb prince of Wales, born and bred in Angkfey^ who 
was married to Sir Ralph Mortimer y by which marriage the inheritance 
of the principality of Wales in right of blood, came to the hoafe and fa- 
mily of York, and by them to the crown, wherein it now happily reftsv ^ 

And further alfo>, if a right to the poffeffion of undiiicovered regions 
belongs .to the cjowh or fovereignty of thofe kingdoms or dates whofe 
native fubjefts wer^e the firft difcovcrers of tliem, as the Spaniards. af- 
JUroi^ and as the pope has confirmed, it does ; then we are well able to* 
grove, as far as any credit of hiftory and attefting ci^cumftances go, 
that his pr,efent majefty king George, in right of the imperial crown of* 
Gfeat-Britain* is rightly intitkd to all America, by the firft difcovery ancV 
premier feifin of that country by one ^ Modoc ap Owen Gwynedd^ born* 
in this ifland-^who adventured and performed the difcpvery of the Weft-^ 
Indies, returned and went again there wirfi a colony of Wei /hmaiv above 
thrM hundred years before Cbrijlopber Columbus znd jimericus Vefpufius: 
made their difcovery of it, on which the Spaniards ground their title to 
thofe rich and fpacioos cegiqas and inlands thereunto belonging. 

Thefe arc great things, I confeiis, wherewith Providence was pleafed 
to blefs and fignalize this ifland above other places. A^das it adds to> 
the reputation of the place to hav£ fuch perfons bom in, and thereby 
fuch. great things owing to it; Lam therefore in hopes that a native of 
it will be. at leaft excufedfor taking notice of them,, in order to recom* 
mend them to the efteem and valujc of pefterity. 

The reader wilU Ihope, pardon-my fubjoining one other remark of 
God's Angular providence (foci can call k no other) in making thi^ 
ifland the^otjly celebrated place of refuge to the diftrefled and perfecuted,' 
in the greatefl calamities that ever happened to this kingdom. I hav^ 
before ihewqd bow it was an afylum to thebarraflfed Britons> when the 
invadtfig injuei^HiS Romans diftrcjOed thorn. . And it was no le(s aiafldu* 
ary to the V^tf$^tiog;Br^ti&)icierg^;&oiniUi^ cagi^AdU^aks'-o^^Clie^ dd- 
minejerigg :^g^ S^cos, ^fter tbe 
t have akeady tan^«^Yt>urdd "to make 
in tl^e^ieafi^nrabl^.fi^Qur tbi^ifljmd. yielded; to: inSfi^^ 
alfq in thejrebelK^n/agailtftriUng :<2hai^^^ kdcl 

• S«-the,Hilbry qf wies, Wynne's EfidAn^ p.; Wfr itf6;r.fc?4\aRifc«t'J%S>^ 
Travels into' Perf}8, Secqod' Edition;- p. 3 $5,. where he pi^ves at^Brge the fi|:ft>diQo%9ry^f,t]re 
\fAAsiatih^ UadH t^je foB«^Oi»»<rwjl«i«iivA prince <jf Wdes/' --" *^ -• ^.^ KI ^ -5i«r 


out above five years after the breaking out of that rebellion ; at which 
time no lefs than ♦ fiv^ bifhops with other fequeftered clergymen had 
fteltered themfelves within it. Nay, afterwards, when the late king 
James the Second had unfortunately brought a perfccution on the Pro- 
^ilant clergy and'laity in Ireland, great numbers of them were driveii^ 
and made their efcape hither. So that the ancient character, at lead 
in the latter part of it, which the Roman *f* hiflorian many centuries 
before had given it, was iignally verified of this iiland ; namely^ that 
it was hicolis vulida & perfugarum receptaculum^ viz. io well ftrength- 
ened'by God and nature, as to have been a retreating defence and fe-- 
curity to the diftreifed and perfecuted, in many of our greateft national 
affli^ions and calamities; which, without ingratitude to divine Pro- 
vidence, we could not pais by unnoticed, and without its due comnieniar 
ratioh and acknowledgement* 

and CoTCimy, Bangor, St. Afitph, Gloucefter, Oflbjy. 
t Tadtnii AnntL lib. 14, 





E L E V E N T H S E C T r O N ; 

In Two CoLVM«s» vdz» 

Civil and E c c l e « i a«t ic A l* 

.a « 

* } . • 

A. D. 

Civil Affairs. 



^6 y^Laudius Caefar made a deicent 
\^ in pcrfoa into the iflc of Bri- 
tain, and fettled colonies and 
Roman garrifons in it. 

52 Cara^acus, captain-general of the 
Silures, is taken and carFied cap- 
tive to Rome.. 

61 The Ifle of Mona conquered by 
Suetonius Paulin«is. 

6 J Nero died, and the Ifle of Mona 
recovered its liberty for fome 

73 The legion, BtitannUa Augufiuy 

. placed by Julius Frondnus on 
the river Wilk taawe the Silures 
or the South- Wales men. 

74 The legion, Vigtfima Vitsrix^ placed 

on tSe river Dee to awe the Or- 
dovices orihc North- Wales men. 
76 The Ifle of Mona re- taken by Ju- 
lius AgricoU, and made a part 
of a Roman jprovince. 

108 Lucius, king or the Britons,, env 
braced the Chriftian fai:lv, which 
was preached to him by Timo- 
' - , #lf, St. Faults difciple, and fpi^ , 

•^' " ^ WClSudia Rufina^ a Britilh laOy; 1 


41 T AM E S,. the ion of Zebedee,. 
J with his mother Salome,, is faid 
to have come to the ifle of Brir 
lain to* preach the gofpel in it. 

47 Simon Zelotcs came to Britain tO' 
preach the go(peL 

gi Anftobulus was fent by St. Paut 
and St. Barnabas into Britain, and 
after ordained blfliop thereof. 

. 59 St. Paul the Apoftie came to Bri- 

61 The Druids routed by the Romans, 
in the Ifle of Mona, and their 
facred places all deftroyed. 

70 The Druidifli priefts fbrfake the 
Ifle of Mona, and betake them- 
felves to the ifle of Man, Ireland 
and Scotland. 

no At this time, \t is probable, the- 
do6trine of Chrift was embraced 
in the Ifle of Mona. 

182 The great collie or monallry of 
Bangor isCoed^ in Flintfl^ire, was 

190 A great perfecution againfl: the- 
Coriftians under Septimius Seve- 
rus> emperor. 

200 Ccnan 


A. D. Civil Affairs. 

200 Conan up Eudaff, grandfether of 
' Slradwen the mother of our fa- 
mous Helen *, was, .ynder the 
Romans, a great prince in North- 

Q,6o At this time one Lyr was a great 
prince or. duke in Corawal. 

^85 Caraufiusf* aMen^pian born, ol>. 
tained the govcrntncnc of Bri- 
tain, and was called Emperor.^ 

•ft9^ Alcdlus made emperor in Britaia, 
flain by Afclepiodottti, 

^94 Afclcpio4otus, doke ctf Cbrnwal, 
crowned king of tlie Britons. 

300 Ccri Gcibeb0g % kiUi Aftlepiodo- 
tus,^ and was crowned; king of 

304 Conftantius Chlorws was chofen 

•31^ Conftantine made king ol Britain. 

'^t& Conffcantine the Great was fcie cpa- 

3^28 Cyfiedda iVMig yir^^ a great prince 
in tke Aorchem parts. 

330 Eudda § or Offtvms was king of 
Britain and duke 6f ComWajl. 

tfjo Maxirtuw, Helen's nephew, mar- 
ries Helen daughter ol Oftavius, 
• • king of Btitain. 

3^3 Maximiis 'Was chofen emperor. 

380 EinthtrUrid^ the HoAotwable, fon 
diCynedda WliMg^ reigned in 

^gcr Cman Meriadog w^about diSs o«c 
' - riiadekingof-Armorica. 

A. D. 

Ecclesiastical Affairs. 

239 A pcrfecution raifed againft the 
Chriftians by the emperor Maxi- 

251 Another pedecution againft tbe 
Chriftians in the reign of the em- 
peror Deciu^ oUed the eighth 

256 A great perfecufiori raifed by the 
emperor Valerian. 

286 The grcateft . and laft peffecution 
raifed by Diocltfian againft the 
Chriftiaos in all tl>e provioces 0/ 
the empire, but raged with great 
fcvcrity-in all the parts of Britain. 

313 Conftantine the Great, fp© of He- 

. ko,. commanded the Cljtriftiaa 
faith 10 be em bnac^d. thi ough all 
the RcHBAn empire. 

314 Conftamiiiet the emperor, funir 

ici^ned A fyjiod of biftops at 
Arlea in <jr»ki»,. M. whifh three 

Iwr of Tofk^ .Rieftitutus of 
i'Wctofu . tfA Adelphiua of Caer 

334 Pclagitti (ki^Bdliih 11 wae was Mor- 

ilryJncMl yputh^ was author of 
364 Kcbii» orCybi is faid to be "bifti^p 
oJF Aagte&Xt Md CO: have his 
&ftt «t HdyhMA. . 

^ This Is «imtoterd!bte Wonder, occafioned byeurauHlort Mloi^^tlie {wmk.; who, mif- 
xAstt^Cifgt iSodtbv^, n nortlienft friHte, for Cotl «cl cff tlMMfkym'-^^'^viwA^ king 

of BriM^, htT« mttfeiSWw to iir4^ daughter of Ci#^iQ|Mir« 

: t'H^litt «!*« *»«»« "*^ Bl«»«^ fnKlplaccf him aljout^lv&yflar ai8. }n the year 1728 a 
WPOnmS^(^ Uli^? %^4 ^^ Q^ukm in the' paafli of lltvifecbcU ipi An{;Ie;re7. See ^te VIII. 
'fi^. * * ' + Tkis C^ was^rj of 01puceller, and not Qo'tl GodthH. 

*^ $ iiTiJ^in'aUourBnMSS.- : 

\ * 

/ *> 













Civil Affairs. 

GRadlonus, Conan*s fon, reign- 
ed in Armorica. 

Solomon,' the fbn of Gradlonus, 
reigned in Arnwrica. 

Cafwallon law-btr^ fon of Eini$n 
UrdJj fixed his feat in the Iflc 
of Anglefey, and reigned there. 

Conftantme the younger, fon of 
Solomon king of Armorica, was 
duke of Cornwal and crowned 
king of Britain. 

Vortigern flew Conftantius the eld- 
eft fon of Conftanttne,ururped the 
throne, and called in theSaxons» 

Vortimer, the fon of Vortigern, 
takes pn him the government^ 
and fo^a after dies. 

Aurelius Asabrolius, ftcond fon of 
Conftantine, flewVordgem dnd 
obtained the Britifli crown. 

Uther Pendra^on, third fon of Con- 
ftantine, reigned in Britain. 

PIoweK brodier of Gildas, was flain. 
by young Arthur in the Ifle of 
Anglefey — at Camg Hotvel. 

Mael^gvyn Guytisddj fon of Cafwall- 
on^a'UhMt^ ruled in North- Wales. 

Arthur, the fqiv of Uther Pendra- 
gon, reigned in Britain. i 

The battle at Badon-hill, being the 
year Gildas Badonicus was born. ' 

Mordredi king Arthur's nephew, 
msmriea' ^ daughter of one Gaw- 
ohm^* which ia not improbable 
was the fame as was comax>nly 
called by the Britains,. Caw O 
Fruddin y for it appears by the 
Scotch writers that this Gawolan 
was a Britiih lord, and in great 
favour witl^ king Arthur.. And 
if the faid Cmv was this Gawokn^ 
then he could not be the father 
cf Gildas Albanius,, as i» ^nc 

A. D. Ecclesiastical Affairs. 

455 A*>Ildas Albanius letup a fchoot 
\jr in Britain, and inftrudcd 
youths in arts and fciences. 

477 About this time Merlinus Ambro- 
fius fiourilhed, and prophefied 
of the future fate of Britain. 

481 (Vortigern was flain, and Merlin 
was then but young. Galf.) 

525 About this time Daniel, fon. of 
Dionothus, abbot of Bangor nio- 
naftry, founded a college for the 
inftrudkion of youth in Ceamar- 
vonlhire, and called it Bangor : 
He was fome while after confe- 
crated bifhop of that place by 
Dubricius archbifhopofui^nffm* 

53 1 About this time Sampfon, the fchof- 
lar of Iltudus, was made abbot 
of Uan Garmfiy and ordained 
bifhop, Jim tituhj by Dubricius* 
of Caerleon. 

564 Gildas Badonicus retreating to Ar- 
morica, wrote thence his (harp 
epiftle to his brethren, the Bri- 
tons, foipeof whom he reprefents. 
therein worfe than heathens^ and 
treats the princes he falls upon 
with very warm and unbecom- 
ing language. 

543 St. Kentigearn came from Scotland, 
^d had leave of one CadwaUciL 
to build a college in Flint(hire». 
called Uan-Elwy \ which ^- 
came afilerward one of the bi- 
ihoprk:s of North-Wales.. 

5^4 DanieU bifhop of Bangor, died and 
was buried in the if& of Baidfef • 

570 Gildas Badonicus died. 

580 (According to Baker,) 



A. D, 

Civil Affairs. 




rally bclicvcd^but rather of Gil- 
das Badonicus, whofe brothers, 
I^eirio^ GallgOj Eugrady Caffoy and 
whofc filler, CuiUog^ by this ac- 
count, muft be ; for in our pe- 
digrees they aire always reckoned 
brothers and filler to one of the 
Gildas^'s % the former Gildas be- 
ing coo old in time to be Gaw- 
clan's fon, it therefore muft be 
the latter; if, as I faid, this 
Cawolan in the Scottilh hiftory 
be the fame with our Caw of Bri- 
tain. And if that be the truth 
of this obfcure matter, as in all 
likelihood it may, . therL thtfe 
mentioned brothers and (tfter of 
Gildas might retreat to Anglefey 
about the i\vat of the difperfion 
of the clergy, and build thofe 
cloyfters \ and thereby alfo a 
reafon will appear, why the lat- 
ter Oildas omitted the mention 
of king Arthur, who difinherit- 
cd Mordred's fons, and why he 
fUl fo foul on Conflantine, Ar- 
thur's fucceiIbr,for killing them, 
when they were his own fitter's 
children; occafion enough to 
enflame his refeatments, and to 
vent the angry expreffions he 
has in his epiule. 

King Arthur and his nephew Mor* 
dred loft their lives in the battle 

. of Camblane or Camlan. 

Conftandne, duke of Cornwal, was 
crowned kin^ of Britain, called 
by the Britaina by the title of 
^yjlenfjyn G^ronoz 

Maeigteyn GuyneM endowed the 
bifliopric of Bangor with lands 
and franchifes. 

Moilgwfn Gwjmdd made king of 
all Wales. 

RJmn^ the fon of Maelgwyn Gwy- 
neddy reigned in North- Wales. 

Beliy the Ion of Rbun oj^ Maelgxeyn^ 
was prince there* 


596 Augu(tine the monk was fent hj 
pope Gregory the Great, to the 
ifle of Britain, to convert the 
Saxons to the Chriftian faith. 

'5^7 The archbiihops of London and 
York were driven to Wales by 
the Saxons.; and the Loegriati 
Britons extremely perfecuted. 

600 At this time Taliejin wrote his de- 
nunciatory ode, being then very 
old, having flouriihed in Mael* 
gwyn*s time, and been his poet- 

603 This year was committed that hor- 
rid maflacre on the monks of 
Bangor by Ethelfred king of 

613 According to Bede, &c. fo the 
monaftry lafted about 42 1 years* 


i82 'M^OI^A' ANTI<ij/A RESfAU-RAtA. 

iGermhtus, or Germnt, the grandfon of king Conjlantine or Cyjlennyn 
^roronogt on the faid Confiantine*^ renouncing all worldly affairs, took 
:<?!> bina tlie title of duke of Cornwal. This Gerinnlus had a fleet at fea, 
and was very nfcful to the Britons in defending the maritime parts of 
Wale^, as wirfl as his Ofwn counti^, from the infulrs of the Saxons ; and 
is therefore celebrated in a particular ode, called Cyivydd Geraint ap 
E^'Sm^ by Llywarcb'Hen. He was grandfather of St. Cy/5/ according 
to onf Britifli genealogies. 

A. O. ClVfL ApTAlftS. ' 

gg^ lJywar(h Hen^ the Brhiflt prince 
- and poet flourilhed. 

■599t ^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^ Korth*WaIes, : 
the founder of Bangor deanry. 

603 Cadfauy ctie fon of laio apBeli was 
L : prince of North- Wales.— This 
Cad^Ji, together with fpur Other 
Britifti princes, routed the Saxons 
who maflacred the monks at Ban- 
gor; he killed 10,066 of them 
upon the fpot. 

613 Cadfan was chofen and crowned 
king of the Britons, 

635 Cadwallo^ the fon of Gadfan^ was 
crowned king of the Britons. 

676 Cadwaladfj the fon of CadwallOy 
was crowned king, being the laft 
crowned head of the Britifh race. 

089 King Cadivaladr goes over to re- 
fide with his cpufin Jlan king 0^ 

703 Id''a;al Iwrcbj the fon of king Cad^ 
waladr^ returns from Armorica. 

720 Rodri Molwjnog^ (onof Idwallwrcb^ 
reigned in North- Wales. 

755 Conan Tyndaetbwy^ fon of RcdriMo- 
Iwynog^ reigned in North- Wales.* 

8 1 Q Efylbty fole daughter and heir of Co- 
nan Tyndaetbuyy was married to 
Merfyn Frycb, king of the ifle ofl 

843 Rodri the Great, fon of Merfyn and 
Efylbty reigned over all Wales. 


613 Monk Auguiline died« 
616 Beuno built a college at Cfynnog in 

In this century^ aijd in the latter 
end of the laft, we find moft of 
our churches in Anglcfey to have 
. been built : the times of whofe 
biiildiDg I am not wholly defti- 
tucc of a way to make fome near 
guefs at — tor I pretend to no 
nicety and certainty in this mat- 
ter. And the way I take is, from 
a cetnputation made out of the 
gencalagieaof thofe pacron-faints 
or firft builders'of our. cells and 
cloyfters, which afterwards came 
to '\x our PARISH-Churchcs. 
That is, by pitching on feme 
noted perfon in every pedigiee, 
whofe time of living is known, 
arid by the meaAire of time which 
fo many delccnts, as are from 
thofe noted perfons to die pcr- 
fons I enquire, ordmarily make J 
and hy certaia refpedU and rela- 
tions of things or other inform- 
• * ing circumftaqces, it ViH credi- 
bly appear. 

. # 




Ecclesiastical Affairs; Circa 

•*rhat St. Patrick being fent by Pope Celcftiac ta coavert the ♦ 

tri^y and being come to Angle^y, .in bis. way to Ireland^ built 

htschtirch oil tke £ea*ihore» which was called Llan Badric, * 44a 

That-St» EMan^ being contcnapofary with CafwUan Lmo^Mr^.. 
hm\t Lhn Eiian% ^ • - ^ .^ ^ - ^- .^ ^^q. 

Th^t prince Pais,, txmktnoiiiy called P^ Pryddn^ for his be* 
ing a great fupport to the Britons againft the Pid;s aod Scots^ 
abcMrt tl%e tiiM of CafiMibfi Law^Mry built Uan Hato^ ^ ^ - 460 
/ ^ Tb« Llan Degfan^viA Lkm Dyfrydog wem built, about ^ - 450 

That Llan Ddvgnbel ch^fci wa$ built,, *. ? • ^ • 53^ 

ThoV i].A7;f RhnddfadM^di Lian R&wydfy^swttc built^ «< <- 5^0 

- That £^^ Di^[fifan, Uan Gmn'wm and Llanddwyn \yere boilt^ 590 

* l^fM JLAnt AUg^yLhtn Eugrasf^ Lknfaehg^ Lian Gafa^ RJbSt 
f^eirid^ and X^^jfW/ii^ werft iHiHt, .^. : • .- • .,. 605 

T^at LlMnGrifiiiohis'^nA LhnJld^na were boilt^. • « •610 
That 'Ab€r§pa%ii> and I'^ipdraetb were built, * - ,. .6.x6 

* Thai Jt;/^;i MSm mA Uanddenid FM were built,. - - « 616 
^ Tt^t £>Ay^ krigifemi^ LianBnan^ LlameAin and Zibe\ Gr^/ 
■were Upin; ..%./. ^ *.. ^-. .. ►. • • -. ^ , ^' , .• •. (^^^ 

- Thiit IJkn Beukri^' 9Me9hn^ C^d Atu, Cafpd Ciulia and /t 

'* Thflft PMMZdbtf-cliaitth^ iS^/in^/^hapeiiia^the Uhnd, nd^ £/»i 't^ 

^9tSfitri:^d'^Wihy •• •' ' -^ '. - -V : ^ : ' .: ^ . •. f^ \ . « 6ji> 
That Tyji/io^ the fon of Brocbfad Tfcythrog^ built his chuwht 

zt Llandyjilia^ - - - - - -63a 

That E/kbeh^takct ^ feu^tcr tif ; 1^^^ her 

church at LLm Edwen^ ^ .. j. .. ^ .. * ^ ^ ^ ^^^ 

That king Cadwaladfy our laft Britkh, as well faint as mo- 
narch, caufcd his church ofLlan GadwaJadr to be buik« - - 6^0 

Thefe churches, as well as all the reft throughout Wales,, have their 

wakes or feaft-days, in commemoration either of the death of the faid 

patron-faints, or of fome remarkable accident of their lives^ or of the 

peculiar dedication of the facred houfes built by them to the ufe and 

•^ ^ • fervica 



Ecci^EsiASTicAt Affairs, 


fervlcc of religion: Which fcafts the people yearly ob&rvc dnd cele- 
brate, jcommonly on the Lord's day. next before or after the parochial 
faint's day. , And as the primitive Chridians folemnized their Fa^i or 
anniverfary memorial-day s» called by them, a6 well as the places they 
were celebrated in, Memoria SanSlortun or Martyrum\ fo we in a religious 
imitation of them<~folemnize oars, and call them Gwyliau Myb'r Sant^ 
corruptly called Mah-Sant — Mjifyr or Mybyr being the true Britifli of 
Memoria^ or indeed the fame word varied in pronunciation by a differ* 
ent language; for * Mp £^and B have been often u(ed one for another 
In the pronouncing of Roman, words in the Britifh tongue^ ej(pecially 
when ihefe labials are in the middle of a word* of which I have pro- 
duced many inftances in my Comparative Table of Langustges— on which 
account I conceive «the ancients Mejnoria SanSUrum^^ cam^ with us to be 
rendered MybWSanU and at laft Mab^Sant : fuch deviations from ori- 
ginal ibundfr in a long ^ourfe of time being not uncommon ; which in«- 
<itices me to lay this down as the beft reafon I can think of, to account 
for the etymology of that very common but obfcure name. •}- Dr. Da- 
vies indeed gives another reafon for it^ viz« ^an&us in Cujus ParacU 
^uis Natus eft puer^ i. t. that every native of a pariHi, by being reck- 
oned Its faint's foa, or Mdb y SanU gives name* when aflembled to 
celebrate it* to this feftival. But I can never be perfuaded that fuch a 
relative attribute in propriety of ipeakiiig, could give it that denomi- 
^nation ; for» befides the too remote congruity of that caufe, it i^ un- 
precedented ; no.Chriftian churches in any nation giving that reafon for 
the name of their feftivals \ but that of Commemoration they gene- 
rally give. 

f JkeMh lhwfJP% Comparatife Etymologr, Jfitiff* {7. p. z%. 
il Dr. Davits oa ^ wofd MA-i§m% 




S E C T I O N MI. 

^he etymology of the Comot ^/'Maenau. 

• • • • ' * , 

THAT the original of names, cfpecially of places, is for the moft 
part v;tij dark and uncertain, and not to be traced i)ut by gueflcs 
and probabilities, is a truth by all men afTented to \ yet that this txzQt 
or portion of land, called Cwmmwd ManaU or the Comot of Mane^ wisis 
fo denominated from the Fretum or channel of that name on which it 
borders, will be readily granted : But how that fret or channel came 
to be fo named» will fo eafily accounted for. 

Tacitus in his fhort notes and ftridures on the affairs of Britain^ 
only mentions an arm of fea* here; but gives us no manner of ac- 
count how it.. was then called. Neither doth Ptolomy, if his ports and 
rivers be now rightly ftated,,give the leaft hint of it. And if Mof 
Caingc be the true Britjrii of Ptolomy's Mortcambium *, or perhaps Mor 
Cam, as it very well may, the channel bending and vvindiifg in its paf* 
fagc i yet I knpw not, with a juft regard to the,congruity of the names 
of other bordering places by him mentioned, how well to place It here. 

It may therefore be more allowable to refer the ancient and prefcnt 
name of this^Fretum ofManau to a primitive impofition, or a name at the 
iirft peopling of the land impofed upon it. And that feems the more 
probable, becaufe its compofition imports, as original .names ufually do, 
the nature and propriety of the place, viz. Matnau, i. e. a narrow wa- 
ter : Main being here retained for flreight and narrow, and Eau or Aii 
in France fot -\vater, to this day. And that it fliould be pronounced 
Mane or Menai contradtedly, is no unufual thing ; confidering that the 
Romans have corrupted and altered many other names from their ori- 
ginal founds : And it is not uijj^ikely tliat they might call this water 
Mana or Menei in the Genitive Cafe, u e. Afua Mance, and fo it con- 
tinued to be called to this day. . 

But if any feem inclined to objeft the improbability of this account 
andreafon of the name, by fuggefting that the French Eau or Au^ figni- 
fying water, is rather a derivative of Aqua, as it is generally thqught to 
be, than that it (hould come from an ancient Gaulifli or Celtic found 
of that fignification : To that, I fay, it may be reafonably replied, that, 
although it be granted that the French lifp hath fmothercd fome letters 

^ tdoricambium — MoricaMb (m and b equal *v ovf) u e, Mor (tcha/^^the ufferm^/ffia, 

Bb in 


in their vulgar pronouncing of Latin words ; yet it does not fecm very 
likely that they (hould retain their moft comnfK>n letter fqj almoft in 
every other word. that had it before—nay very often ufc it where they 
had it not— and lofe it in this, where the pronunciation of it appears 
to be fo foft and eafy. And indeed we may as .fa,irly invert the fup- 
pofition, and prefume the Latin jiqua to have been originally derivett 
from jiu, that being a moft ancient appellative of water in the Gaulifh 
or Britifli founds,, whereof we have many inftances in ancient ety- 

And that this may not appear to be a bare and groundtefs fuppofition> 
we may further obferve, that that found— -^w — betokening water, feems 
not only to have been very ancient among the Gauls and Britons ; but 
one may alfo obferve fome remains of that found, cither as initial or 
terminative, to have been conveyed to us in many ancient compound 
words relating to water : Which is no mean argument that jiu, or (bme 
found very near it, was fignificative of water, even at thofe very firit 
tinryes, in this weftern part of Europe. 

For iaftance; as initial, Auernusin Italy; Auignton in France; Au& 
in Narbon ; Aube in Campania; Aa in Flanders; Aar in the Alps; 
Avate in Tranfilvania ; Aw in Scotland ; Avren in Britain ; and Awyduff 
or Black-Water in Ireland, do all of them carry fome remains of that 
primitive found. Neither is it unlikely that Aber fB and U being pco- 
mifcuoufly founded in ancient words) has fome relation to it^ And 
Avon a river, though the Latin Amnis might afterwards take its fpring 
from that found, may very well be a diminutive of it. Awyn or Ewyn 
Jpuma vel aqua albicans ^ i. e. Aw-wyn ; Aweddwr^ aqua limpida; Auvwys 
or Affwysy Abyjfus^ do all feem to retain this fauj in their compofition^ 
as fignificative of water or of fome efleatial property of itj in their firft 

So alfo we may take notice of many compound words terminating in 
au or awj which make that element their main and principal Suppofi'^ 
turn. Manaw0^thc Ifle of Man ; Llydaw, Armorica ; Gene-au or Geneva^ 
i^ e. the mouth of the lake ; Llpi Llwydawy in Caernarvon{hire ; Alaw 
a river in Anglefey ; Gwlaw, raia; all thefc being waters themfelves, or 
having their principal idea and charafber from water,, may well juftlfy 
their derivation from that origin* Neither is it unreafonable to fuppofc 
that the Gaulifli or Celtic or old Britifli word au or aw, fignifying wa- 
^r, might fome time have an additional termination affixed to it, per- 
b^ps to differ and fpecificate the import of the word;, as when it 



was made to mean particular brooks or rivers^ it might then be pro- 
nounced Awy^ as we find it in Ireland, Awyduff\ black or deep water f 
or aiore contra^edly Wy^ as in Wales, where it terminates the compound 
^iiames of inany, rivers. Which conje<9:urc of it, as none can deem it to 
be unreaibnable, (b it being granted probable on the inftances I have pro- 
duced, it not only facilitates the probability of the thing in queflion, 
but feems alfo to account for the etymology of the names of many ri- 
vers; as Dowrdwyf Elwjj Medwy^ Lligwy^ Conwy ^ Gwy^ and many 
more fb terminating, which otherwife can fcarce be accounted for. And 
indeed the Greek nolflt/u,G$» a river fm and u being anciently equivalent) 
and the river Tame in England have fome affinity with it. 

However the compofition of the name ftands, it is mod certain that 
we have evident tokens that the compound name itfelf, Main-au or cor- 
ruptly Mane, hath been anciently ufed and applied to fuch places, as 
^e word in the fenfe I have now explained it naturally imports. 

For confirmattion of which we may obferve, that the three narrowed 
ftreights about the ifle of Great-Britain have in and about them fome re- 
mains of the name Mane ; either extant in thofe very places to this day, 
or were found there in former ages, and recorded by authors of good 
credit. And thofe narrowed ftreights of all the Britiih feas will, I fup- 
pofe, be allowed to be, viz. the firft in Kent, over-againft Normandy 
in France ; the iecond in Pembroke(hire in Wales ; and the third at or 
near the Mul of Gal way in the kingdom of Scotland. Thefc two laJt 
being the /horteft cuts from the ifle of Great-Britain to the kingdom of 
Ireland, as the firft is to the coaft of Normandy in France. 

Now for the First of thefe in Kent, juft upon the ^Agt of that 
Fretum between us and the Gallic fliore, the Roman writers, as the 
Itinerary of Antonine. fhews, place Partus Limanrs, Limene, as in 
Ptolomy. Shall I turn it into Britifh, Port /j/add Mane ? And near that on 
the fame Fretum is old Romene, Rhos-^Mane perhaps, now Rumney-marfli. 
It is not to be paiTed by here, that the Britons called the port where 
Casfar landed, which was on this Fretum^Pwytb or Port Jb^Meoi las f-arkd' 
indeed the Greek Aif/itiy may very well be a compofition of thofe two 
monofyllables, L/e & Main^ i. e. Llemain^ Portb or ferry. 

Secondly, On the fiiore of that fhort cut or paflage from St. Da- 
vid's in Pembrokefliire to the Weft pf Ireland ; St. David's Point there- 
is called Menevia and Meniw to this day. And it i^ no Icfs obfervable 
that the inhabitants of the cippofite Irifh fide of that narrow fea are by 
Ptolomy called Menapii, and their city (now .Wexford) Mcnafia (with 

B b 3 . xi^ 


jio great alteration of founds b^fides what is commonly iivcideiit to the 
diverfe termination of different languages) from the 6riti(fa MofMu or 
Mtenff i. e. a ftreight or narrow fca ; as it now is : And it was formerly, 
if Giraldus Cambrenjis gueflcd right, much narrower in that place. The 
two abutting promontories on each fide being of one nanoe, i take it to 
be reafonably fuppofed, that they took that name from the fret or paC- 
fage on which they bordered, I own that the Menapii in Ireland are 
by authors reckoned as a colony of the Menapii of Gatlia Belgica ; ' but 
if we confider that a narrow fea might have given them that name, as 
I fuppofe it did tothofe in Ireland, it the nu)re confirms the fdppoiition; 
fince they lived fo near the Belgic freights that it maybe well prefumed 
they had that name from them. 

Thirdly, In that fliort cut alfo from the Mul of Galway to the 
kingdom of Ireland, called by Ptolomy Navantum Prompntcrium^ we may 
find jufl by a bay or EJiuary^ called by Ptolomy .S^uarium Abraodni^ 
which one may eafily, and perhaps as truly, deduce ^ from the Biitkh 
Aier-Vene or Aber-Mene^ as bordering on that narrow l^reium i though 
Mr. Camden, from whofe judgment I would not willingly vary, giseiies 
the name as well as the water of that river to come from a lake called 
L<mgb^Riany fome miles diftant from that EJhary. 

But granting that Mr. Camden's Laugb-Rian may pretend to the- 
etymology of Abravanus^ as if called Aber-Rian, yet fincc he gives no 
other reaibn for it. but the fimilitude of names, which fuf ely are not ib 
near and very like in found, as to deferve to be fetched together from 
&> great a diftance ; and Avon, L c. Aber-Avon cotnes nearer to it, but 
that it is too undijiinguijhing a name ; I am inclined to believe it was not 
called from that Lougb ; and that, becaufe Ptolomy calls it not Abrianus, 
but Abravanusy as the beft copies have it. And efpecially finee we find 
the two other ihorteft cuts over our narrow feas retain in them the 
evident marks of the name of Mane^ I cannot conclude this third al^ 
to have been any other than Aier-'Vene or Abcr-Manty V and M in tlie 
old Britifh being but varying of ca&s in one and the fame word : And 
that more particularly, not only becaufe Abravanus Comes neareft the^ 
Brrtifli Mane^ both in matter of found and (ignification, which may 
of itfelf vindicate tlie derivation ; but alfo, which will add foraewhat 
to the probability of the conjed:tire, becaufe I fihd many fmal! Frettms 
retaining ftill fomething of that name ; as the Fretum between Ramifcy- 
Xflie, and another between Cardigan^Ifland and the adjacent (hores, are 
U> this day called Mtene'^* Nay, Ramfay-Ifle itfelf was by geogra* 
,"4 phcrs 


phers called Alfxvos and Limenia probably on that acconut. And I am 
told there is znoi\\tv F return in the county of Buchanan in Scotland called 
by the mmtoi Mane. And.laftly, on that ftreight between Hantfliire 
and the Ifle of Wight, there is a fmall town on the edge of that narrow 
fea called * Limington or I'ref he-Main \ and the ancient inhabitants 
there, were called Mean-Vari^ not improbably from Main-For, a nar- 
row fea ; and there are three Hundreds near adjoining, which are yet 
called iVf^tfw's- Borough; K^H-Mean and Wcd-Mean, bearing fome tokens 
of that Britifh name. 

From thefe obfervatioirs I am now induced to conclude this com-- 
pound word to have been anciently the common appellative of fuch. 
narrownefles and ftrcightnings of feas, as afford the fhortcft paflages 
from one land to another. And therefore, that as this narrow Fretum 
or arm of fea, wljich fevers the Ifle of Anglefey fVom the conti* 
ncnt, being but a (hoFt cut over,, was on that account by our firfl na- 
mers of places called Main-aUy or more contradedly Mane ; as it ia 
likely the other mentioned places were 5 fo alfo that traft of land bor- 
dering on the Fretunif or on the out-let of it, came, as was very ufuaU 
to be denominated from it, and called Cwmmwd Mane ; which I take 
to be fufficient to offer for th^ etymology of the name of that divifion ia 
this Ifle of Anglefey. , 

* This was called Limiiu, hy the Saxons. See Dr. Hicks's DiiT. Epift. p. 315^ 

The END of the FIRST ESSAY, 



t H E 




in THE 


Enlarging on fbme Passages thereofi 



Anfwering fome Objections which have been 

made thereta 




IT i3 requifite to advertife the Reader, thit though this Essav, 
being a defence of fome paflages in the preceding one, takes 
in the fame heads of argument in the main as the other had 
done ; yet does it not aSlum agere^ as a mere repetition, but in or- 
der to bring them to bear a new force, and to fet them off in a 
better light. For fince teftimonies in that remotenefs of time can- 
not be many, and the evidence arifing from them may not to all 
perfons perhaps be fo prevalent and to the purpofe in one view as 
in another, it is reafonable towards making the bed of them, to 
examine and turn them on every fide and in every light. And 
therefore the Reader will foon perceive that every teftimony and 
every argument handled in the former Essay, when re-afllimed 
in this, are improved in every part, and better difpofed to 
evince the conclufion they are produced for ; which the author 
hopes will fufficiently apologize for his bringing the fame argu- 
ments twice on the flage ; which is no more than in common 
cafes to call the fame witnefles to be re-examined, in order to ob- 
tain, from them a greater evidence of truth and reality of fadt in 
the matter fpught for than could perhaps otherwife be done j and 
as that is every where juftifiable, fo I prefume in the cafe be- 
fore us. And befides, fometimes from one fingle affirmative tefti- 
mony, if it confifts of a propofition, there may arife matters for 
feveral proofs, of dijQTerent forts and tendencies ; and therefore 
when futh occur, that teftimony may, as often as occafion re- 
- quires, be juftly called for and repeated, and the doing of it be 
reckoned very reafonable and warrantable. 


• ' 




I ♦ 

t»|.' ♦ «€•-• • "•..♦ 

S E CO N D E S S A Yi 

CLBA1^1N9 S 9 M B 


' I I N T H -E '. • ' ; 


V. : J.,'. • 'r 

THE way and method I undertook in the foregoing account. (j(« 
which this fccond part by. way of fuppliement relates) to reprc-i* 
fent what I conceived not altogether unworthy of obTprvation 
in the antiquities of the BritiOi nation in general, and oi the Iflc of An- 
glefey in particular, concerning the firft planting and inhabiting of thcmi 
is, I muft confefs, fpr.the moft part mqf rly cbnjedlural ; having in thof^ 
remote diftancesof time only a fi^v^ teftimonies of facred fcrlptures a$ 
fure and undoubted principl^s^ and the afliftances xxf natural and moral 
evidence, where thofc authorities fail vis, to build the beflof our gueffes 
and probabilities, in tbcfe .matters upon. . Which indeed in thofe ob-» 
fcurities of time, whatever we may pretend to little hiftorical hints and 
•traditions, are |aU. \^c, have and can rely upon, before thejight of 
hiftory began to dawn and illuftratc the world. And as it ^annot b^ 
prefumed that this light made any progrefs in the difcovery of human 
affairs, and recording of them for the ufe of pofterity, till fome time 
after the fettling arid civilizing of nations, and that too in the moft po- 
lite countries, where the ufe of letters began to prevail y .fp jn this cor- 
ner of the world, fir enough from thcfe early advantages, we muft ba 
content to grope in the dark, till fome rays of that hiftorical light be-^ 
gin to appear arjd ,dir<dl our enquiries after what we may warrantably 
fely upon as truth and certainty. . . , . 

Cc 2 ^ ^ ' ■' ^ 'On 


On thii bottom of things, I najuft (^onfefs alfo, as I have little of cer- 
tainty, fo as little of rcafon to take up with the commonly received tra- 
ditions of Samothes, Albion and Brutus; conceiving thofc relations to 
i)e^ befl^Jbut ipfignl^ant^ub^s, ^^ apjl^eni^n^ it 53^aysy|^muje^ 
greater ancf more unexceptionable honour for this people and nation, 
at firft fpread over Great-Britain and Ireland and the ifles adjoining, to 
have been Aboriginal, th«tils9 *h8 fti«ft*' ^dlltiilbrs of the land (as indeed 
the beft lights of hiftory give fufficient grounds to acknowlege us 
to be) Md iftrwh^hrWP noify »• re fWrratital^ aic^uic^e vT^an that 
we fhoiJd tWtibld-ounelv^ 'witn-Conroidii^ foriDur dfefcAt an(f*orjgina- 
tion from the ruins of any difgraced or beaten people, efpecially from 
Troy, the mod unlikely part of^,th« ^Yprfd \ whofe people the fabulous 
Greeks extremely magnified, to aggrandize their own conquefts and 
valour \ and from whom their poetical wjts took the firft^fubjeds of 
theif^rafiatiiialliJivGtlflhQ ^ liko^) (ifj^rl IJiatlcifSbKil yYeSkthat 
one Brutus, of Trojan extradion, did, fonie ages after its firft plantings 
with a party of Greeks arrive in Britain, and by fome means obtain 
the fovcreignty^ and gave it that name which it ever after cnj.oyed, \^ 
fnit' wli^^fs on mari/atxfcdTits'Vfe^ And ITq"^/ T think the 

ftory i^y be-alWwedr <b-hiVe fome trotti-in ir, not rottfid^red a^s a plant- 
ing and peopling of Wie land, bar as ioitit great rfcv6lutuJn that hap- 
pened Ibng after. \ y . .;' . . 

But for all that; if it appedrs and cronfcqnently wUft be Allowed, that 
the Britlfli ipcople were the ^rft known poAetTdrS of the 0ritifli iflis,. 
and ifidiaeft the tell ahd 'clfeard^^iccoiinh We^h'ave nAike that pofleffion 
original; which k thefiigfaeftre^titatiDrt in refped of antiquity, and 
the ftrbngefl title m ^irit 6^ right, thiat tiny nktion tan pretAid to, it 
MriM then ^highly riafonable, ahd btit ijurt procedure In us to fix 
there. And having in St ib eftafcUihed and well-attefted a foundation^ 
of out ori'gni, acfcnbwlbgcd? Ky mknjff, *denitd by^fdw,. it will be fome 
Jnjufticc in tis to recede thim rt W favour of any oth^rhlbrc ground- 
fefs formifes and tradititinfe, and a fort of ingratitude rd Providence to» 
feem fond of a more novel extradion, which^wKeii gi'anieci to be true,', 
vrould but kflen our ettrerh in poiiit of ahtiquity,' inil *(^eaken even 
the heft ahd ftireft of titfcWE/ D^w t^r^rafn dcdkjfiits ' bdminumi^Qo± 
hiinfel-f, as' it were, enfeoffing^ and giving Uvety and 'feifin to all origi* 
tizl planters, Pfal. t:xv. i'6. But to proceed. 

As foi- a vindrcation and defence of a conjedural method within the^ 
verge of hiHory, we may have this to iay in general,; that although 



• • • 

hiflw^ical .certainties and wcH-attefted evidences be what we may moft' 
fafely rely upon, and warrantably acquiefce in, in the accounts of time 
and h Oman tranfadions; yet when we are gone beyond thofe periods, 
and' have laanched into the deep obfcurities of time, we muft and 
dugh't earefuHy to attend to, and* examine every the leaft glimmering of 
information, which we can lay hold on, ^ither in the nature of things, 
or in allowed authentic traditions relating "to them; and from them, 
and by comparing and adjufting^one thing with another, adapting caufcs' 
to efFe(3:s, and effefts to caufes, as juftly and as agreeably as is poffiblc; 
It ought to be allowed us to form fuch conclufions as will amount at 
kaft to Tome probability and appearance of truth ; which is all that caa. 
be reafonably expefted in fuch cafes. 

In order to this,, it will not be amils for the better conceiving of the^' 
matter in hand, in the firft place, to take notice of two things very 
neceflary to form and cflablifli a conjectural difcourfe or a rational way* 
€xf enquiry. Firft, Principles or grounds of evidence well chofen, 
cleared, and afcertained. Secondly, Inferences and dedudlions natu- 
rally and juftly drawn and concluded from them. Now thefe princi- 
ples are in themfelves nothing elfe than either caufes or efFeds of things 
well fixed and affertcd ; or teftimonies, divine and human,, well grounded 
and confirmed. And what fubjedts or matter foever fall more or lefs 
under the difcovcry of thefe lights and evidences, whether thofe fubjefts: 
be purely natural as phyfiology in general^ or mixed, viz. partly natu- 
ral and partly moral, under which is hiftory and chronology, they may^ 
ki a tolerable meafure (more certain informations being wanting) be 
more or lefs accounted for, in a probable hypothetical way. 

For, as for natural theories and phyfiology in general, the explica- 
tion of them is granted by all to be conjeftural. And grant it we muft j 
for no other knowlege can be attained of the frame and compofition of 
nature, of the motion, texture and conftitution of her parts, and other 
particulars of phyfiologicalfciencc, but what is derived from, and merely 
depending on, the light and evidence of thefe principles. * 

And this being in general premiied, juft the fame plea we have iru 
particular for our accounting for the affairs and tranfaftions of many of 
the firft ages of the poji^diluvian world. They are now, witli thofo 
mentioned difficulties in the Frame of Nature, equally obfcure and in-, 
tricate to us ; and what we would attempt to unfold and diftinguifli in? 
the one and the other, mtuft be equally in the j&me way and procedure} 
that is, %y fixing and grounding our obierv^tions upon fuch lights and 
7 certainticd) 


certainties as occur to us. And by making genuine and pertinent 
applications of thofe certainties, proceeding therein juftly and regu- 
larly from certain caufes to the mod probable effefts, and from cfcr- 
tkin efFeds to the moft probable caufes, according as the .lights and 
evidences of them in thofe involved antiquities, are to be met with 
and difcovcred by us. 

Now, if this way of procedure be allowed in the hiftory of nature, 
upon meer pretence of its involvedncfs and otherwife unfurmountable 
darknefs and intricacy, I fliould very gladly be informed the reafon why 
the fame method {hould not be as juftly purfucd, upon the fame fup- 
pofal of obfcurity, in the hiftory of human tranfadions ; feeing we may 
meet there with as good, if not perhaps much better grounds to build 
on our reafonable guefles. And I doubt not but the reafon of it will 
appear very manifeft and convincing, if we rightly confider the condi- 
tion of thefe two fubjedls we are to make our gueffes in, that is, nature 
and human aftions. Many of the ends and defigns of nature, we arc 
well aware, are utterly unknown to us ; and many more of her mo- 
tjons and particular ways of ading plainly fur/nount and baffle the. moft 
ibllicitous of our enquiries about them 5 and yet it is well known, that 
we are allowed to be as bufy as we will with her in our gueflings at 
things, provided we can abftain from the difobliging fault of impoiing 
and dogmatizing. 

And therefore at the fame time fl)all it be thought ftrange and un- 
hiftorical, that when we wind up the fucceflive affairs of a nation, till 
the clew of records be quite drawn out, and we are left to grope and 
wander in the dark recefTes of time ? Shall it, I fay, be thought flrange, 
that in fuch cafes we pick up here and there fuch fcatjpred marks And 
remnants of truth, as we meet with, and improve them into a few 
probable conclufions of human actions ? efpecially when thofe very 
adlions we account for in that way are in themfelves fo very agreeable 
to our enquiries, the ends and motions of them arc fo intelligible and 
familiar to us, that upon a fuppofed aded principle of reafon we may 
well conclude the fpecifications of many of them (fo confidered) to 
have been up other than what we ourfelvcs would have adted under the 
like circumftances. And therefpre fince we are on this account better 
judges of the probability of human than of natund adlions, we ought 
uot in reafon to be denied the liberty of making a few modeft gueffes, 
when it comes ir) our way, in the obfcurities of the on?, when men are 




allowed, nay oft admired for their wild and extravagant conjedurcs in 
the intricacies of the other. 

Now what is faid in this particular is not to juftify any extravagant 
rambles and groundlefs conje<flures In the affairs of antiquity; but tQ 
vindicate the allowablenefs of a conjedural method in the accounts of 
time, and in the antiquities of nations, provided no other means of dif- 
covery arc left unto us, and that the matter be not very important, by 
fixing here and there, in thofe greateft obfcurities, on fome folid 
grounds and irrefragable certainties to build up what we make our con- 
clufions. And more particularly, by our fit and appofite bringing 
forth the lights and evidences of one nation and people to illuflrate and 
affift the obfcurities of the other ; which when it is duly performed 
in proper circumflances, will, I prefumc, fall under the condemnation 
of none, but fuch as will themfelves thereby incur the mofl: jufl ccnCixrc 
of unequal judges. 

To give fome inflance of this in our Britifh nation in particular } 
without this method, we can afcend no higher than the Roman con- 
queft. And indeed a long time after that, what have we of the Briti?h 
affairs but inferences and conjedlures, on which we build the chicfeft 
accounts of our national tranfaftions, at thefe remote times? And al- 
though it mud be granted that by this procedure we cannot nicely de- 
termine any matters of fadt, in the planting, improving and eftablifliing 
of this or any other nation or people ; yet fome of the more general 
actions of thofe affairs, as they depend on obvious and familiar caufes, 
may be, in fome meafure, and with fome reflriftion, explicated and 
accounted for. For even in thofe remote perplexities and deepefl ob- 
fcurities of time, there are fome glimmerings of light to be taken no- 
tice and to be made ufe of to inform and direft a regular enquiry. And 
thefe are fome of them. 

First, We have Scripture Light ; the divine teftimony afTures us, that 
our firfl flock of people travelled hither from the coafl of Armenia and 
Babylon, and that they were of the race of Japheth, who planted the 
Weflern Ifles, and coijfcquently the ifles of Britain and Ireland. 

Secondly, We have Moral Light ; that is, we are morally afTured, 
that common reafon and natural prudence conduced the progreffion of 
thefe people, from the place of their firfl fpreading, through the fairefl, 
Ac eafiefl, and leafl encumbered ways; where mighty rivers, dreadful 
mountains, and other unpafTable bars and obflacles gave leafl impedi- 
ment to their motion and progrefs* 



Thirdly, W^ have Geographical Li^ht that plainly (hews us, that 
this fair, eafy, unobftacled way or paffage Trom the prains of Ba1)el to 
the Britilh ifles. was through the vaft and \viDding .plains of Afia, to 
that corner of it now called Anatolia j and thence fuch people as croffed 
the iEgean Sea and entered Italy, their way of dilating tfcemrcrves and 
enlarging their colonics was through the length of Italy, Lombardy, 
over the Helvetick Alps, to the plains of GaHia; and there bein^g 
hemmed in on the one fide by the Pyren«an mountains and the ocean,' 
and on the other fide by the- river Rhine, they moved dir^iMy te the 
Gallic ftreights and over to the Briti(h ifles. Siich a prbgreflion of 
the firft poft-diluvian planters, through the eaficft and faireft traits of 
land, where they met with leaft rubs and impediments in their motion, 
is as natural to conceive, and as reafonable to conclude, as that a tor- 
tent or flux of water, will take its courfe through the eafieft. and leafl 
obftruded ways or paflages.' 

Fourthly, We have Arithmetical Light ; that is, ajuft coftfidera- 
tion of the longevity of the firft planters, and of the length and diffi- 
calty of the way, together with a calculation of the encreafe of mankind 
by doubling certain periods, according to the ingenious Sir William 
Petty 's rule, may afford us a pretty near guefs by what time after the 
univerfal deluge the Ifle of Great-Britain might come to be thoroughly 

planted and inhabited. 

Fifthly, The names of certain places give us Ii^ht, not only to 
guefs what language was fpoken by tliefe firft^people, l^ut alfo by what 
way they cam^ and made their motion hither. * Tir ben and TPenwyn 
i. e. Appenine in Italy : U?celodunum^ Alexia i. e. Ucbei DdiAas^ and 
Arlecb in France — the Romans often writing x for x — ^^^ many more 
uncient names I could mention, are good and pregnant teflimonies of 

that particular. 

I fhall multiply no more inftance^ of this kind. It is fufficient to 
obfcrve, that in the greateft obfcurities and unrecorded pafTages of time 
there are fome glimmerings of information here and there to te laid 
hold on, and not to be altogether rieglefted ; which lights being well 
tompareid and adjufted together, may be made ufe of^ even in the higheft 
•origin of nations, to reprefent and fet forth, though not any particular 
turns of action, which indeed are only tranfmi'tted by records and tra- 
dition, yet fo much of the kind and quality of thofe adtions, as may 
« • 

• rirhen^ old land. T Ftftwjn^ whitft head, VcM Ddimisi h%fa dty. Arbcb; xipoim'flxwe 
cr rock, . ' , ... 



fervc to diftinguifli themfelves and the times they were a6led in, and 
thereby afford fuch fatisfadion as can in that cafe be expedted by a rea- 
fonable enquirer. 

On thefe grounds therefore I have, in the accounts I have given of 
the antiquities of this fmall ifland, been induced to proceed in the moft 
plain, eafy and natural v/ay ; viz. Firft, By prcfuming our Britifti ancef- 
tors to have been the firft planters and poffeiSbrs of our land : Secondly, 
By deriving their defcent and by tracing their footlleps, as early and alfo 
as diredly as was poffible, from Armenia and Babel to this place : And, 
Thirdly, By feledting and fixing on fuch undeniable certainties, and 
recorded matters of faA, and circumftances of human actions, done and 
pradifed at that time when mankind was but as one nation, before it 
dwindled and feparated into varieties of people ; and that being done, 
by drawing from thofe evidences and recorded matters of fa(ft, fuch 
conclufions and confequences as could moft fairly be deduced from 
them, and would, as I conceived, moft agreeably and intelligibly ac- 
count for and explain the grounds and reafons of thofe rights, cuftoms, 
and other antiquities of our Britifti nation in general, as well as what 
particularly relates to this Ifle of Anglefey. Which is what I attempted 
in the preceding Effay ; and what in anfwer to fome objeftions, and 
for the better clearing of fome difficulties, I fhall here in this a little 
further enlarge upon. 

And thrtefore fince great objedions have been made to the ftrength 
and validity of fome chief paffages in the foregoing accounts ; and tho* 
the opinions and conjedures I prefumed to offer muft perhaps yield at 
laft to the weight of thofe objeftions ; yet they fcemed to me fo well 
grounded, that I cannot quit my hold of them before I give them the 
defence they dcferve, and (hew the reafons which induced me to ef- 
poufe and eftablifli them ; leaving the decifion tp the judgments of thofe 
who will take the pains to perufe and confider them. The objeftions 
are thefe : 

Objection I. 

First, It has been objefted that the notion I have offered of our 
Cromleche, Karnedde, Meini Gwyr, &c. is too much ftrained, and too 
remote and foreign to the circumftances of this nation. Namely, why 
fliould the Hebrew tongue give names to our Cromlecbe and Karmdde^ 
when our own language may fufficiently account for their etymology ? 
Or how could Noah's ftatutes and the patriarchal practice influence and 

D d ^ direift 


direct our religious rites and eftabli&ments in fo remote a corner of the 
world, fo widely diftant from the place and poflibility of fuch inftruc- 
tions ? Our ancient rites and cuftoms were grofly heathenifh and fuper* 
ftitious, and therefore rather to be reckoned here, as in other countries^, 
the fruits and produftiohs of mankind's depraved and perverted morals^, 
than that fo foul a copy Should be prefumed to have been taken from, 
fo fair an original . 

Objection IL 

Secondly, It has been objeded,. that the proofs I have offered for 
the Druids chief reddence in the Ifle of Mona are no more concluiive 
to that particular ifland than to any other part of the nation r^nce 
there are in many other places of England^ Scotland, and Wales, oaore 
remarkable, vad, and ilupendous monuments — ^prefumed of Druidifm-T-*- 
than any that can be (hewed in the Ifle of Anglefey. And that it is 
much more rcafonable to fuppofe, . fince the ancient Britons were di- 
vided and cantoned into many governments; and fince Ciaefar mentions 
only that fupreme place in Gallia j that then every province or petty go- 
vernment in Britain had their own fet of thofe religious priefts refidiag 
and afting. among them;, and if they owed fubje<f]fcion to any fupreme 
head, it muft be to that one of Gallia, where we are fure by Csefar's 
authority there was a head Druid ; and not that in all the little govern* 
ments of Britain, the. whole order of thefe men (hould compofe one. 
hierarchy, and for the mod part live and refide together in one parti-^ 
cular place or. territory ; no ancient . author ever meptioning^fuch.a. 

OAjB-CTlOlt III.'. 

Thirdly, It has been objeded, . that thefe ancient- Dhiids cannot" 
tapon any good authority be entitled to (o confiderable a fhare of know- 
}^ge and learning, . as is ufiaally attributed to them; fince. the national 
iQ general at that time laboured under the greated barbarifm, and the: 
groffeft ignorance that can . be imagined ; which cannot well be pre- 
fumed they would have done under the fuperin tendance of men of fuch ^ 
general virtue, Ikill and knp wledgc, , as the Britifli Druids are reported 
to have been mailers of. . 

Thefe are the main difficulties I am concerned to clear and anfwer- 

for : Which I (hall endeavour to do in the order they are fet down 

premifing firft under each head a few preliminary proppfitions or al- 
lowed . 


lowed pofttilata, by the light aijd evidence of which, the cofijedured I 
have formed and offered will be the bcttef undefftood, and more firmtly'. 
fettled and eftabliflied. 

As to the firft objection, themairt ftrefs of it h levelled at the ac- 
counts which were given of the original ereftion^ names and lifes of 
our Cromlecbe, Karnedde^ znd- Memi Gwyr, vfz. that they were all of 
them appurtenances and fome retained relics of the firft and mofl an- 
cient religion, profcffed andpradifed 6f old by the ante-diluvian patri- 
archs ; and hafKled down by Noah and his fonsi and by them propa- 
gated among the new race of nxankind in the re-peopling the poft-dilu- 
vian worlds many of which original rites and cufloms being (as I 
aiTerted) in all likelihood conveyed by the firil planters, or by fuch as 
came next after them^ iiv procefs of time came to be improved and cul* 
tivated into a national fcheme of what was afterward called Df uidical 
religion and wodbip. This is the Turn of what is aiTerted in that par- 
ticular, and the grounds of that afTertioni I ihall endeavour to lay open 
by the light and evidence of thefe propofitions foHowing* 

Proposition t. 

It is^ general^ allowed, that the mcft ancient prhnitive fc^i^on,- both 
before and for fome time after the tiitiverfal deluge, confifted ilioftly 
of the' inftituted rites and performances of oblations and facrifices ; and 
that thefe. alfo neceflarily fuppofe confccration^ atid altars, that is, places 
and things dedicated and fet ipart fof the worfhip arid fcrvice of God. 
Of this' the Mofaical Hiftory is undeniable warrant, giving u^an account 
of Cain and Abel's oblations before the flodd j and immediately aftet 
it of Noah's building an altar, and offering facriiice untd the Lord> Gen . 
viii. 20. 

PudPosi-f ioii it. 

It is alfo allowed, that the firft language in which ffid patriarchs' pri- 
mitive religion was expreifed and worded, and the rites and cuftoms, 
the adjunfts and appurtenances of it^ denominated and diftinguifhed, at 
leafl: in the main parts and fubflance of it, was what has been after 
called tlie Hebrew tongue i and alfo that the names impofed by thaf 
language were generally filch as betokened the nature or. fome eifiinent' 
properties of the things named, or were compounded of fuch as did Co. 
The firft part of this propofition is preg4)antly attefted by almoft all the 
ante^diluvian names recorded in fcripturei particularly thofe o£the pa- 

D d a triarchs : 


triarchs : Which names— for inftancc fake— in confort together exhibit 
a concifc and wonderful fcheme- and prophecy, in that language^ of the 
reftitution of depraved mankind by a promifed Mefllah ^ as appears by 
the explanation of the patriarchal names in the following table : 




Kainan, ' 







- , Man, 

fet or placed 

in mifery 


blfefled God 

fhall come down,, 


that his death will fend 

to humbled fmitten maa 


which amounts to this, that when thefe names are written at length,, 
the Hebrew purport of them is, " That man fet or placed in mifery 
very lamentable, God blefled for evermore, will in his due time come 
down, teaching the world, that his death will bring to miferable man, 
reft, refreflimeat, and confolation," Gen. v. 29. The Hebrew Lexi- 
cons abundantly prove this fignification of thefe names, deriving Kainatk 
. from Kun or Konen^ i. e* lamenting 5 which it may well admit of, and 
is more pertinent and. agreeable with the current fenfe of this prophecy,, 
than from Kannaj to purchafc or poflefs, which our expofitprs gene- 
rally afcribe it to. And the latter part of this proposition is evident 
from, the exact fignificancy of many ante-diluvian words^ particularly 
from Adam's calling his wife Ifcba^ becaufe taken out of him who wa& 
^i& in that tongue, viz. Man. And his firft-born J&?/«, from the word 
Kanna, importing to receive or pofiefs, faying, Kanneti ifcb ath Jeho^ 
yab, I hav^ gotten a-man. [from] the Lord, Gen.. ivj i... 


That there was a fcheme. of this patriarchal theology preferved bj» 
Noah, and by him preached and propagated to pofterity ; as c^ctain ge- 
neral rules and precepts, called by the Jews, " The * Statutes of the 
Sons of Noah," becaufe delivered by him, and prefcribed and inculcated 

• Micsoth bene Noah. See Remarks, Prop. III*. 



a * r 

by them to fucceeding pof^crityi among which precepts, it is ceuaia 
that facrifice was a principal one, and therefore muft be fuppofed to 
comprehend particular rules and * ordinances under it, directing the 
various rites and ceremonies of that facred adlion. This has been at- 
teftcd by an ancient Jewifli tradition, and has been acknowledged by 
many in all Chriftian ages. And the latter part of this propofition is no 
other than a juft and natural confequence of the former. 

Proposition IV. 

That on the difperfion of mankind at Babel, and the iconfuiion of 
that primitive tongue, the minds of thofe difperfed people under that 
heavy fupernatural ftupor, then by divine vengeance inflidled on them for 
their impious attempt, retained and preferved that mife- 
rable oblivion fome -f- faint fbadows of fuch words, and fbme obfcurc 
relics of luch objedls, as had made before the flrongeft,. the dcepeft, 
and moft durable impreffions on their thoughts and imaginations. And 
fuch muft be chiefly and principally of thofe names and things, which 
either related to the vifible a(9ts and performances of religion, or to 
the more neceflfary and important concerns of life. The firft part is 
confirmed by evident proofs from the event of things ; it being plainly 
to be obferved, that as the moft vifible and public adts of religion, 
namely, facrifice, have been retained, remembered and pradifed by al- 
moft all nations ; fo the moft important. aflTeding words of that primi- 
tive tongue have like wife crept with fome little variations into moft of 
the mother- tongues. And the latter part of this propofition is evinced 
from a juft view and confideratipn of the afFcdtions of human nature ; 
where wc plainly fee the impreffions of religion fo ftfong and unconquer- 
able, that few or no means or accidents that occur are of fufiicient force 
to deface and obliterate them. 

Proposition V.. 

That the Hebrew tongue (though irr itfelf of a narrow extent, yet 
in the fchcmc and ftrudture of it) abounds in a diverfity of words of one 
and the fame fignification, more or lefs as the thing or rfdion exprefTcd 
is of greater or leflTer concern and importance to human affairs; and thofe 

fynony ma equally exprefiing the thing fignified, the evidence produced' 

. ..... 

• See Gen. oocvi. 5. where Abraham is faid to have obeyed precepts and commandinerits, and 
to have kept ftatutes and laws, before God inftituted the Mofaick law. 

t See Remarks, Prop III. 



from one word proves and concludes the fame thing of another word 
which carries the fame purport, and is of the fame extent and jQgnifica- 
tion. The former is evidenced by the grammarians of that language ; 
and the latter is the natural rcfult of the conformity and agreement 
between the fixed and dctwmined! meaning of aH words or figns and 
, their juft and proper ideas, or things meant and fignified. Thefc are 
the grounds I lay down and infift upon ; and the applications I fhall 
make in the clearing of thefe ohjeiflions will be chiefly fupported by the 
ilrength and evidence of them. 

C R O M L E C H E. 

Of thefe CromlecBe ; Firft, Their make and ftrufture ; and. Secondly, 
Their name* will be applied to account for their original ufc and 
inftitution ; the fettling and determining the accounts of our deiblate 
monuments and vifible remains of antiquity being of iingular ufe to efta- 
blifh an allowed Archaeology of our country. 

First, The make and ftrufture of thefe monuments (which arc ge- 
nerally large, rude, flattifh ftones raifed on other pitched and upright 
ones of the like irregularity and coarfenefs) feem to indicate that they 
were originally ereded for altars.. Now it is plain that altars [by Pro- 
pofition I.J were an appurtenance of the religion of the patriarchal age : 
And indeed the accounts we have in tljc facred records of thofe firft 
altars will (hew that the conftrudioo and other circumftances of \htax 
come very near to the make and figure of our Cromlecbe. 

For it is there faid, that as foon as Noah and his family were come 
out of the ark, they buildcd an altar unto the Lord, Gen. viii. ao. 
Now to build— .nil Mdificart in the orrginal— conftantly imports die 
, ereftion or raifing of flrones one upon another. And this notion of the; 
word is fomewhat exegetically amplified in another place, viz. Haggai 
ii. 15. where fuch a conftrudtion is-exprcffed, ins ^y las* viz. ftone 
laid on a fton.e. And alfo the Chaldee word for aa altar, viz^ MadBicbaf 
from Debachi i. ^* Stnus Lapidum^ as the word imports,, tbat is; a 
parcel of ftones orderly erefted, much confirms it. S'uch^ it ieems, 
were their altars then; and fucb are oar Cromk^be at this day* And 
as our Cromlecbe are made up of very rude and unhewn flonies^ 
fb we may well fuppofe, the circumftances of many of thofe firft altars 
after the. flood could afl^brd them to be no otfa^r; particuiwiy Noah^s, 

* Even ai Eviitf that is, Br. Mom or foig, to which our S^viottr iecms to rtfer. Mat. xxiv. 2^ 

4 who 


who at his firft coming out of the ark could have but fuch naturalj 
coarfcy unhewn ftones as the mountain afForded^ to ered his altafi 
And further it is prefumptive alfo^ that they h^d then a ftrid precept 
for fuch an ere£tion^ if that — Exod. xx. 25. *' Thou (lialt not build afl 
altar of hewn flones/' — be (as a great part of the chapter is) a repeti*^ 
tion of the old original law^ which the patriarchs before that tinld 
in all likelihood flridtly obferved, and other nations, probably af« 
ter their exan^ple^ as fl:ri<5lly followed. Hence it will appear not 
improbable^ that our Cromlecbe are but the remaining e^ads of 
that ancient law and cuftom of not Jiriking a tox>l tipon the Aortas 
ef their altars^ but to build them up of the ruded ones they could 
meet with. Which law (to trace it by thofc efFe<as) we may well/ron- 
dude to have prevailed likcfwiib inthefe countries i and that thefe m^n^ 
tioned monuments of ours are fooaer of the reo^ains oi that ancient in- 
ilitution and cuftom. 

SECONDJLYt The name alfo, viz^. Cr^mhcbey may feem to be iio 
other than a corrupt pronouncing of an original Hebrew namd, vis^ 
^"7*^3 Chemar-lmchf a burning or facrificing ftone or table; or per* 
haps mois likely» as I before intio^ated^ from V(h sam Cbaf€fH-ht€b 
or Itiaeht \. e, a confecnited or devoted Aone or altar; as we find the 
word * Cbstrem applied to feveral devoted things^ Both which iiaimes 
fo compounded^ that is, as weli Cbanm as Cbamar-luacbf corruptly 
Cromlecbf da very well agree with the make and quality of thefe altars< 
And though the word by which thofe altars are ufually expreffed iti 
icn^twTt.hc^ Mi0)ah9 from Sabab, to flay or facrifice ; yet by Propofition 
V. it is no aigument that other names of it were not in ufe in thofe 
ancient times, efpecially fuch as tbeic I here inftance ; which names fo 
clofely correfponding with the nature and quality of thofe altarsi both 
in form and fignification^, might very well; by Propofition IV. be re* 
tained and conveyed with th& ufes of them by our firft anceftors into 
thefe countries. 

It may be further obferved, that our language yet retains fome other 
words that have great refem^blance in their fignificationt as well as in 
their found, with original words relating to facrifice; particularly with 
n^ GnoJotbyX. e. burnt-offcriftgs.: Out of which word it is not im- 
probable our Golwytbf a (lice of broiled fle(h, as that of the Heathen fa- 
ccifices was ; Golyehy to pray^ and Golycb^d a place of prayer, the 

* Levit. xx?ia. 28. Numbi xvm. 14. Jofli. ▼!» 18. • 



Latin Colo to worfhip, and probably alfo Coclio and Coelcoetby may by 
Propofition IV. be originally derived. And indeed if it be granted that 
thefe or fome of them be truly deduced from Gnoloth^ I can fee no rea- 
fon but that Cromlech may be as truly deduced from Camar or Carem- 
luacbi as is here fuppofed. In (hort, altars we are fure we had ; and 
if thefe Cromleche be not the remains of them, it will be very difficult, 
I think, to (hew any other. 

Neither are certain places called Cremlyriy perhaps corruptly from 
Cremlwyn (there being ho (landing water in thofe places by which they 
might be Crem^Jyn) to be altogetlier defpifed ; but rather to be taken 
Qs fome collateral evidences for this fignification of the names of thefe 
monuments. For if our anceftors on the fore-mentioned account called 
their devoted or facrificing ftones and altars Cromleche^ they might very 
well call their facrificing groves, whereof we are affured they had a 
great many, by the name of Cremlwyn. The word Crem^ a relic either 
of Cbcerem or Chamar as I prefume, having by a new propriety of ac- 
ceptation, as many tranfplanted words ufually do, aflumed unto it the 
idea and notion of facrifice ; it is therefore on this account fomewhat 
probable that Crymmy^ i. e. ** bowing and bending 'down the body," 
a pofture of worfhip, might be originally derived and metaphorically 
ufed from thefe Cromleche^ becaufe people generally bowed and wor- 
Ihipped at them; as words exprefling fome actions, are not feldom 
formed and qualified. from the names and charaflers of their objcfts and 
local circumftances, of which there are not a jfew inftances. ^Aiid if 
this be fo, then the pretence that is made of deriving the word Crom- 
lech from the Britiih Crom or Crwm^ a bending crooked pofture, will 
he of little ufe, except in this cafe only, when it is metaphorically taken 
from the name of fuch places, and applied to peoples' bowing and wor- 
fhipping at them. And it is obfervable that the ftone monument, men- 
tioned Levit. xxvi. i . by. the name of P'^DtOQ pH Even-Ma/chcitb, which 
the vulgar tranflation calls 'Lapidem tJifignem, is by the Chaldee Para- 
phraft called Lapis incurvationis^ the ftone of bowing or worfliipping ; 
as if he had read it tT^niCO pK from nnty Incurvare : Which may 
ferve to ftiew, that as the ancients expreffed adoration by the word 
Incurvation or bowing, fo they wanted not their Cromleche, ftones or 
altars denominated from the quality of that facred adion. 

It is true, that many perfons, and thofe not meanly converfant in an- 
tiquities, take Cromlech to be derived from Crom or Crwrn^ as betoken- 
ing properly the crooked bending pofture of thofe erections. And fince 



that is the only etymology I ever heard pretended to, on a meer British 
account ; I (hall here take the liberty to fcan a little the congruity and 
coherence, which the propriety of the terms Cram and L/ec/j — allow- 
ing them to have no relation at all to Cbarem or Cbamar^ but to de- 
pend on a pure Britifli etymon—have and bear in juft fignification to 
the condition and quality of the thing expreffed. Now, 1 fay, it is ufu- 
ally thought that Cromlech does genuinely and fully exprefs the figure 
and pofture of the ftonc or monument which is fo called, which indeed 
may be eafily fhewed it is far from doing. 

For, if we confider the propriety and common acceptation of th^ 
terms, we (ball find that the notion and idea of the word Crom or Crwm, 
as it is commonly taken, meant and noted in our Britiili Lexicons, has 
iio agreement at all with the (hape and figure of any of thofe ftones, that 
I could obfervc. For Crom or Crwm always denotes a thing bent and. 
crookened in its own external fuperficies ; and is never expreifed but of 
one individual fubjedt* As in lines the curve is ever quite contrary to* 
a right one, fo in furfaces, which are but a complication of many 
lines, the curve in the conftitution of it is oppofite to the plane*. 
And the very fame notion, in fubftance, we may obferve the vulgar to» 
have of the word Crom or Crwm totally anfwering curve in the compleat 
idea of it i as is evident not only from the term itfclf, but alfo from thq 
vifible concretes and compounds we have of that word, as Gwar-Grwm, 
Crymman, Crimmog, &c. in every one of which we may find it to be a 
curve and bended pofture of one individual fubftance* 

Now Crom being fuch in the common acceptation of it, how can it 
be applied to both the eredl and incumbent flat ftones of thefc monu-^ 
ments, which are never crooked in themfclves, but always of irregular 
plane furfaces ? And to fay that they, one with another, lie in an ob- 
lique and bended pofture, mends not the matter. For, as was before 
obferved, every crooked thing muft be fo in itfelf, and in its own fur- 
face ; for the inclinations, oblique pofitions, and incident contads of 
diftinft furfacesj are not properly a bending, but a joining and termi* 
nating in angles. And this notion all people have of it ; no one faying, 
a crooked table, a crooked cheft, &c. So that by what has been faid, 
it is, I fuppofe, fomewhat manifcft, that Cromlech cannot in any pro- 
priety of fpeaking be deduced from Crwm, as betokening any curve or 
bended pofture, which the word L/ech rejects as deftru<5tive of its no- 
tion and incompatible with it^ And therefore the adjun(9: Crpm muft 
have fome other fignification to give an intelligible idea of the thing 

E e meant 


meant by the compofition, which by the prefcnt Wclfti we are not able- 
o account for ; unlefs it be taken metaphorically,- as was before ob-^ 
^erved, from Crytnmy^ i. e. bowing and worfliipping at fuch places. 
And if that be the reafon of the name, then the matter falls even with 
my argument, and the conclufion comes to the fame iffue, viz. that 
both our Cromlech here, and that famous ilone idol Cromcruacb^ in Ire- 
bnd, defcribed by * Mr. Fiaharty^ are derived from the word Crymntyy 
to bow and w.orftiip ; and this Crymmy may be as fairly deduced from^ 
Cbarem or Cbamar^ as from any other etymon by PropoQtion I and LV.. 
which is all Ifliall urge in this matter., 

K A R N E D D F.. 

Thefe are vaftr Cumuli or heaps of ftones in many places extant nr 
thefe as well as in other parts of England,^ Scotland, and Ireland, and: 
perhaps in many other countries of Europe.. I have cojijedured them 
to be fome remains of moft ancient patriarchal pradlice, retained and 
put in ufe by our idollitrous anceftorsi as a particular mode of worfliip,. 
exercifed and chiefly celebrated' at fome great folemnities — principally 
of covenants and fcederal fanftions, both public and private^ and /bme- 
times of ordinary oblations and facrifice ; to which opinion there are. 
two things that give a favourable inducement.. 

First, The congruity of name^ and the eafy and natural' reiblutibn' 
. of it into the language of thofe patriarchs, that is, the Hebrew tongue, 
in which thofe primitive rites and cufloms were at firft inftituted;- 
+ IJ-'P? Keren-Nedb, i. e. z; coped heap, being a Hebrew compound 
expreflSng the fliape and figure of thefe Karnedde^ will.fecm by Propofi- 
tion H. to have been impofed by none but fuch people as vernacularly 
ufed that language ; and we cannot pretend to entitle the vernacular ufe. 
of it to our own or any Weftcrn nation fince our departure from Babel. 
So that on this account it is not unreafonable to conclude, that a moft 
ancient praftice, as the heaping of ftones on fome folemn occafions 
certainly was, carrying with it a prinaitive name (as one part. of the. 
compofition, namely, Keren undoubtedly is) and no other domeftic 
etymology oflfering itfelf ; it is, I fay, on this account, not unreafona- 
ble to conclude i^ to have been a primitive rite and cuftom, qout 

• Ogygia, p. 196; 
t 1JD !• €- Cwiedi, as. a heap, PfaL xxviit^ 7* Vide Euxt, Lexic. p, ^(53. Scbindler,- 
Lexic. p. 1085. 



veyed and put in ufe here by our iirft anceilors ; and in time brought 
to be a confiderable appurtenance of their religious fchemc and inftitu- 
tion. And as to the other part of this compound name, viz. Ncdb^ 
although it muft be confeffed, that the particle edb be a very ufual ter- 
mination of many Britifli w^ords, and cpnfequently may, be taken to be - 
no other than fuch in this 3 yet finding ip this appellation that the two 
components of the name, viz* Keren and Nedh^ naturally agree to ex- 
prefs fin compojito) the one with the other, both the matter and figure 
of the thing fignified ; and obferving alfo, that in South-Wales they 
call it not Karneddy but Karn^ where tlie termination edd is as fre- 
quently ufcd as in any part of Wales, which we can fcarce believe they 
would omit in this, if that found were no more than a grammatical ter- 
mination \ hence I conclude that this is a compofition of two words, 
containing two diftinft ideas relating to one and the fame fubjedt ; tho' 
it is not improbable but that fome .dialedls of our tongue might ufe 
only one of thefe words, curtailing the compofition, and calling them 
Karn for Karnedh ; as many words are known to have been abridged 
and ihortned, and yet made ufe of to exprefs the full extent of their de- 
termined meaning. 

Secondly, The fimilitude and agreeablencfs of circumftances, which 
are obferved between thefe monumjents and that of Jacob and Laban in 
the land of Haran, defcribed by Mofes, Gen. xxxi. 46. give, as I ob- 
ferved before, a very favourable countenance to this conjefture. Now 
to go on with this inilance a little further than I did then ; the fimili- 
tude and refemblance between our Kdrnedd and Jacob and Laban's heap 
(called by the one Galeed, by the other legar Sabadutha) not only in 
their make and eredtion, but alfo in their attendant pillars, are plain 
and undeniable; aind alfo evident to any one, who by comparing that 
recorded pafifage with the circumflances of our heaps and their pillars 
{landing by them, will obferve their exaft conformity and refemblance. 

This paflTage of Jacob and Laban feems in the whole fccne of it, re- 
cited Gen. xxxi. 44— .55. to have been fo great and folemn a tranf- 
aftion, confiding of fo many adls and ceremonies, of invocation ; of 
fwearing by the name of their fathers ; eating of bread ; watching, and 
particularly of facrifice, which was ever the highefl: and moft effential 
adt of their religion-r-that it feems very manifeft, that it was no new 
thing, and at that time firfi: made ufe of, and pradtifed by thofe two 
parties ; but rather an ancient patriarchal ufage, always confented and 
referred unto, and then by thefe perfons applied and praiSlifed. for 

E e 2 elfc 


clfe what means the calling of thefe heaps by thefe two perfons by two 
fcveral names importing one and the fame thing, but that they knew 
them, and were ufed to call them fo before in their different idioms ? 
And indeed the main of the ceremonies thereon ufed^ viz. calling upon 
God, fwearing by the name of their fathers, and efpecially facrifice^ 
feem plainly to intimate that it was at that time no novel but an an- 
cient inftitution and pra6tice : And being fo, wc as well as they, may 
be well fuppofed to have carried with us, even into thefe countries^ 
fome imitations of that primitive pattern , and be thought to have de- 
rived our cuftom of heaping ftones, as well as Jacob and Laban did 
theirs, fronri one and the fame original, that is, the Noacbidum Statutist 
the patriarchal rubric. 

Now the two different names of thefe heaps in regions fo near ad- 
joining, as Jacob's and Laban's were, come up feafonably to anfvver an^ 
objedlioii that may ftart up here ; namely, that if it be true that thefe 
Karnedde and that heap of Jacob and Laban did proceed from one ori- 
gin, viz. the patriarchal pradice, then: how is it, they had not bothn 
retained the fame name ? But to this I fay, this inftance is a plain an-r 
fwer. For if the two next adjoining countries ufed two different names 
to exprefs one and the fame thing of this heap, as we find they did, the. 
one calling it Galeed^ and the other legar Sabaduthay both names^ im- 
plying one and the fame fignification> viz. a heap of witneffes ; much< 
more then is it allowable for the more remote and weftern Celta^, our 
anceftors, to call it by a third name, which* they had,, it freins, re- 
tained of it^ namely, Keren-Nedb ox -fc^rw^^^i and which- is as expreffive* 
of the quality of the thing fignified as any other. And indeed by Pro- 
pofition V. it is the feme thing in effcd, among fynonymous appella- 
tives, to ufe this or that word to exprefs the thing thereby fignified^ 
For if Galy legar ^md Nedb be fynonyma or words equally importing 
one and the fame thing in that primitive tongue, namely, a heap or 
Cumulusy as it is certain they are> then by Propofition V. it is no mat- 
ter which of the three was retained^ the thing was thereby naturally and 
fully fignified ; the difference between our Keren-Nedh and their Gaked 
and legar Sabadutba, being only in point of circumftance. We all ex- 
prefs the thing, but with the thing meant we exprefs the flhape and fi- 
gure of it, czWmgii Karen-Nedby a coped heap; and they the ufe and 
pradice, calling it Gaked and legar Sabadutha^ i. e. a heap of witneffes, 
becaufe of the foederal ufe and defignmcnt of it. And therefore if thefe 
two parties, viz. Jacob and Laban> who differed in the name, but 



joined and concurred in the performance of the a€tion^ took their dif- 
^ ferent names to exprefs and betoken thofe fuederal heaps ; why then 
fhould we who have a name of equal antiquity, and equally expreilive 
in the primitive tongue of the quality of thofe heaps ; and who have 
alfo a plentiful number of thofe heaps and their attendant pillar^ to this 
day to (hew ; I fay,, why (hould.we on fuch concurring evidences fcru- 
pie to allow our Karnedde and that of Jacob and Laban in Chaldea, to 
have been of one and the fame extradion — namely, a derivative rite and 
ouilom conveyed to us from the ancient patriarchal pradlice ? 

That thefe monuments or ftony heaps are called Kairns or Kerns^. 
without the addition oi Nedb, in Scotland, Ireland, Cornwal, and Ar- 
morica,.! will not deny. But yet whoever confiders how much the an- 
cient Britifh tongue has been in thofe countries altered and corrupted by 
the incroachment of and mixture with other languages, thereby per- 
haps occafioning that curt pronouncing of the word; and alfo will re- 
member that the North- Wales Wel(h, which always calls it Karnedd^ 
is the purefl and lead tainted with foreign mixtures of all the Britifht 
dialedts,. will not, I fuppofe, be far to feek for a reafonable anfwer to 
this difficulty. It is^ well known to be very ufual for many words to 
lofe fome part of their found— -of which we have many inftances— 
when a foreign language,, tyrannically interpofing, changes and mixes 
fyllables, and by a variety of cuftoms, humour or faincy alters idioms,, 
and contradls and lengthens the variable tenor of accents and pro-^ 

One thing further deferves oui^ notice,, as to thefe Kamedde\ vAixcXx 
is, that they appear to have been originally in their eredtion and figure 
very round and conical ; which manifefts that what additions of flones 
from time to time thefe J&yrw^/Jt have had upon them^ mufthave been 
on the very tops and fummits of them, where the ftones being fuccef- 
fively thrown, they muft have- fallen and tumbled down equally ow 
every fide, and fo mechanically form the Agger or. whole Karnedd iato^ 
a fomev/hat depreffed conical or parabolical figure, of which (bape our. 
Karnedde generally are. 

Now what thofe additions of ftones on the very tops of them (for (o -■ 
the figure of the heaps fliews they were) might mean, unlefs there was, 
as on that of Jacob and Laban, a facrifice performed there, I think is 
unac-countablc j or at leaft very hard to determine. And if we fuppofe 
thtrn to be fepulchral monuments, and the ftones to have been thrown 
on thc: fides of them at all adventurer by paflengers, . then they would 



not have been round, as they are, but rather of an oblate irrejguiar area ; 
their fides in one place boiling out, and in another depreffed and funk 
in, as fuch an accumulation would neceffarily produce. It is true, there 
have been bones found intermixed with the ftones in fome of thefe heaps, 
and urns and altars in others ; which may prove fome argument of their 
having been ufed for immolations and facrifices. But it is >certain, the 
holy text intimates as much as if the apoftatizing Jews (no doubt in 
imitation of the Heathens about them) ufed aitars of this form. ** They 
facrificed" (fays the fcripture) "^' bullocks in Cilgal, yea their altars 
are, D^SiD Cagalim^ i. e. like to thofe heaps we have in the furrows 
©f the field," Hofea xii. 1 1 . Judea being a ftony country, they gathered 
the ftones into heaps, as we do, in the furrows of their ^rouiid. And 
then how near the figure of thofe little heaps, to which the prophet re- 
fembles fome of their alt<irs, comes to the (hape and fafhion of our 
. Karneddl need not ftand to urge. 

Whatever the firft inftituted original ufes of thefe larger Cumuli were, 
it is more than probable to me^ that they came at length to be ufed 
only for oblation and facrifice, and that of the worft fort of victims, 
viz. of rogues and profligates. S^ni funt in fur to ^ aut latrocinio^ aut 
aliqud noxd comprehenfij gratiores Diis immortalibus ejfe arbitrantur. u e. 
•fays Caefar, «* Such as are the greateft thieves, rogues and villains, are 
ever accounted the moft acceptable facrifice to the immortal gods." 

Now that fuch nefarious criminals were facrificcd on a Karnedd^ and 
not on a Cromlechy where perhaps only the more innocent vidims were 
offered, I take the vulgar pradtice among the Britons^ Scots, and Irifli, 
of heaping ftones and raifing little Cumuli on the graves of fuch wretches 
(which they continue to do without knowing why, but that they found 
it the cuftom of their elders) to be no inconfiderable argument of the 
probability of that conje<aure. Neither can I here avoid inftancing the 
known pradlice of the Jews, in putting to death their vileft malefa<ftors 
with ftoning or throwing and heaping of ftones upon them ; commanded 
Deut. xvii. 5. and pradtifed Jofliua vii. 26. Though that way of put* 
ting people to death for certain crimes be in thefe texts of Mofes firft 
mentioned and put in writing ; yet we have good grounds to prefume 
that it was the determined puniftiment of thofe very crimes in the ages 
before ; and that we have to fuppofe more particularly, becaufe of the 
moral end and purport of it, viz. the taking away of the evil from 
iimong them, as it is there expreflfed ; and confequently that removing 
ja!ui taking away of the evil being by an exprefs law to be performed 



and efFedled by every one's throwing his flone on the vidim, in token 
©f his execration of the fadt committed, and for a general expiation of 
the guilt thereof,, as it is particularly fpecified in the law of Mofes, viz. 
'•* the hand," i. e. ** the ftone of every one fhall be upon him," Deut. 
xvii. 7. On account therefore of this particular, it may not be at all 
improbable that other nations likewife did retain that pradtice ; it be- • 
ing a fymbolical expiation founded on a moral principle, and confe- 
q^uently a didlate of natural religion,, te remove the evil before any good 
can be expelled ; (b thriftily did thefe prieftly judges, our Druids, con- 
vert legal punifhments into religious expiations and atonements. 

However, this is certain,, that the other day people having occaiion 
to take away fomelime-ftones from a Karneddy which is in Plds Newydd 
wood, formerly called Llwyn MoeU in Anglefey, they found near the 
top of it, on. one fide, about a yard deep in the ftones, the bones of 
• three perfons. lying clofe to one another, not at length* in a ftraight but 
oblique pofture, ftraglingly with their heads downwards. They feemed 
to be the laft that were flaughtered there, being fo near the top of the 
Karnedd, and not unlikely at the Romans invafion and conqueft, when 
people here were driven to their greateft expiations and facrifices. In 
Ihorti as thefe larger Karnedde mzy well feem to have been the remains 
of fome ancient rite of worfliip, fo there wants not ground to afiirm the 
lefler Cumuli to be. meerly the tombs and fepulchral monuments oF an> 
cient heroes.- 

M E I N I G W Y K. 

Our vaft columns and unwrought pillar- ftones found eredted here and ' 
there in feveral places as well of this as other countries, I have alfo 
conjedured to have been an appurtenance or relic of fome inftituted* 
rite or cuftom of mankind'^ firft and moft ancient religion. And on 
that fuppofal I have reprefented the primary ufes of thefe pillars good 
and laudable, as being (fome, of them) peculiar appurtenances of infti- 
tuted religion. And others of them the moft public and vifi:ble records 
of things in thofe firft inaccurate times*. Of thefe latter forts are the- 
pillars of the fons of Seth, which Jofephus mentions Antiq. Jud. Lib. k 
Cap. 3. Of the former are thofe of Jacob in Bethel^ Gen.xxviii. 18. 

Now if this was the ufe of thefe* rude unfliapely columns and pillar- 

ftones, viz. to have been fymbols of fpecial confecrations, and a fort of- 

temples in thofe firft ages of the world; it is no wonder that their ufe 

hath been retained and varioufly applied by almoft all nations of peoples 

7 TJiey 


They were in fomc countries, when idolatry prevailed and religion grexif 
more gay and pompous, improved and advanced from their original 
rudenels into curioufly wrought and polifhed column? of feveral names 
and orders ; and at length into ftately and magnificent temples. In 
other countries they were enormoufly raifed into pyramids and obeliflcs. 
And in fome places alfo^ patticolarly in tbefe northern countries, and 
in fome parts of Afia, they retained for many ages their firft natural 
form and coarfencfs. All this happened as the nations who made ufe 
of them more or lefs indulged novelties and pompous appearances, or 
tenacioufly iadhered to more ancient and primitive eftablifhments, though 
ever fo rude and barbarous* 

We have little i-eafoti to doUbt, that in the firft ages of the world, 
the venerable names and memory of the moft heroic worthies and be- 
nefailors of mankind were in many places continued to pofterity in 
thofc unhewn columns and ere<Jied pillar-ftones, * before the more po- 
lite arts of fculptdre and itiiagery had room to be entertained among 
the more cOtious fort of meft. Thus Jacob, a zealous preferver of the 
|)^triarchal rituals^ fecurcd the name and memory of his beloved Ra- 
chel in an tinpoliflied pillar-ftonc creded on her fepulchre, Gen. xxxv. 
20, And Abfalom in the midft of his days chofe fuch another to prc- 
ferve and continue his name and renown to the generations that were 
to come, 2 Sam. xviii. i8. And fuch was the monument of king Da- 
vid, hinted at Adls ii. 29. and mentioned by St. Jerom in his epifUe to 

Thefe being the two moft ancient ufcs that we read of in hiftory or 
any records of thefe crcdled pillar-ftones, viz* cither fet upas local con- 
fecrations or iymbols of the Scbekinah or divine prefence, as thofe of 
Bethel were i or elfe of fepulchral monuments and memorials of name 
and honour, as thofe of Rachel and Abfalom were ; we want not rea- 
fon to conclude them to have been the effeds of a primitive order and 
inftitution* And therefore by Propofition L and IV. we may affirm, that 
thefe rude columns and huge erected pillar-^ftones, now ftanding here 
and there in thefe countries, have been anciently, where many of them 
are together, local confecrations and temples j and where dii^erfedly and 
(ingly eredted, memorials and fepulchral monuments* 

We find indeed that God himfelf fometimes commanded the ereftion 
of fuch pillar-ftones, and that very confiderable afts of religion and wor- 

* Jntequam aeeurafi tunrmtur Imaginum hatiiuf, Vitms CplumMS trigmfitt, hu cikioMt trntfUSM 
SBatuat. Cleth. Alcx» Strom» lib* !• 

7 ihip 


liiip by God's own appointing were celebrated at them ; as particu«» 
larly at Gilgal, where God commands Jofliua to take up twelve ftones, 
a ftone for every tribe, and to pitch them np for a memorial of their 
pafTagti over Jordan ; and thefc twelve ftones (fays the ^ text) which 
they took out of Jordan, did Jofhua pitch in Gilgal. And as we find 
that thefe eredled pillar-ftones and columns in the earlieft ages of the 
world made up their Profeuchte or oratories; fo thofe places, being 
planted about and furrounded with groves of oak, compleatcd with them 
the notion of temples and fanftuarieSi This is very evident of thofe 
fani^uaries and pillar-temples in Syria and Paleftine, which are com- 
monly, defcribed in the holy fcripture by groves and pillars^ as I have 
before (hewed. 

It is as evident from the facred fcriptures, that thefe pillar-credUons, 
•when the true religion began to fail, became the idolatrous objeds of 
divine worfliip. And hence it is-that we find God, even in the days of 
Mofes, giving llridl warning to the Jev^rs, that they fliould not adore 
thofe pillar- ftones, which it feems they were then wont to do. ** Ye 
ihall make you no Jdols,"*(fairh God) ^* nor graven image," (which in 
the original is " Even Mafcbith^'' i. e. ** a ftone of bowing," as I have 
before noted out of the Chaldee paraphraft) ^^ neither rear ye Matzebab^* 
i, e. *' a ftanding pillar, to bow unto them, or wor(hip them," (Levit: 
xxvi. I.) And on the account of the idolatrous abufe of thefe pillar- 
ftones and of the groves about them, it may fecm, it was, that God at 
laft abfolutely forbade the ufe of them. *• Thou (halt not plant a grove 
of any trees," (fays God) ^* near unto the altar of thy God which thou 
(halt make thee, neither ftialt thou fet up a pillar which the Lord thy 
<}od hatcth." 

In all thefe places, the word Matxebah^ a derivative of Jatzah to fet 
«p or eredt, is to be taken for a rude tmeffigiated ereded pillar-ftonc 
«~no Mher than juft fuch as our Meini Gwyr are— -becau fc the propriety 
of the word, and the circumftances of the texts mentioning them, de- 
modftrate them to have been of that fort. And indeed, the better fort 
of expoiitors take them to be fuch, though our tranflations, following 
the Seventy in that particular^ generally render them images. 

But that thefe rude unwrought pillar-ftones ftiould be honoured with 
divine worfhip, is a thing very ftrange tb imagine; yet that they were 
fo honoured and worftiipped -in ancient times, is a truth paft all di^ 

I * ' • 

'i* <• .. ./ .^ Joih. It. 2o. 

Ff putc. 


pute- And their being worshipped is ibme argument that they wi^re* 
originally fepulchralinonunients and eredtions^effe^ed by depraved man^ 
kind, partly in imitation of the before-mentioned patriarchal pca€lic«; 
hut mod chiefly aqd generally out of an Dver-weemng deiire of iixh- 
mortalizlng the othcrwrfe. periihin^ names and memory of tnen> by 
thefe vi(ible, more laftmg monuments. And this will appear very ac«» 
countable from the reaibns that may be given of the original of idol* 
worfliip, viz, 

FzRST^ The gr^at and faxnoufi heroes and worthies^of thefe times- 
dying and leaving their mighty name and renown recoided atid tranf^ 
mitted to fucceeding ages in thefe laAiti^g mcmiments^ admiring poft^*- 
rity,outof exceflive veneration to their tranfccndent worth and vir^ 
tues, became very prone to reckon theirdepartedilboIs^Hnong'the gods» 
eA^eming them a middk ibrt of divine paw^rs^. and casing them haiuffm 
or ZkKfftaj^ra»^ viz. mediators or agents between* the ccdeflial gods aftd- 
mortal men. 

SscoNPLY> When< men thus efteemed the fouls of thofe deceajfiid 
heroes as deities^ and accounted them worthy of divino . honoursi 
tliey (bought of ao fitter place to afford tbem this adoiration than m theu^- 
fepulchres and monuments: efteeming thofe places* a& certaia fixed aiUL: 
-peculiar refidences and habitations of thofe deities. And theie mosur- 
ments there ereded (perhaps called by the names af the mren depaftod^^ 
which by the way may fomewhat account for our Meim G'Uyr, u e. oor^ 
-fi^i.en^piUard) they accounted Statuas ^imai^s^ Jknfii & jpiritm pkaas, afc' 
Trifmegiftus calls them ; or 'AymAfuAt 3€i« |R£Wict$ aWxAftt, »3 Jam- 
bUchus wolds it. . i. e, <^ Idols filled with divine influence and aniv 
mated flatues furnifhed with fomething within them thath^th life aad^ 

On thefe a<:c^8at$ Icsonceiv^ thef« eredred Aa&to» and CojfiMmis came- 
at fir^ to h^e been wpr/hipped* aia^ to have had divine hoAoacs pg^d 
to them l?y the idolatrous GeQtal%s« And as the genius of the nation 
or people whp creacd them varied, £o they^ either avoiding novelty and 
innovation's^ as the QaulifH Druids did, paid to them their adorations 
in their rude natural forms i or die as other Aations frho afie^ed noh 
velties did^ they infcuiped on them hiimai) ihapes qf other figures as 
they pleafed to fancy, and adorned and fiouriflied them^ raifing over 
them magnificent ^ru^tures and temples. 

And this indeed I find to have been the very notion which antiquity 
had of the original of idoUtenipka y and which the .primitive fathers, 

. . taking 

taking advaot^ge pf,, uTied to upbraid the fuperftklpus Gentiles with. 
Speciofo pfid^m Nomne^ fays Clap. Alex, in Protrcpt. ^empla did, ftdffk 
iftiUm Sepulcbra^ h ^. SepulcBra ipfar^Qcatafulffe ^empla. And Arnobius 
^contra. Gent, lib* 6. tells t^^ra ta the like purpof^, §luid quod multa e» 
bis ^empla% qiMx^'bglk Junt aureis & jublim^us elatn fa/ligiis, AuSiorum 
Confcrfptionibus comprobatur oonUgere cineres at que pja, & f^nSiorum *t/fe 
c&rpQfum Sepulturas, u e, </. They are called indeed temples> but thejr 
^re only the graves of dead tjo^m and it is evident by ancient writer^ 
that thefe augufl temples, however adorned %nd vei^efated, are but the. 
cafp^ and confcrvatories of defid mess' boifes and a&^^ oyer which^ an4 
for whofe fake* thgr wefe^ffrft cred^d*" 

And truly, as to oqr |ere6ted Monuments and flone'^pillafs^ the few 
infcriptions th^t have bepn fpoi^d upon them teftify them to have bcea 
(he biirying^places of noted per&ns i or at lead that fuch whofe names 
they bear have been buriqd neaf> or not far from them; And thefe 
were all of middle or latter times. But of very ancient infcriptions^ 
iuch as ajiay be prefume^ to b^ ffoni the tim6s of Druidifm, I think 
J may pofitively fay, ther? are not any among us. Which if fo, naay 
fenre for an argument that either that ancient fedt totally abflained froni 
the ufe of letters ; or they took it to i be an unpardonable crime to in^ 
fcribe them on holy things'^ or elfe they dc^ely adhered to that ancient 
Jaw, ** Not to ftrike a tool upon ih^ir facred things i" which, I thinks 
was liever obferved to have been done. Thofe monuments that novir 
remain are exa&ly after the pattern commanded by Mofes, as' you may 
fee, Jofh. viii. 31. viz. ** Monuments of whole (Ipnes, over which no 
tnan hath lifted up any iron j" bein^ indeed of the rudeft ftones, whe^ 
ther they be Handing pillars^ ^r eredted altars of Cromleche. Neithef 
can I fee any reafon but that the namea and characters which many 
of thefe pillar-ftones now (hew upon them might have oeen ham^ 
mered there many ages after their eredion^ as people took fancy ^ 
Cq be interred near them. And the very little art that is generally 
to be ohferved in their w^y qi cutting their letters, and the ufu^ 
difproportionatc largenefe of thofe iett^s they have, may be thouglit 
,tQ caqfe them. to wrjte at length, fometimes upwards, fometiincs 
downwards, on thefe ftcnvs in their ere^ft and ftanding gofture. I <^x- 
cept always fuch ^one^ as ^arc cat and mpdeU^^ $^^-;-»cro(Ies^ beacons^ 
and the like-*^which are^own, in cpmparifpn pftHe others, to be bi^t 
of late crc^oii^ , 

Ffai Now 


220 M. O N A A N T i OJJ A A fi S T A U R ATA. 

Now thst thefe ftone-raoiiuTrrents already mcnffianed, whofe remafn^ 
arc ftill among us, hiade up ii confitkrablc part of our ancient confccra- 
tions, and were indeed outProfeueBa and temples, the evidence of my- 
fourth Propofition may be good- WftVrant to affirni* For when facre.d 
records aflure us that one branch of mankind's national' divifions,.irt the 
re-peopling of the worlds ufed fuch'open places for the exercife orfheir 
facred performances, namely, the- ancient Hebrews; and when thofe 
vtvy records defcribe and diftihguilh tHofe places to us by the folemn 
creiftions of heaps, pillars, and altars; and particularly aflert that thofe 
three famous ones of Mifpeh, ^Bethel* and Gilgal were no other than. 
Hone-monuments; it is therefore but ju ft to- coricludfc,' that other na- 
tions, particularly our own, ufed and praAiftd alfo me lifoe 'cuft6ms'of ^ 
forming and making up their places of worftiip with fuch eredlions and; 
monuments : And that in a more particular mariner we may reafonably 
infer, becaufe the former (1 mean- thofc'which' are" iritifnati^d 't» us inn 
fcripture) were effedts of mofV ancient primitive order and ihftifution ; ^ 
and til at of the* latter there are f(> many rehiains, exa£Hy paraffellihg , 
the circumftances of tl>e other, to this day vifible in many pfacres, as. 
well of thefe couTJtries as of all Europe, that we cannot-chufe but af-- 
crib6 them to one and the fame origin and' inilrtntrom ^ ^ • . . 

Thus it feems to me that God in th^fe ancient times, before he de- 
tcrmined his Schekinah and divine prcfence to the Mofaick taberrfaclc 
and the Jewifli temple, had his facred placfes in fever al parts of thefe 
countries, where devout men preffen^ed themfelves' before him. Ahd 
feldom any of thefe occur in* fcripture, without the mentrbn of fdme 
Hones ercded in fuch places. And fome places have their names and 
chara^rs from thofe very ereftions ;- as* atBeth'ei; where wchkve a fort, 
of a confef rating Fdrmuta ; ** And thi-s flone- (Faith *Jacob)vv^ich' I have 
fet'up for a'pilkr, (hall be God's Houfe; and^he- called the name of 
the place Bethel," i. c. God's Houfe, Gen. xxviii. 19. and where alfo 
we have fome part of the ancient rites and- ceremonies celebrated on 
thofe ftones fet forth and typified to us in Jacob's adlion of pouring \Vinc 
and oil on the ftone-pillar at Bethel, Gen. xxv. 14. And I have heard 
of fome ftones, obfervcd by the learned Mr. Edward Lhwyd of Oxford 
in fome part of Wales, which had a little cavity a'tqp, and a groove 
•or channel running down the fide of them, as if thofe ancient Ltbamina 
were alfo retained and made ufe of among our Britifli anceftors. And 
indeed we need not much wonder that devout men in* the patriarchal 
age, and others in imitation of theiti, paid that veneration to, and placed 



fetch facrednefs on^ the religious ufe of tfaefe eredrions ; when we con-^ 
{jjdcr, belides what other warrant thefe might have for it^ that it is plain 
in thefcriptures^.thatGodxontiaued to appear to aien in no one form 
longer and oftner than in the ** form of a * pillar/' Exod. xiii. 21.-2^; 
I fbfbeac^tobring.the adorable humanity of J efus Chrift into the com^ 
parifon^'. as an. exception in .this cafe» for it is above it; the bpdy of 
Cbriftr being; hypoftatically united to the Godhead, which the cloudy 
pillar was net^ though the divine prefence for fom^ time manifeOred itfelf 
in it. Such.ere£tiofi8 feem to have had fome myfterious reaibn for them; , 
iK>w uixknowJ)> . which induced.the ufage of them.^ 

Thcfe moft ancient pillar-temples,: if I may fo callUhem; and places 
of adoration,-, had alfb groves of oak^ generally planted about them ; from. 
which groves the very places of worlhip furrounded by them were fome- 
times named andcharadlerized. As if Alloim Mareb^ J Alhun Matzat^^.. 
% Alloun Baccutbf i. e.: The Grove of March ? The. Grove .of the PiU 
lar*; apd,jt The. Grove o£ Weeping. A«d hence I have conjcdured our 
ancedors alio, .retaining £bme pari>^of that primitive found Ailoun^ to • 
have called their facred.places-p^always furrounded withvthcfe. groves— • 
Ll^^n OT^Uan^ Ahd.ojun^Chriflian churches have beeni generally built 
at or near thofe. ancient fanftuaries, as appears * by their having to thi$ 
day (many of thcm^'fome remains and monuments of ancient, worfliip • 
flanding near them. And probably .people's nunds:were fooncr drawn 
to make th^ir.firftChriftian-meethigS'attheinaneiently accuftomed places 
of aflembling^ . I fay,i our Chriflian churches feem on this account to 
have taken their ivime Llan from that of Llwyn i with the addition of 
fome <^hriftian name, that had been ii^nalized in. that p!ace» inftead of. 
their former heathenifli.charadlcra-and terminations. And indeed by:* 
weighing this matter a little we^may find, that although the words LLmi . 
Sanhusj Hfifyj do now betoken divins, z.nd /acred;, yet it is face that the . 
ideas reprefented by >thefe wordsin ancient times intim^ited no more than 
^:Enc/ofir?gp ** EJiabliJ}mg^. and J^ £ lanting'-^^Xi thefe'4)cing notions re* thefe fuperannuated groves ;^; as Td'-Iariy Corphtakf Perllan^ 
Gwinllariy and in Iriihi Druizhn for z/aniiuaryf explain the firft ; and 
the cqmmon notion of Sancio to this day. is to confirm and ejiablijh ; and 
hpfyt in the .old Saxon ^ feems to betoken originally no more thaa bott 


• Gen, xii. 6. f J"dg« ^x.* 6. t Gtn, xxxv. 8. 
§ Signifist auttm C»!umMaf Dii nott ppffi effingi imoghtm Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. I « 

B blviyn-Llan^ .** Sanc$Pt Sanfius^ 4 /•/<>//, Holy. 
9 It is remarkalile, that Htarz in the Saxon is a name or word that expreilbs both grove and : 
lemple. See Dr. Hicks, Gram. Aoglo Sax. p- 5. 



or grave-^^vintil every one of thefe words in courfe of time came to bt 
metaphorically ufed to exprefs not the nature of the things formerly 
meant by fach words, but the ailion therein performed, which was J$* 
vine.zndjacred, as, they arc now taken. 

Lastly, The congruity of the ufe and application of our ancient ! 

facred places with that of the Jewish Profeucfaue and fanduaries, is no 
mean argument of their being both derived from one pattern, viz. the 
moft ancient patriarchal practice, Thofe &t places in Judea and Syria, 
we are warrantably afTured, were their great Forums, i. e: their placos 
of judicature, zs wtllM their FanumSy^L c^ places of religion tmd wor- 
(hip. For we read, that all Ifrael were often called to convene at Mif- 
peh : And 'in like manner at Bethel and Gilgal<they had frequent con^ 
ventions*. Nay, we read that Samuel went from year to year in circuit 
to Bethel "and Gilgal and Mifpeh, and judged Ifrael in all thofe places^ 
I Sam. vii.:^i6« How agreeably therefore is this with what Julius 
Caefar affirnas of our Draidical -temple in Gallia ? It certo Anni tempore 
conjidunt in loco confecrato ; hue omnes undique qui controvet^as Jraienl, 
conveniunt I eorumque judiciis decretifque parent ^ i. e. ** They meet toge* 
(ther, iviz. the Druidifli priefts, .in a certain conlecrated place, every 
year, ^and judge all the people/! 

' Thefe^placcs in Jewry, though when the temple wus buik they loft 
that prerogative, yet we are told were continued by the Jews as pecu- 
liar places of .prayers and public aflemblies, oil occafion, even to tht 
^me of our BlefTed Saviour. And how exactly ibme of them .refembled 
our mentioned cirque or theatre at Bryngwyn, "I leave it to any one to • 
judge, who will but confidcr and compare what I have faid of that with 
'the defcriprion which -f* Epiphanius, who was born and lived in thofe 
countries, gives in his traA againfl the MeiTalian heretics, of one of 
thofe facred places. EJi & Sicimis qua hodie Neapolis didtur, Frofeucha 
locusy extra urbem, ^beatro Jimilisy fecundo ab urbe lapide pofitus^ quern 
it a aperto coelo & area fubdiali extruxerunt Samaritatj Judaorum in 
omnibus imiiatores: ^* We have at Sichem an ancient Profeucha ift the 
open air, raifed up like a cirque or theatre by the Samaritans, in 
imitation of the Jews." Now whether this be any remains of the 
ancient fan&uary at Sichem^ noientioned Jo(hua Kxiv. 26. I leave to be 


Vidcfo Mcdum in Joih. jovi. f Epiph. torn. ^, lib. j, Cip. So. 

3 C^ 


Objection II. 

The Second Objedlion is* That the proofs which are offered for the 
Prciids' chief refidencc and metropolitical prefiding in the Ifle of Mpna, 
efpecially Tuch as are drawn from the monuments and remaifts of 
Druidifm there, are not abfolutely conclufivc with regard to that place ; 
fince other places of the Britifli territories, by that argument, are more 
juftljT intitled to it : And alfo that it does not hiftorically appear, that 
th6fe meil did prefide and govern in the ajffairs of religion over the whole 
ifle of Great-Britaiu, ^s afferted*. 

This is an objeftion which the particulars I'aflerted are liable to; 
and therefore to remove the force and charge of it I (hall be obliged^ 
as in the laft,-to cftablifha few preliminary .propofitions^ by the ftrength 
ahd evidence of which I fhallbe better able to fet things in their true 
light, and more eafily and iatelfigibly unfold the grounds and reafons 
of what was ailerted in .thefe particulars. And therefore I preniife that, .. 


Proposition:. VL. 

it is an^^l6wed maxim in hiftoryv that^general characSiers and inti-r- 
matibns of adtions or pprfons are fometimes pregnant and produdivc of 
' equipollent fpecifical determinations. Thus Platina faying that the pope, 
and Suetonius, affirming that, aii emperor made at times the thiefeft' 
figure in Rome,. is juft the fame as if thefe authors had exprefly faid. that . 
JRome was oace the. emperor's, and once the pope's city* 


Ih contatenated and neceflarily depending aftions, fuch aire thfe 
fttkcmes of religious polities and the like, that the poiition of fonre ef- 
fential particuTftrs in a place or fociety of people neceifarily infers tlie 
cxiftence of the whole. Thus fome-particnlar neccffary epifcopal adHons / 
in f6me cities in- the apoftles time and immediately after, are good eyi-» 
drtiees of epiicopacy's being planted tftere at thofc tirtics'. 

Fropositioh yilL. 

That the evidence #f tradition, where there is m> {tifpicion of fsaud 
or foul play in thie fifft fettirig on, is always very confiderablc : And 
when it is backed withr unexceptionable recDrds and authorities, it is ilill 
the greater. Bti$ when confirmed alfo with the concurrent teilimonics 
ef ancient names and monuments, it is the greateft of moral certainties. 
Thtis when traditioa tdls us, that iach a. tx>wa ia Britaia m Oallia 



was a legionary ftatlon, we give it fome credit ; when good authors tit- 
teft the larae, we believe it; and when coins and altars and other 
remains of antiquity confirm. tliefamCf we then have undeniable cei^ 
tainty andaffurance of it. 

Proposition IX. 

'Thatamong the feparate and different ftates and conditions oT peo- 
ple in every polity, fuch as the governors and the governed, it is not 
always a true and juft confequence, when the qualities, cfpecially the 
moral and intcUeftual ones, of .the one party are inferred and concluded 
2from thofe of the other. For it is evident that the grofs ftupidity and 
l)arbaroufnefs of fom£ nations and Ibcicties. of .people are owing prin- 
cipally to the ildll, craft, and more extraordinary fubtilty and know- 
ledge of their guides and governors ; their ends* and interefts rn thofc 
.matters beinjg founded on cjuite different bottoms* 


That the principal and moft!. important charadlers in the reports of 
.'conliderable actions are ftridtly to' be obferved, and therefore juflly to 
be expedted,' in goodTiiftorians.; and where thofe iiharaders are want-, 
ing in fuch authors, the negation and abfence oT fuch particulars, in 
fuch places, wTiere they fhould have been mentioned* is as juftly con- 
cluded. Thus the hiftorians of this day, ndt .mentioning a 
word of the Turks or of their religion in any of our Chriftian ftates and 
kingdoms, but in thofo <>f Turky and their other conqucfts, will be one 
,diy a very good. argument, that thofc Turks really were not> whcrcthey 
were not mentioned ; and that then* refidence was where their appearance 
was mentioned, that is, .only in the Turkifh dominions. 

Thefe.being. axioms. of allowable xrcdit in the affairs of hiftory, we 

;njay the more firmly depend -on their , light and authority, and apply 

their evidence as .occafions x>ffer to clear ibme difficulties that will oc- 

V cur in. this point of hiftory we are now upon. Which tho' I confeis 

it to be of no great moment whether they refided here or no ; yet as 

\it adds fomething to the charadler^f, the place I tun accoimting for— . 

and that as tcivial^matters as itfelf hwe been warmly cohtcfted, <when 

4he truth of hiftoiy comes to be concerned in it— efpecially finee the 

greate(l Roman authors have not difdained to enlarge on the fubjedt— 

.fo I take it no unbecoming endeavour to make good the reaibnableneis 

.«Qf jtbe jconjet^ures I bavf advanced upon the before*mentioned autbonl- 



tteSf in.relation tx) this matter> by all the fair ways I can : Which^ as 
a reply to fuch as may incline to iniift on the ftrefs of this objedtioni I 
fhall attempt to do^ by faggefting in defence of the opinion thefe fol<- 
lowing confidtraftions. 

First, Let it be confidered, that by rejidence and metropolkical in 
this affertion, is meant no more than that the grand fociety and whole 
order of thefe Druids, u e. their phyiiologers, pfiefls, and lawyers had 
their firft admifllonS) were initiated and profecuted their ftudies, under** 
w^nt their fundions, and made the chiefeft part of their abode and liv-* 
ing in this particular place i not that it (hould be conceived that there 
was a metropolis here whicKhad a {landing authority and jurifdi<ftioa 
over the other parts of Britain. It is only meant, that wherefoever the 
whole order of this religious fe€i: fcfided, there was fupreme authority 
in matters relating to religion an4 difcipline ; that authority refulting 
from fundion and office, by way of perfonal prerogative, and not of 
local privilege and pre-eminence. Of this plain defcription of Druidi* 
cal authority, the character given them by antiquity is a full j unification • 
So alfi) that their refidence was a fort of conventual affociation or abid- 
ing together in one place, is difcoverable from the quality of their learn- 
ing and discipline, which was all communicated by <>ral tradition^ i. e. 
by word of mouth from one perfon to another i for they ever abftained 
both in thoir teaching and learning from the ufe of books and letters. 
Thi9 way of difcipline, attefted to our hands by good authorities, ne^ 
ceidarily required, and as neceffarily concludes their living and affociat-* 
ing together for the moft part in one place, by Propofition VI. 
. Secondly, I oifer it to be confidered, that if the Druidical hierarchy 
was metropolitical in Gallia, as by Propofition VI. if we believe Caef^r 
^ who plainly affirms it fbis praeji UnusJ we cannot at all deny j then 
it will fbUow^ that when thefe unexceptionable authors^ viz« Ca&fat 
and Tacitus affirm the fame religion and the fame difcipline as were 
in Oallia to have been in Britain alfo, from whence at firft they had 
them 5 it follows, I fay, that that hierarchy in Britain was alfo metro-* 
political, and that the affairs of Druidifm, in the full extent of it, were 
difcded here, as wdl as there, by one fupreme head and governor. And 
it will alfo appear by PropOfrfion VII. that what is conclufive of Gallia 
from what Casfar affirms of the head Druid atfd his confecrated feat or 
ftation thtrt^^'^Carnutum Regio — the fame is applicable in Britain to fuch 
place or perfons as feem moft juftly entitled to the fame qualification 
and character ; identity of rules ai>d difcipline ever fuppofing a con« 

G g formity 


fonnity of rites and ceremonies in places remote and diftant/ An<^ 
therefore it is butjuft to conclude, if the people in the many xi ties of 
Gallia, and the feveral governments thereof, reforted to fthat ione place^ 
as Csefar affures us they did, and there fubmitted to the Druids- decree* 
and judgments'; that the people in the feveral ilates? and principalities 
of Britain alfo might do the like : nay it is next to evident that they did 
fo. For Ca?far exprefly fays, as I intimated before, . that the Gaulifli» 
difcipline came from Britain ; which is an argumentof no, fmall weight; 
that what was done in Gallia in obfervance of that difcipline was more 
accurately and ftridly performed by the different intcrefla and govern- 
ments within the ifle of Britain ; and confequenrtly thar their. difcipline 
was here metrapolitical in the fenfe I have explained it, : 

Thirdl^y, It is to be conlidered alfo, that, fince Caefar, giving a cha- 
rafter of the Druidifli difciphne in Gallia^, plainly intimates that the 
fame fort of difcipline obtained in Britain ; and fince Cornelius Tacitus,, 
fome time after Csefar, does as plainly affirm that the Britons ufed the 
fame religious rites and fuperflitions as the Gauls did ; we have thence 
good warrant to conclude, that as in Gallia fo in Britain (for to fup- 
pofe one over Gallia and Britain is, on many reafons that I need not 
mention, moft improbable) they had one head Dtyn^i^^^ijummam inter 
cos babutt auStoritatem^^z% Caefar accounts of their chief one in GaJlia, 
^* who had fuprcme authority among them ;** and one place— 17^/ certo 
Anni tempore conjidebant in Loco confecrato-^^s Cafar delivers it, where at* 
a. certain feafon of the year the Druidifli priefts came from all the cities 
and places, where they had their difperfed. ftations and emplbymentsj 
and attended their chief and primate in bis fupreme confiftory— 
Ubi omnts undique qui Controverjias habuerey convenerunt^ eorumque Ju^ 
diciis Decretifque paruerunt — viz. " where all pcrfons from all parts of 
thexountry, who had. any fuits or contefts in law, made, their appear-* 
ance, aiid were finally determined by their decrees arid judgments ;'* 
Et ubi magnus Adolefcentum Humerus DifcipUnce^ caufd concur rebate G? 
eorum nonnuUi Annos vicenos in Difcipiind permanferunt — ** And where 
great numbers of youths refortqd to be trained up in the Druidifli learn- 
ing, continuing their colloquial ftudies fometimes twenty years toge- 
ther in that place 5" while many of them, no doubt, were difpatched 
abroad to the feveral provinces and cities to officiate in the affiiirs of 
religion and judicature. AU this we muft prefume to be true of the 
ifle of Great-Britain as well as. of Gallia, elfe we fall unavoidably 
into this dilemnia;, thAt isS, either we mjift dony the plaio tcftimonies 



"bfboth Caefar and Tacitus, againft the fixth .Propofition, the former 
laflerting the whole difcipline of the Gaulifh Druids to have come from 
Britain, and therefore proves it to be there ; and the latter as plainly 
faying, that it was there, by his faying that the Britons rites and ce- 
remonies of religion were the fame with thofe of the Gauls ; or elfe we 
iiiuft allow but one head Druid over Gallia and Britain, making of both 
but one hierarchy, and confequently that the Britons were obliged from 
^11 parts to refort to the middle of Gallia for redrefs of juftice, againft 
•al! probability. And though it be true that fome of the Gaulifh Druids 
dfd come over feas to Britain for more exaft knowledge in the Druidical 
difcipline ; yet that rather proves, that the whole difcipline, viz. fu- 
preme authority, inferior orders, and a fixed feat and refidence was in 
Britain itfelf^ independent of any other place ; and therefore having all 
that at home, they can be fuppofcd to lie under no engagements to have 
fccoarfe'to fuch remote and foreign jurifdiftions. 

Fourthly, I offer it alfo to be confidered, that fince it is now feme-* 
xvhat apparent that Great-Britain hath had its own academy of Druids, 
and that fome of the Gauls in Caefar's time frequented it, as a place of 
more regular difcipline than that they had at home, whether there may 
not be fome evidences, or (what will amount to fuch, collefted from 
tradition) fpecial circumftances of fad:, names of* places, agrecablenefs 
of fituation, and peculiar monuments and remains of antiquitjr, which 
may bid fair to point out the very place to us, though no authentic re- 
cords do pofitively affirm it. And if that be granted, whether alfo the 
proofs I have ofFered^for the Ifle of Anglcfcy, which were agreeablenefs 
of feat, tradition, fpecial circumftances of faft, and ancient betokening 
names and monuments, may not dcferve fome weight to be allowed 
them, till either better proofs are produced for another place, or it be 
made appear to be utterly impofTible to afTign any that may afford a rea- 
fonai)le fktisfa<aion. And therefore I fhall now, under this confidera- 
tion, beg leave a little further to enlarge on the particulars following. 

FIRST, Agreeablenefs of Seat and Commodioufnefs of 


AS to what hath been faid in the former Eflay of the agreeablenefs 
of feat and fitnefs of habitation for thefe Druids in the Ifle of 
Mona, above any other place of the Britiftl territories, it was only made 
ufe of there in reference to their choice of fuch a place for fettling 

G g 2 ' their 


their then new-formed inftitution and cftablifhment. Vet it may. not be 
unufefully afTumed too, as an argument a priori, viz. that on tbofe men^ 
tioned advantages they did a£tually chufe fuch a place for their abode- 
and cohabitation ; fince by that way of arguing, which is not to be neg* 
le(5led when it falls in with other evidences, we can have this to fay,^ 
that what before and above other places feems moft likely to have de-~ 
termined their choice to fix and fettle in it their principal feat and re«< 
fidence, .may be ^ well prefumed to have done fo.^ And befides, upon; 
a full view and confideration of tbofe advantages- we may farthec 
urge, how convenient, nay, how ncceffary it was for tbofe focieties of • 
people, 'who were to give ftrift unbiaffed judgments in all countries, tq 
have a place feparate and removed from all, and dependent on none, a§ 
this ifland was. And when we obferve that few or no other places in. 
all Britain were fo agreeably and advantageoufly fituated for all thoib 
ends and purpofcs, as I have endeavoured to make appear this iHe of 
Mona to have been, we (hall perhaps Ije on thofe grounds alone,, were 
there nothing elfe to be urged in the matter, not very unwilling to al-. 
low the determined feat and refidence of thefe ancient Druids to have 
been in no other place of Britain, but in the lile of Anglefey and its de- 
pendent territories, including the Ifle of Man and other adjacent iflands. 

SECONDLY, Tradition, 

I Need not fay much to eflablifh the validity of traditional evidences^ 
They arc ever accounted of prevailing weight, when the tradition 
carries with it thefe marks, viz. is grounded on notorious and well- 
known matter of fadt *, and when its conveyance down is free from all 
fufpicion of fraud and falfliood.; and laflly, uninterrupted. And in this 
cafe the tradition I urge may beobferved to carry with it; all thefe notes, 
For> with refpedl. to the Fir ft, viz. ndtoriety of fadl, what can be 
more notable and memorable than what religion and folemnity imprint 
on the minds of men ? And jfuch, no doubt, was the notion of this 
ifland's being the chief feat and feminary of this religious fraternity. 
Secondly, There could be no fraud or falfity in the handing down of 
this relation, becaufe owned by all the neighbouring countries to be 
true; who if that relation had. not brought its affurance and credibility 
with it in- all ages would be inclinable enough (we may be fure) to op- 
pofe and gainfay, and in cafe it added to the place any repute and va- 
lue, to detract and invidiate. And, Thirdly, An interruption in the 

3 * con- 


conveyance of that account or tradition cannot be alledged ; becaufe it 
was conveyed down and contitiued to us, in the fucceffive generations 
of one and the fame people, from that time to this dayi 

Now if all aflcrtory traditions are but continued affirmations of fome ' 
formerly, well-known, tvideat, and not^^rious matter of fa<5t, and con- 
fcqucntly if the continuation of this tradition of the Ifle of Mona*s be- 
iflg the prime fear of the Druids, be not, or was not fo much as fuf- 
peded to have been, unfiricere and corrupted^ there can appear^ I think, ^ 
no reafonable grounds to rejedt or deny what is averted by it* We can -^ 
not but exped: that an eminent overture and tr an faction of a place, fucb ' 
as being the .p!"ime feat and peiidence of fo-^noted a fociety of men as 
that of thefe religious Druids at that time certainly was, muft have been 
talked o£ and remembered for many ages after the diflbrution of their 
fociety. -And though the intermediate times and perfons through which 
this tradition made its conveyance to our hands, were* confefledly very 
grofs and barbaroudy ignorant, an.d' alfo productive of mpnftrous • 
fiiftions s yet this matter handed dowa by them, being very brief and 
important^ and having alfo crept perhaps into the vulgar charadter of 
the place, (for it is probable enough^ that antiquity meant more by that : 
faying— ^Mfe jMi^w Gj«w they cannot be fup-^ 

ppfed to hav« quite forgotten itv 

But fince they forgot it not, neither in Scotland nor amongft us, as 
1 have made appear in that part of the proof I have before offered ; and ^ 
in Scotland they pretend to ancient annals, at lead to ungainfayed tra- 
dition for it J why then (hould we fcruple to yield fome credit to an- 
tiquity in what is very plain and intelligible, and wherein there appears 
no affignable caufe or reaibn that tradition fhould impofe upon and de<» - 
ceive us in the accounts of this particular ? Indeed, fame is fometimes 
very profufe in her rodomontades, and lavifh in her fiiJiions as to things 
and places ; namely,, when intereft, humour, or fome vulgar vanities 
warp and fophifticate her informations. But when a general confcnt, . 
Seconded by circumftantial evidences and probabilities of the thing,, . 
ufhers the report, we muft furely be very fceptical to miftruft her ac-^ 
counts and rejedt her informations. 



THIRDLY, Authorities and Special Circuit- 
stances of Fact. 


WE are indeed wholly dcftit-ute of -any cxprcfs pofitive evidence 
from any authentic writer to confirm this conjedlure abouttfae 
Ifle of Anglefey's being the chief feat and academy of the Britifti Druids. 
Yet by Propofition VI. 'from fome fpecial circumftanccs of fa<ft, ob- 
: ferved in Corndlius Tacitus's* relation of the conqueftof the Ifle of 
Mona, we may be enabled t<} draw fome confequehces, which duly 
weighed may give ilrcngtii .to that conjefture, at lead in concurrence 
with other arguments. 

.. Although it betpue, that Tacitus was never himfelf in'Britain tabe 
an eye-witnefs of the Roman a(3tions performed here j yet we may wett 
prefume hevhad his information from thofe that bad been, who could 
give hicn<as complete and punctual accounts of the moft material and 
confiderable turns of a^flion, as if he had been himfelf- upon the -place. 
-And -we have no room to doubt the characters he gives of places, things, 
and perfons, where he touches on them, but that they are, the ji^ft, 
complete, and well-proportioned ipiages of thofe truths of fa<9;, which 
the keeneft eyc-witnefling judgments o.f eminent friends, in their fe- 
deral pofts, had carefully obferved and rqprefented to him : And there- 
fore we may, I think, not unjuftly conclude by. Propofition X. thtfc 
two confequences from that author. 

First, Since this exadl author mentions not in any part of Britain 
fo much as the. name of a Druid, but only in the Ifle of Mona; that it 
is highly probable there was no appearance of fejch a remarkable place 
of Druidical refidence to be taken notice of in any of the conquered 
provinces. of Britain, but what he obferved and characterized of this 

Secondly, When he mentipns in this Ifle of Mona fuch amazing 
appearances of this fort of men, fo many parts and appurtenances of 
their. worfliip — fuch a deal of their ceremonies and incantations — fuch 
fpedacles of horrid facrifices — fuch .rites of arufpicy and divination-^ 
. all thefc being confefled particulars of their religion and worfliip, and 
fetting forth the whole adlion rather as a grand religious ceremony than 
a battle ; I fay, all this being confidered, it is by Propofition VI • and VII. 
an intimation equivalent to his exprefly faying in other terms, that the Ifl^ 
of Mona was' the capital feat or hcad-quartcps of thefe religious Druids. 



For it is all one to cxprefs a thing by an enumeration of its parts in 
afeparate disjundlive order, as by putting up, the parts, into one idea,: 
and fo call the things by one general word importing, the whole ; Hoth. 
which ways are naturally expreflive of the thing . intended. And here: 
indeed we have this other add to the coftfirmatipn of this par- 
ticular; namely,, if Corn. Tacitus did not by. that paflage of his intend . 
to give us an intimation of this ifland's being fuch a place, we muft: ei-^ 
' ther conceive, that the Druids and their chief feat ajid refidence made 
no confiderable figure in his eye, and fo the mention of them might be 
well omitted ; or -if they did^. we muft think that he kept not up to the 
laws of hiftoty^ to omit theip charafter upon the mention of any cir- 
cumftance relating to them. But neither of thefe can be prefumed to 
be true; that author being by approved confent allowed to have been 
an exa(fl accomplifhed hrftorian. . And indeed thefe Druids, where they, 
were really foond tD> reiide in any confiderable numbers,, were fooa • 
taken notice of,, and had. a very fuit able becoming charafter given them 
by him in his way of writing ; who if they had been found, as they 
were in the Ifle af Mona, in any other places of Britain, we may pre-, 
fume would have met in him with a mention fuitabla to their appear-, 
ance in fuch places. 

But fince we find no fuch charafter, no mention- of fuch a place, on. 
of what may be prefumed to have been fuch, by this author in any 
part of Britain but only in the Ifle of Mona ; and. fince there too he is> * 
not ihortv confidering .his ftyle, in the. defcrip^ion, of their perfons, ar- 
ray and carriage, of their ceremonies, and impcecations, of their groves, 
altars, and inhuman facrifices and barbai-itics ; and is indeed wanting in? . 
nothing but in telling us. in. downright terms that it was the Druids' 
chief feat. and reiidenjce, at leaft at that time ; I fay, confidering all thisjt 
I could do no.lefs than .conclude this ifland to have been that place of ' 
refidence ; efpccially fince in many parts of it not a few ancient names . 
and monuments and other circumftances may afford fuflicient grounda . 
to. any who are unprejudiced to reft in that conclufion-. 

And if it be yet further obje(5ted, that though it be granted that thia 
Ifle of Mona wa« then found full of Druids, and it be true that the chief 
condu<5t of affairs lay. then in their, hands J yet it does not follow that 
itrwas always their chief manfion and peculiar place of refidence : for 
being^an, ifland and place of retreat and fifety,. thefe prieftly Druids 
may be.fuppofed to fly into it from the reach of the Roman ftorm, and 
endeavour to take, fhelter in it to avoid death and flavery. To 



may be replied, that it is very unlikely they (hould be here only on tba 
account. For if o»ly fear and regard of fafety made this fuperftitiou« 
herd at that time flock to this illand, it betrays a greater ignorance ia 
that fort of men than can be well fuppofed they could be guilty of, yiz. 
to fly for fhelter and refuge to an untenable place *, where they might 
be fure to be.catched as in a pound on the firft attack of the cnemy..^ 
whereas they had much better have kept them (elves in the mountains, 
or fly to the North oi Scotland or Ireland* v^-h«re they might be very 
Jafe and out of danger. 

Bat above all, the confideratioa of the many ancient names and mo- 
numents of Druidifm to this day extant in many places of this ifland^ 
will make it appear that they had a more fixed abode and aJcmgerefta* 
blifhment of their fociety and order in this country, than ^what wiM 
confift with but a bare appearance of them here for their defence and 
iafeguard, and that jn a tranfient flight and hnrvj. And if it he 'f ar- 
.ther urged, that thofe names and monuments, granting ithem to have 
been Druidical, may yet be fuppofed to, have been the efFefts of a very 
ft)ort ftay of thefe men in this ifland; though wefhould allow that fome 
of thefe pillar-ftones, heaps and altars might be raifed in a -very Ihort 
time, it is not yet to be imagined to -what end men -in -that .cafe and 
circumftahce (hould of a fudden eredt fuch and ip many of^hcm, JVnd 
though it be poflible they might fo eredtthemto fomcends now. un- 
known ; yet it deferves to he confidered, that thofe facred groves which 
the hiftorian particularly mentions could not be fet up all of a fudden, 
- but mufl: be at that time of long and ancient fl:anding. And if we rc- 
fledk on. the ancient ufage of eredling altars firft, and then of .planting 
groves about them, of which cuftom we have particular intimation, Deut» 
xvi. 21. where Cod himfelf fays, ** Thou (halt not plant a grove of any 
trees near*' (or about) ** the altar"— (hewing thereby that the primitive 
pfage of the Heathens was firftto build altars, and after to plant groves 
about them.; and our pradice here being before (hewed to be a tran- 
fcript of one of thofe heatheni(h cuftoms 5 we may then very well con*- 
clude, that our altars, pillars, and oiher ereflions., were as ancient as, 
.if not before our groves; and confequently were no eflfefts of fofliort 
a ftay, but muft he of more remote continuance in this ifland ; that is, 
(if the largenefs of fome of their Karnedde may afford us any guefs, by 
the gradual;encreafe and heaping of them yearly) they might be extant 

,here a long time, perhaps many ages before the Roman conqueft. . 


• Sec J). 59, who'e he affigns the ftfety of this ifland, as a reafon why the Druids chofc to fix here. 



' ■ t" • ' . ' ' 

FOURTHLY, Ancient Names and Monuments. 

IT is already intimated that tbefe religious heathens had groves and 
altars for, their facrifices and other appurtenances of their religion in 
this Ifle of Mpna j and that thcfe muft hav^ been here long before the 
Romans conquered the ifland. Yet I am far from concluding the refi- 
dence of thefe men in this place from the evidence of thefe monuments 
only, and exclufive of tradition, circumftances of faft, and other pro- 
babilities already produced. But yet even fingly and from that evidence . 
alone, I thinks I tnay appeal to any who will judge impartially of the 
matter, if our monuments irf this ifland, and together with theito the 
particular apartments and places of abode of thefe Druids, by their 
names to this day extant betokening the diftindt orders, offices, peculiar 
works and employments of that fed, do not bid fairer for fuch a claind 
of primacy arid fuperiority of feat and residence in this ifland, than in 
any other place of the Britifli territories, where feme of the like monu« 
ments are, though much larger than ours, yet altogether deflitute of 
fuch ancient betokening names and charafters, or indeed of any the Icaft 
marks and evidences of Druidifm, except only their bare fite and po- 
rtion. For indeed, magniitude and immenfity of ftrudure, which many 
of them in other countries have, cannot be allowed to be fo good argu* 
ments, as the Druidical names and characters are, pf this particular. 

It mufl: be confefled, that there are fome of thefe monuments in Scot-# 
land and in the ifles adjoining, which by the traditional account of peo-» 
ple» ds He<5tor Boetius affirms, are faid to have been the ancient templet 
of their gods ; fome of which are larger than thofc I have defcribed in 
the Ifle of Anglefey, And 1 find that the fame has been atteflied by Dr. . 
Gordon, a learned antiquary of that kingdom now living, who avers 
that there is an ancient tradition among the people, that thefe circular 
created monuments belonged of old to the Drtrvonichy as they call them, 
whom he intciprets the Druids. Aad fince the firft writing of this 
Efllay, I find another author, viz. Mr. Martin, in his Hiftory of the 
Weftern Ifles of Scotland, confirming the fame by exprcfs and parti- 
cular inftanccs. So alfo in many * places of England and Wales there 

* It is not improbable but tbat tbe Head^Druidy m^ his coU^es, did hold generd aiRzes 
or courts of equity in thefe places in the &veral provinces, for the conveniency of peoples* refort* 
ing uDto them, and ^box in time of peace they frequently made their circuits in thefe places to judge 
the people. 

Hh are 


are fome very ftupendous (lone-monuments, and many of Icfler Cizc, to- 
be takcji notice of, 'which for biilk and Yome fort of regularity -feem to-. 
furpafs thofe of the Ifle of Anglefey : Some of them confifting of a 
great number of erefted pillar-ftones with incumbent croff ones; in a. 
triplicate, duplicate, or fingle Order; fome of them With K^-lPaeny, 
fome with Cromlecbe in the center of their area; and fome. witH mounts, 
made of earth and ftones near them ; and fome alfo with rampiers- and; 
entrenchments about them ; all af them generally — when many of thcfe 
ftones arc ranged together — of a circular or elliptical figure in- their 
plots and area. The difcovery and accounts of many of which we owe 
to the indefatigable diligence- of the late Mr. John Aitbrey^ and \^e are in 
expedation from the learned- labours of our cxquifite antiquary,' Mr. £^- . 
ns)ard Lbwyd of Oxford *, of a more accurate account of our Britifli an-i 
tiquities, in reference to local and etymological obfervations, than has. 
been yet publifhed. 

Now thefe mentioned monuments, though much more auguft and 
^ecious, many of them, than any we find in the place I account for'; ; 
and though granted to be Druidifh, yet inthemfelves; without other 
concurrent evidences, are no concluding arguments againft- another 
place's being the chief feat and refidence of thi^ ancient order ; no more 
than are fome more iplendid and magnificent churches at this time (if 
Lmay ufe the comparifon) againft another's being fuprcme and metro* 
political, which is far Icfs elegant and ftately, as many fuch are known 
to be. The vaft inartificial grandeur of many of thefe laft mentioned 
monuments argue rather the power and riches, the pomp -and magni- 
ficence of fuch people afid countries, who went to the expence of 
raifing thofe prodigious er«£tibn«, than any fuperiority of jurifdiiflion iri , 
fuch places. 

We find not in any of thefe p}aces> where the mentioned Mr; Aubrey 
and the learned Mr. EJward LAwyd hzvc difcovered to us' many, and 
thofe undoubted monuments of Druidifm,, any nawtes, tradition^ 
or anywife attefted circumftance& of h6k, at or relating to any of thofe 
monuments; nor any of them bearings the leaft refemWance of fuch 
a name, except -f- Stenton^Dre^^ that (hould. induce us to believe them 
to have had that prerogative of feat an^ refidenccj as we find-in the Ifli 
of Anglefey. 

• It is true, that in the Ifle of' Anglefey, where three main-parts of 
the evidence we have in this particular (i..e. advantage of fite, tradit 

• This eflay wai writ before Mr. Lbnu^d died. f SiaM'Tcivn-Dri^w^ ' ' 



-tion and recorded circumftances of fadl) offer themfelves above any other 
place in the Britifli territories, there are not now to be feen any monu- 
ments of that iniane ftrudure and magnitude, as Mr. Camden very fitly 
terms it, as Stone-Henge, Rol/- ricb znd AwSury, and fome other erec- 
tions feen in other countries ; yet moft certain it is, that there are in it 
a greater number of thofe monuments of all forts, than can be ihcwed 
in any one place of thrice its dimenfions in all the Ifle of Britain. 
Many of which I have defcribed and accounted for ; and they feem to 
bid as fair as any for that primacy of feat and refidence, except only in 
the wildnefs and immenfity of their make and ftrudture ; the people of 
thofe ages (it feems) affedling above all things a ftupendous vaftnefs, to- 
gether with a natural inconcinnity and rudenefs in the compilement of 
their facrcd erc(9:ions. 

' But in the Ifle of Anglefey, befides the appearance of greater plenty 
of Druidifli monuments, fuch as I have endeavoured to prove our Crom- 
leche^ Karnedde^ and Metni Gwyr to have been ; I have (hewed likewife 
no kfs than four town (hips, viz. Trer DryWy T^rer Bcirddy Bod-owyr^ 
and Bodrdrudau^ to bear in their .found and fignification evident tokens 
of that ancient religious order. And all thefe four places or townfhips, 
fituate and lying together upon one flang of ground in the moft amcenc 
and delightful part of the country ; and having more alfo of thefe mo- 
numents to this day vifiblc within the verge, or on the confines of them, 
than fome whole countries can fhew ; therefore by Propofition X» I 
take it to be plain, that the defignation made of thi^ place by fo- many 
concurring evidences — the like not to be found in any other country- 
may very well amount to an hiftorical demonftration that the ancient 
Druids' fupreme and principal refidence, which Gsefar, Tacitus, and 
the very nature of their difcipline avouch they had in fome one place, 
was in the Ifle of Anglefey, at lead for fome confiderable time before 
the Roman conqueft. 

And as to the names of thefe town(hips ; if it be ohjedled, that they 
do not clearly difcover and denote any fpecial charadters of Druidllm, 
becaufe the etymology of fome of thofe names may proceed and be ac- 
counted for from fome other more late caufes j ' I (Hall then in reply offen 
it to be confidered, that if it appears, that the reafons and grounds of 
the compofition of thefe names of places and towndiips now mentioned 
be, with the moft man ifeft probability and congruity of circumftances, 
to be deduced from fome fpecial notes and cbaraders of Druidifno^ 
fometiixie peculiar tO; that place \ that ;t|ien it will alfo appear to be no 

H h 2 good 


good rcafoning to oppofe to thofe manifeft probabilities an only bare 
poffibility of their being accountable for on other grounds^^efpecially 
if it be confidcred withal, that we are not likely to meet with any fuch 
grounds or caufcs, natural or accidental^ that may fo conveniently lay^ 
claim to the propriety of all four, as that of Druidifm fairly doesv For 
though fingly fome of thefe names may perhaps be liable to be urged 
beyond a bare pofllbility upon other etymons, as that this or that may 
be the reafon of their being fo called ; yet in conjundion the <x}c with. 
the other, when the one may be taken to explain the other, and when 
the agreement and congruity of their circumftances refolve themieives. 
on a Druidical bafis, it is therefore a manifeft probability that thefe 
townfliips got their names meerly on that account. 

. Here let us take along with us what has been already hinted out of 
Tacitus, namely, that tb : Druids in the Ifle of Mona had groves and 
altars confecrated of old, and dedicated to the inhitmait barbarities of 
their religion ; and out o* Strabo and others, that the profeffi^rs of that 
religion were clafled and diftingui(hed into three diftind orders, viz. of 
Druids, Ovates or Evates, and Bards ^ or rather into three fcveral 
functions or offices* performed by perfons particularly titled by fuch 
names ; and that the Druidical order was alfo divided in»to two: parties^ 
one whereof was the fupreme head or chief Druid, and the other the 
inferior fubordinate Druids ; which are all four diftind orders and titles. 
Now as there is in that mentioned place of the iiland a particular pre- 
cind bearing the particular refpedive names of all thefe o];ders,. viz. 
^rer Dryw, of the faead-^Druid ; Bod-druJaUy of the inferior ones $ 
Bed'Owyr, of the Ovates ; and Tre*r Beirdd, of the Bards ; and as thefe 
four orders or titles made up their whole hierarchy ; fo thofe four pre- 
cinds denominated from thefe orders, and fituated together, minifter no 
fmall proba^Dility of thefe orders cohabitation and chief refidence in that 
place or territory* 

0/ Tre*r Dryw and Bod-drudau. * 

IT is not to be doubted^ but that the names yfed by Greek and Latin 
authors to exprefs thefe religious perfons^ were taken up from Gaulish 
and Britifli founds,' fuch as they heard them call themfelves by j and be- 
ing fo taken up, were pronounced and written by thofe authors, a little va- 
ried and infled:ed into their own idioms of Greek and Latin terminations. 
For fo we find them exprtffing plurally^ Druid-af Druid^es^ jUmIS'-m^ 



the a^es-di^ being their tcrminativc additions ; ar^d the found they took 
them' from was moft likely Dru^yddi and that being in all probabih'ty 
of a pliiral isgnification» implying many ; and ^ydd beiog the plural of 
many Britifli words, as Nentydd^ Corfyddy Coedydd\ it feems therefore 
that the firitiih fingular of that name was 'Druw or DryWy thcunvaried 
appellative of one perfon of them ; as ^irer Dryw^ Maen y Dryw^ 
Stenton Drew in Soriierfetfhire, HyJJieur DryWy and the little Regulus or 
wren» called Dryw.^ the conftant inhabitant of groves and buflies, and 
probably emblematical of them, do feem to confirm and prove that the 
head -Druid— ^r^/^r excellentiam — was palled Dryw^ and fo his chief 
villa OP manfion muil be called T'rer Dryw^ as was before intimated. 

Now Druw or Dryw being the word cxprefling one' fingle Drywid^ 
or rather the head one, Ka^^^s^^^V* it is probable (the Gaulifh and Bri- 
tifti tongue confifting of variety of idionxs an4 dialedls) that the plural 
of it was yariouffy terminated in various places, as they had feveral 
modes of e]&preiBQg and terminating oqe and t-^e fame word ; and there* 
fore — j^i/, --^2^, "Ott being ufual terminations of the Britifli tongue in 
the plural number^ they might in fome places pronounce the word plu- 
cally Drmiydd^ in other places Drudau^ in fome; Drti£on or Drudon^ 
and in others DerwyJdon i by which diverfity of conftrudion of the 
fame word,, in diverfc places> whereof we have many examples in many, 
words to this day, it might very well come to pafs, that the foremen-^ 
tioned townfhip called Bod-drudaUy and the other place called Cerrigy 
Drudion \\\ Denbigh (hire,, do each of them really bdar the name of thefc 
Drnids, but in fomewhat different terminations. And therefore we 
may not accept of that argument which fome are willing to orge, namely,., 
that the examples which Dr. Davies produced out of fome manufcrlpts 
of their being called Tierwyddon^ muft infer that they were called only 
fo and no^ otherwife ;: and confequently, becaufe he found them only 
called fo in two or three late Briti(h manufcripts, though in his Botano- 
logy he allows them to be called ?* Drudon^ the other terminations o£ 
the word muft be quite excluded, and the names fo terminating, tho' 
approving themfelves by good circumftances to be Druidical, mufi be 
dxfcardpd from the notion and left to fcek for other etymologies. 

Again, if Druw or Dryw was the true Britifti or GauK(h' found or 
word expreding a fingle Druid, we arc yet to feek from what moft 
likely etymons that word was originally compoun^Ied. It is generally 



faid, that it was derived from Derw j and if fo> probably the word 
might be D^rw-ryze?, corruptly D'ryw — quafi Genus bominum ^ernum Re^ 
li'uonem vel Jub ^ercubus colentum^u e. •' A focicty of men celebrat- 
ing the Oak ;*' or perhaps I fhould not be much out, if I offered the 
etymology of it from Dir^-ryw^ i. e. Genus bominum maxim} necejfarium \ 
" A fociety of men moft ufeful and neceflary." Thefe laft being two 
British radicals very ancient, and as likely as any (notwithftanding the 
common fentiments which are not always infallible) to give compo- 
iitioh to tliis venerable name. But whether from Derw-ryw^ or JD/r- 
ryWy or perhaps from feme other etymons not yet - thought on, this 
word is undoubtedly compofed, I will not prcfume to fay ; neither is 
it very material of which it is ; for they both bid fairly towards it. But 
this I will add and prcfume to offer towards the folution of this par- 
ticular, that if ancient names and things, and the original reafons of 
them may be unravelled by certain remaining prints and footfteps of 
them in the fcheme of language ; we may then obferve many words in 
our Briti(h tongue, and thofe very ancient too, and which -ar^ particu- 
larly rcferrible to Druidifm, that have JD/rfor.the firft and principal 
part of their compofiti6n, and not (o eafy to be accounted for on any 
other foundation ; ds, 

Dirnad,] i. e. Dir-ynad^ To judge 

Dirmygu.] Dir-mygu^ To fland out or contemn. To defpifc. 

Dirprwyo,] Dtr-prwye, To fubilitute or fupply one's place. 

Dirper.J Dir-per^ To merit or deferve, 

Drogan.] Dir-ogan oxUrogan^ To foretel and divine. 

Dirdra.] Dir-draoxDir-draha^ The greateft opprcflion. 

Dirchafu.] Dir-ucbafu or Dircbafu, To mount aloft or afccnd. 

Dirgelu.] DiT'-ge/u, To conceal or keep fecret. 

Dirweflu.] Dir-wejiu^ To faft, or be abftemious. 

Dirwyo.j Dir-wyp^ To puniih or amerce. 

Dirfawr.J Dir-faivry Very great and excellent. 

Which are all words very ancient, and all betokening fomc peculiar 
quality and propriety of things and adlions properly relating to that 
iedt, and being built on the fame etymological ^ foundation with the 
fu ppofed D/r-ryw, may feem in fome meafure to pretend to and conci- 
liate that and no other to be the true etymology of it i which yet con- 
fidering the uncertainties of etymological niceties, can lay no fuch pre- 
sence to it, as to deferve a contending for. 



Of the Bardi and Ovates, and of the townjhips of Tre'r Belrdd and 


THE townfliip called by the name of Tre'r Beirdd, i. e. Habitacu* 
lum Bardorumy the feat and habitation of the Bards (where there 
arc three or four Cramleche to be yet feen, but caft down and demo- 
lifhcfd many ages ago) I have taken in confort with the other townfliips 
tQ bear unconteftedly the name of that fociety or order of Bards, as they 
were then called r And to afcribe it to the later poets called fometimes 
by that name, .who never lived together in any formed fociety, there ap- • 
pears no warrant of antiquity for it. 

But a townfhip called by the collective name of the whole fociety, . 
as this is/ imports^ no leis than that a conventual feat or habitation of 
that fociety was once there^ wher-e that name was left. Now the later 
Beirdd or Prydyddion^ though diftinguifhed into certain clafles or orders 
(ihadowing perhaps ibmething of their ancient inftitutions) as Prif-^ 
feirdd^- Poftfeirdd and 'Arwyddfetrdd, and the like; yet having the 
whole conduct and management of their fldll ^nd employments par- 
ticularly governed and directed by the laws of the Talaitb or province 
they belonged to, and never living- together in .on« fociety, btit dif-^ 
perfedly here and there, as they happened to be gifted with that talent, 
they cannot therefore be fuppofed to denominate this precindl. And 
then Jit may feem that the name of this place mufl: be referred to fome 
other more^ ancient fe<S and order, who did live together in a con- * 
ventualcollegiate body; and this 'place bearing their name, as aflbciatcd . 
together in one community, muft be concluded to have had an undoubted - 
relation to that order or fociety. 

But of the- townihip of Bod^owyr^ wherein are alfo many remains • 
of Druidical monuments, it is not, I confbfs, at this time fo intelligibly 
to be accounted for, as the other three; the name of that order to 
which I have prefumed to refer it being now quite loft and forgotten 
in. our language. Yet -we may well conceive, as before obferved, that 
the forementioned authors, defcribing.the tripartite-order of thefe Druids, . 
took the names of thofc orders from Gaulifh- or Britiili founds or words . 
exprefling thofe orders in that language^ And thence it will feem that 
the Gaulifli and Britifli names of thofe orders were in fubftance the 
fame with what the Greek and Roman authors in. their ^Syntax expreifed \ 

And^ : 


And therefore it is not unrcafonable to conclude, that as their Bardi 
and DrtiiJa undeniably exprelTed our Beirdd ^nd Drywydd ^ foJikQwifc 
their Ovates^ mentioned by Strabo and Ammianus MarceHmas, muft 
by the fame confcquence exprSfs fome name belonging at that time to 
one of their orders, founding like Ovydd or 0£ydd f-ydd being fomc- 
time a fingnlar niafculine termination, as Gwebydd^ Difitydd, Pbilofo^ 
phyddj which fignified their priefts and phyfiologers^ as thofe au- 
thors relate. But what will moft rationally confirm this conje<5ure 
is the agrecablencfs of the compofition of the word with the nature of 
the thing : Off or Offer mofl plainly denoting res Sacras^-^fzcrcd and 
holy things ; as Offrymmu, Offeren,* Offeiriady Duofrydf L c; Du^off- 
rodd — Deo facra demit to — do evidently teftrfy. And Eydd or Tddion 
being equipollent with -wyr, they might be Offeydd^ Offyddion or Offwyr 
in the plural termination ; and confequently Offwr or Offydd, in pro- 
priety of fpeaking, is no more than Perfona Sacra or Sacerdos with the 
Latins, which is the very fame with what Strabo explains of one of their 
orders, which he calls OuoP/i^, priefts and phyfiologers. 

On this account, obftrving that Offwyr, the fame with Offeydd in 
•the iiritifh plural, not only in found, but in fignification alfo, exaftly 
anfwers the word.Ouotej which that author cxprefly tells us was the 
name of one of their orders; and findii^g, oyen in thofe townfliipS 
which fo evidently bear the names and charafters of the other two or- 
.clers, one place or precindt called Bodovyr or Bodoffwyr, I could do no 
lefs than take it, in.comportion with the reft, to have been an apart- 
jnent of that owier called Oua^gx^, i* ^- priefts and pliyfiolpgers. 

. It may be here objedted, that Offrymmu, Offeren, Offeiriady &c. arc 
words which the Romans left, not found here among us, derived from 
Ob and Fero^ ^wo Latin radicals ; and that Ovates being a name which 
the Britons had before tthe Romans had any thing to do inthefe coun- 
tries, that therefore xhe now Britifti words Offrymmu, Offereriy Offeiriad 
.can be of «io ufe to prove Off and Offer to betoken res Macros — facred 
things ; nor confequently to give Qvates and Offwyr an etymology on 
the foundatioft I have now intimated. To this I anfwer, that although 
iimilitude of founds Joes not always prove that words of the fame figni- 
fication and founds in different languages, are the produds and deri- 
^vatives of one another; yet all I urge in this cafe is that Offznd Offer 
arc moft ancient Britifli or Gaulifli founds, and do carry with them the 
notion of facred things. Whether they be derived froni OfferOy or 
X)ffero from them, it matters not ; fince both of them furely (as 

3 ' all 


■ ■ * • • - 

all words relating to religion) are moft ancient founds. And OJr-ail 
a facrifice, and ^urmm or Iffraim to offer in Irifli, where the Latin 0/- 
fero could have no great influence (the Romans having never con-- 
quered that country) is a confirmation of it. And it is well known 
that the ancient Gaulifli or Celtic tongue was fpoke in Liguria, Lorn- 
bardy, and other parts of Italy, as is obferved by P. Diaconus, Servius 
and others ; and confequently might well communicate with the Au- 
fonian and Hetrufcan tongues, out of which the Latian or Latin was 
moftly compofed.. 

And on this account we may rather fuppofe that many Latin words 
which agree with the Gaulifli or Britifli, as Terra, Tir ;' Aurum, Aur \ 
Mare, Mor ; Ignis, Engyl ; Avon, Amnis \ Aer, Awyr ; Fit rum, Gwydr ; ' 
Fons, Ffynnon ; Mori, Marw- ; Murus, Mur ; Tribus, Tref-, and many 
more, were words borrowed from the ancient Celt®, our anceftors. 
And hence it is not unlikely that the Latin Offera might likewife be de- 
rived from our Off, Offer, Offrail, Offrymmu ; or at lea ft, that thofe 
firft people, though differing in language, might agr^e together in the 
found of fome very obvious and iniportant words, as we fee now that 
Temple, Altar, Catholic Faith, and other principal words of religion, 
have their founds, without much variation, common in almoft all the 
tongues of Europe* And we may add to this, that the Latin Offero re- 
folving itfelf to Ob and Fero, will not much relieve the objedlion ; be- 
caufe it is well known that the letter 6, of which Oi is made, had in 
ancient times, in many words, a much fofter pronunciation than it 
now generally obtains* And it is as well known that the grammatical re- 
duction of the Latin tongue into cxadl rules of art and politure (which 
probably firft ftarted the compofition of Offero from Ob and Fero J was 
not very ancient ; no elder than about the middle time of the Roman 
con fular empire, as Qji^^tilian obferves — lib, i.e. 5.-p-.who tells us, 
that before thofe times the Latin tongue was very barbarous and rude 
in its expreffion, having in it many words of other languages, but efpe- 
cially (faith he) plurima Gallica, very many Gaulic words. So that on 
the whole matter we have room enough to conclude, that the Latin 
Offero, and the Gaulifli and Britifh O^or Offer were both of them very 
ancient words, however derived; and might very probably give tnc 
name of Offwyr to tliat order of Druids, which Strabo mentions by the 
name of Ovates; and whence the prefent words, Offrwm, Offrymmu, Of^ 
feiriaJ might proceed; and confequently entitle this J)eculiar place or pre- 
cind by the name oi Bod^Offwyr or BoJ^Owyr*, as it is called to this day. 

li Novr 


Now having traced the names and charafters of this religious fcSt 
and order of men fo far as they fall under the confideration. of my pre- 
fent fubjedt, I will here flop a while and take a view of their whole- 
hierarchy and difcipline, from the hints and minutes we have delivered 
to us by Caefar and others of their management and condu<ft. We can- 
not fuppofe, as is hinted in the laft words of the vfecond Objedlion, tho* 
the civil policy in Britain was cantoned and parcelled into many petty 
ftates and governments, that the Druidical hierarchy was in like man- 
ner dwindled into little diftributions and independent confiftories ; that 
is, that every ftate and people had their peculiar fet of Druids within 
their own fcparate territories to manage the affairs of equity and reli- 
gion. For it will appear on a due confideration of the matter fuppofed^ 
that fuch a diftribution totally overthrows the very nature of their dif- 
cipline already defcribed, and contradicts the very fcheme which Csefar, 
who beft knew theni, gives of their inftitution and management in 
Gallia; where the ciVil rule and government was as much divided into 
different interefts and principalities, as it was in Britain. And yet he 
pofitively affirms, that that difcipline (he means their rule and adriiini- 
ilration) was in its higheft exadnefs and accuracy learned in Britain i 
and confequently, as I faid before, proves it to be here then in its 
greateft uniformity and ' perfedion . Et nunc qui diligentius earn rem 
(meaning their difcipline) cognofcere volunty plerumque illuc (meaning 
Britain) difc^ndi caujd profictfcuntur. So that their difcipline in Gallia, 
which Caefar proves was learned in Britain, being rigidly architeStonical 
under one fovereign Head or Chief, and their inferior orders from all 
parts folemnly convening in one place, as a ieparate and diftindt body, 
of men, before this Head, whofe authority extended over all their little 
flates and regalities in Gallia '; we have then very good reafonj as I be- 
fore ihewed, to conclude the fame of tl;rem in Britain : For that in 
Gallia was but what was learned here. And their hierarchy and fcheme 
of government being of that^ dependent fubordinate kind, as all de- 
icribe it, we have no grounds left to imagine that it was divided in 
Britain into as many confiftories or particular religions as there were 
fcparate ftates and governments in it. And if that * place of Tacitus, 
where Caraftacus's men — G^ntili Religione Jefe objringebant^^. c. fwore 
and bound tbemfelves by vows after the religion of ' their countries, be 
urged for a diverfity of religion in feveral countries; I anfwer, it caft. 

'* Annal. 'fib, ii^ cap. S. 


MONA AKTltJtTA 11? STAU R AT Aa 343 

prove no ;mofc Aan that they laoight^ha^c, in the difFeront provinces of 
Britain, diffbr^ot ufages and Tkes -of objuration and folema vowing^ It 
%>eing ttfualt aeCafar tells uS, ^i fruits .periculifque iuerfantw\ aut prg 
"fviSlinds b&fnims hnn^abant^ ^autfe imi^tdaturos movent ^ viz. to make thofc 
ifolemn vows to keep them warm and fteady in wars and dangers. 

Nay further^ that this ancient order of men was a diftinift focietjr 
1)y themfelves, fcarcc at any time mingling with the reft of the people, 
but when called to their tribunals and altars, is fomewhat plain out 
^of Casfar j for in time of war and public diftraftions they were all- gone 
^^•^Druides a bello abejfe confueverunt^—hjs he ; and where could they fa 
readily withdraw themfelves. as to their own Palladium or place of ha- 
bitation ? Hence probably it was that the Romans law them not, until 
they beat up their quarters in this Ifle of Mona ; and then indeed a very 
frantic army of them (fo Tacitus defcribes them) appeared and pre- 
sented, themfelves before them. 

And when thefe men of religion fojourned and lay abroad dif- 
iperfed among the laity, performing their peculiar offices and fundions, 
they were not, in any province they came into, either concerned 
in • any warlike aflfairs, or fubjeft to any government fave their 
»own. Neque tributa cum reliquis-penduntf militia Vacationem-^ omniumque 
rerum babent immunitatemy fays Ca^far of them ; By which it appears, 
Firft, That their adminiftration of religion and equity among the peo- 
'ple^ was only in time of rcpofe and public tranquility ^ which may be 
one reafon why Roman authors make fo ilender mention of them, or 
of their appearance in any public aftion. ,And, Secondly, Though 
they did actually rcfide in times of peace and fafety on their feveral 
•diftrids throughout the nation where they were employed ; yet they 
being, as we find, no fubjedts of the feveral petty governments wherein 
they fojourned and aded, but Being free and at liberty in all things 
r^^^jomnium rerum habenUs immunitatem''^t\iCY insight retreat and with- 
draw to their common ianftuary or place of refuge and fafety when 
4hey would. And the great power and refpedt they had with the peo- 
ple in all countries, may be ^coBceivcd to have been a fufficient fafc 
conduct to them either in coming from all places of the land to this 
their head-quarters or habitation ; or in repairing, when fummoned, 
to their great and folemn conventions and affemblics, which they fre- 
quently did : And which alfo ferves to fliew, that the many and differ- 
ent flatcs and governments in the ^nation were no impediment to their 
refort to that one place ; and confeqpently can beno jufl exception againft 

I i ^ their 




their having had fomcwherc one principal feat and habitation to rtSort 
unto, when called and fummoned to make their appearance in it« 

Objection IIL 

The third Objection is, that thefe Druids cannot jnflty be entitled 
to fo eminent and extraordinary knowledge and learning as is ufually 
attributed to them, fince the British nation in general> before the Ro- 
mans invaded as, laboured under very great barbarifm. and ignorance ; 
which cannot well be prefumed they would have done, if they had fuch 
men of fkill and' knowledge, as thefe Druids are commonly reputed to 
have been, for their guides and inftru^ors. 

The main of this objedtion is to abate of the mora/ and intelle&ual 
qualifications, which are uTually, and by ibme of the bed lights of an* 
tiquity, attributed to thi^ Druidical k(k. But any one taking a view 
of the grounds on v/hich the objection is founded will eaiily perceive, 
that it is built on a very fallacious fcheme of reafoning; there being 
no neccffary connexion between the compared and adjufted parts of it. 
For it is ;iot to be fuppofed, by Propofition IX. that a polite and well 
qualified magiftracy makes always a knowing and civil populace and 
vulgar. It may be very often the interefl of fuperiors to deprefs and 
darken the intellectuals, to corrupt and deprave the morals of the com- 
mon people, in order to difpofe and model their minds, and to mould 
and figure their paffions, to what form and pofture they pleafe; which 
probably was in fome meafure the cafe of the vulgar Britons under the 
condud and management of thefe cunning Druids. And therefore it 
is not unlikely to be true, that thefe Druids might well be fuch men as 
I have reprefented them, although the Britiih vulgar were immerfed, 
which is yet far from being proved, in the grojSeft barbarifm and ig- 

For fome mitigation of this charge It is yet farther to be confidered ; 
that as to morals, the decorum and plaufiblenefs of the add^efs and 
^ondu^ of people have by manifeft experience been found, in all times 
and places, to vary and to depend in a great meafure upon humour and 
fiincy. And what was efteemed barbarifm in one age or place, may 
have been reckoned civility and decency in another. For in moral 
a<3ions we are to reckon much on ends and caufes peculiar to cer- 
tain times and places. And then indeed we have fomething to apolo- 
gize for many aftions, wherein our anceftors, the Britons, by our 
prefcnt eftimate of things as now confidcrcd, feem to have been 

a very 


very rude and barbarous^ which probably were hot fo accounted in 
thofe days. 

The inftanccs that are produced of the Britons' barbarity and igno- 
rance are of feveral forts ; no one of which is yet liable to take away, 
the reputation and merit, as to fkill and knowledge, of their guides and 
inflrudors ; nor indeed of their own, further than what unavoidable 
neceffity and the then circumftances of affairs put them on the prac- 
tice of. 

Many of the inland people, faith Caefar, fpeaking of the Kritons^ 
fow no corn, but live on milk and flefh. I anfwer, perhaps^ the great 
woods in fome countries, and rocks and mountains in others, forced' 
them to it. And we may well think fo, becaufe we ar6 affured by C^^ 
far, Tacitus, and Pliny,, that they had in many. places 'of the land good 
Aore of corn, bread and ale. 

There are fome things falfly charged on them— as that they knew 
not the ufe of cloathsj as Herodian affirms; and that they lived only 
on prey and hunting, and dwelt in tents, naked and without (hoes, as 
Dio reports of them. All which cannot be underflood of them but 
with reflridtion to fome particular places and circumftances. For Cx- 
hv politively affirms of them, that they wore fidns of beads ; which 
probably explains what Tacitus meant by vejiejera/i, in the Expedition 
of Anglcfcy. Nay, Diodorus Siculus takes upon him to defcribe cer- 
tain garments of theirs called Bracba^ Brycb-nvifc perhaps ; fuch as the 
party-coloured trowfes which the Scotch Highlanders are known to wear 
to this day, or the Braccan of the Irifli. Strabo and Martial men- 
tion other Britifli habits ; but Pliny feems to put the matter out of . 
doubt, faying, that the Britons at fome facriHces ufed to go naked ; 
which plainly intimates, that at other times they went not fo. 

And if their great woods at that time made the ain warmer ; and 
if the frequent wars and depredations, hindering the breeding of (beep 
aid cultivating of hemp and flax, neceffitated the people to put on lighter 
cloathing; it was no efFeft of choice, and therefore no token of volun- 
tary barbarifm in them, fuch as might have been amended by more 
ikilful inftruftors, but rather the fate and mifery of the times which 
put them on fuch grofs unfeemly cuftoms. It is not indeed unlikely 
but that men in the firft ages of the world went very thinly clad, if 
not many of them naked 5 and that the cuftom of wearing cloaths grew, 
as people grew more polite and civil ; others continuing to this day tp 
retain their ancient fimplicity and nakednefs, and that too in fome 




places uiKler as cold climates as our own is. Which re an' argument^ 
that if people in the firft ages of the world had gone warmly cloathed 
Us they now do, whole nations would fcarce be induced to throw off 
that cnftom of wearing cloaths and go all naked. And therefore it is 
probable the ruder nations generally went half naked, till they came to 
be more civilized and enured to a more decent courfe of life. 

But here with u^, if in fome places men went nated, as the author 
mentioned fays they did; it is not unlikely but that the paint and var* 
nifh which they are faid to have ufed on their bodies— w/r^ corpora in-^ 
JeStt^ as Pomponius Mela has it — might and did fo conftringe their 
pores, and fo glaze and harden their external cutis, that the injuries of 
air and weather did not much afFe<9: them. And as for the fcarifying 
oi their bodies into the exa6l refemblances of birds and beafls, which 
fomething favours that opinion, as Solinus reprefents them; all that 
may be no more than a warlike flourifti, or a fort of heroic bravery in • 
them; for to expofe their effigiated breads and arms in that naked 
manner, when fighting with their enemies, favours morc'of art and ac- 
curacy, than of any barbaroufnefs and ftupidity in thofe refolute war^ 
-like people. 

But for the unclean and unnatural cohabitation, and the mixing tS^ 
;gether of parents with their children, and of neareft relations one with 
another, as Caefar, who furely (hould have a true account of them, telk 
us they frequently did : It looks indeed like a heavy charge, and may 
pafs for the groffeft inftance of barbarity they could be taxed with, if 
they were guilty of it. But it is probable it was a character given thent 
by their enemies, who from the fmallnefs of their houfes (being little 
huts without partitions or apartments, as Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and 
the very remains of them to this day, teftify) concluded perhaps, as 
we often do of the Wild Irifli, that they lay together there without di- 
ftindlion of age, fex, br kindred ; which probably was but a miftake 
and the like mifreprefentation of them. For the old Briti(h houfes 
were little round cabins— -Cn^f/^/i^;^^ — of fmall capacity, as the * ruin« 
of them flill (hew 5 yet they were generally in clufters, three or four of 
them together, which it feems ferved them for rooms and fe'parate 
lodgments. And fometimes many were included together, within the 
compafs of one fquare or court j which, I fuppofe, were their more fa- 
shionable houfes. 

♦ Now calkd CytMr GwyditM. 



If this be not the reafon of that account given of them, it is, I con- 
fefs, too difficult to excufc- thofe profeft moralifts under whofe cogni- 
*/ance and fuperintendance they. were.; unlefs we may give ourfelvct 
room to think that natural confcicnce, and what we now call humanity, 
was defective in their guides and inftrudtors in that one particular ; oj 
at leaft that their religion, too muc)i intoxicated by the fpirit of dclu* 
lion and warped by politic ends, relaxed and indulged to them that 
beaftiality. However it was, it is no proof of the general ignorance 
and barbarity of their guides and teachers, if they apprehended nature 
too favourably in that one thing ; arid therefore might pc^litlcly over- 
look that turpitude, and take it no crime to allow or lay no reftraints on 
the unbridled lufts and appetites of the impure and heady vulgar, pro- 
vided they paid them due fubmiffion and obedience, in what theyi'OnV- 
manded to be done and obferved by them in other particulars. But a» 
it is not likely the fadt was^ruej fo there is little need to ujfe any en- 
deavours to obviate the inferences that may be drawn from it. 

There needs no more to be added ,• it is fufficient to evince that thefe 
Druids might be men of general morality and knowledge after the 
mode of that time, though the vulgar crew were deeply tainted with 
grofs ilupidity and ignorance ; which is yet far from being proved by 
the inftances produced, efpecially of their laity in general 5 who by 
what appears of their actions and behaviour to the Romans, and ajfo 
by what we have of their fayings, addrefs and condud:, regiftered in 
authors of account and credit, feem to have been men of good fenti-- 
ments, moderation and temper ; and not meanly acquainted with the 
principles of humanity and nature ; all which we muftfuppofe they im- 
bibed from their Druidical education. 

If any fcruplethis, let thofe admirable fpeeches of Galgacus and Ca- 
radacus, and thofe pathetic debates and dying refolutions of our famoirs 
* Boadicea, recorded by Tacitus„ be undeniable fpecimens and lafting 


• When Tacitus had g\ven an sccount of the conqueft of the Ifle of Mona, by Suetonius Pauli- 
nus he fays, that that general was fuddenly recalled from linilliing his enterprize, to repel the 
•violent attacks and hoftilities of our famous Boadicea, who had railed a very numerous army in 
the Southern Province againft the Roman garriibns, which (he had almoft totally deftroyed : He 
thus relates the words of that illuftrious heroine. Tacit. Annal. Lib. XIV. 

" Boadicea, fays Tacitus, having placed her daughters in her chariot before her, as (he came to 
" addrefs herfelf to every feveral nation in the army, declared, that flie came there, not-as a lady 
**, defcended from fo noble progenitors, to make a kingdom or riches the matter of the difpute, 
*' but as one of the common people, to avenge their lofs of liberty in general, and in particular, 
'* the monftrous villanies perpetrate : in her family, and the vile ufages done to her own perfon, 

having had her body whipped and fcourged by them, and hir daughters' chafl'ties barbacoufly 

J violated* 



4narkfe of fenfe, honour, and accompliftied noblenefs of thought and 
temper, eminently confpicuous in thefc Briti(h diftrcfled fouls ; and ar- 
guments alfo of the like qualifications, in others of their more fashion- 
able laity, whofe charadlers the haftening pen of our hiftorian had no 
time to tranfmit to pofterity,. as he had done, perhaps no Icfs truly than 
elegantly of thefe noble and memorable perfonages. 

It is worth while to repeat here that gallant fpeech of Galcacus, 
the Caledonian ; in which we fee how the Britifli genius wa§ furnifhed 
with clear and fprightly notions of humanity, and well informed in the 
juft rules of nature and intereft. For the (peaking and delivering that 
pathetic fpeech to the whole multitude, in that ftrain^ and with that 
admirable turn of thought and expreflion, fuppofes tbem in general to 
whom he fpake, to have been of a well tauglit and regulated capacity 
both to apprehend and to be moved by it ; from which indeed we may 
take much truer and furer eftimates of the knowledge and accomplifli* 
ments of their guides and teachers, than from a few inftanced immorali- 
ties and grofs ufages of the more inferior fordid vulgar. 



WI H E N I confider the caufe of this war, fays Galgacus to his re- 
folute army, and our prefent neceflity, I have great reafon to 
prcfumc that this day, with this unanimous refolution of yours, will 
give a happy beginning to the freedom of the whole ifland. We have 
.lived thus long in the full enjoyment of our liberty : and now there is 
.no country beyond us, nor indeed fea, to fecure us, while the Roman 

" Isolated. [Sbt aJJ^d,"] The outt*ages of the Romans were grown fo enormous, tha^ the bodies 

of none among the jJoor Britons, of what quality foever, were exempted from the ftourge and 

the whip, and their luft fo impetuous and extravagant, that neither the aged nor the young 

could efcape their pollutions ; yet a<t Tome comfort to us [fays that magnammoui laJj] the gods 

ieem to be for us, and t» favour our juft revenge ; for the legion that durft come and hazard 

'** a battle, was cut in pieces by us, and the reft, what do they do, but fculk in their camp, or 

" feek means to efcape us by flight ; fo that they will never be able to abide the great Clamour on 

'* the firft onfet of our men, and the raKling of our troops and chariots, much LTs the power and 

** force of our fighting, when we come to clofe with them: If therefore [faiiifife] they would 

^* weigh with her the number and power of her forces, and withal the motives of the wai^on her 

** fide, refolve they fhould, either to vanqui(h or to die, in that battle : For the men [faid Jbt\ 

" then, if the day be loft, may live, if they like it, and can efcape, and fupport that life, with 

•' the bitter .fruits of thraldom and flavery ; for her.own part, her Arm refolution was, to (Ue that 

•• day, or be victorious/' 

The day was loA;, and fte ended her life by poiiou, and with her fell eighty thoufand Britons 
in that battle. 

• Tacit, in Vita lulii Agricolx. 




«• • 




» • \ ■ 



t^avy can thus hover on our coafts i fb that arms and fighting, as honour 
will recommend to men of vaflour, fo will felf- prefer vation to the worft 
and moft cowardly of uS. 

The battles heretofore which with various fuccefs have been fought 
againft the Romans, have always relied on our bravery, and expedcd a 
turn from it : For ♦ we arc the very flower of the Britons> and there- 
fore featedin them oft inward part of the country, out of the fight of other 
nations enilaved by the enemy 2 80 that our eyes arc yet unpolluted and 
free from the contagion of foreign tyranny. There is no country further 
on this fide of it> dor liberty on that : This comer which hath pre* 
ferved us> hath hitherto bccrt unknown to famej now the remoteft 
part of Britain lies open to them, and people think every thing great 
and magnificent that is ftrange and unknown. Beyond us there is no 
country, nothing but waves and rocks : The hnd inward k all under 
the Roman vaflalage already : It is in vain to curry favour with them by 
addrefs or fubmiflion : Their pride and haughtinefs is not to be thus 
laid, who ranfack the univerfe, and when they have plundered all lands> 
and want more, they let fail and rummage the ocean, to find more. 

Where the enemy is rich, there the prize is Wealth i where poor^ 
it is ambition 2 Neither the Eaft nor the Weft have fufficed them : Thcfe 
and only thefc covet and gape after the wealth and poverty of the whole 
world, with equal appetite and pleafure* Spoil, murder and pillage 
pafs with them under the name of government ; and where they make 
folitudc, there they think they have made peac€. Children and rcla-^ 
tions are dear to every one, yet they prefs them s They bereave us of 
th«m, to make them flaves in foreign countries* Our wives and fifters, 
if they efcape ravifhing in a violent hoftile manner, yet under the name 
of guefts and friendship they are certainly debauched by them. Our 
goods and fortunes become theirs by the name of tribute, and our corn, 
by that of provifion. Our bodies and hands are put by them to the 
drudgeries of paving bogs and woods, with a thoufand ftripes and indig- 
nities to boot. 

Thofe who are naturally born flaves, are but once fold, and then 
maintained at the owners cofts. But the ifle of Britain daily purchafes, 
daily feeds and maintains its own bondage, at its own charge : And as 
in a private family^ the laft comer is always the moft fcoiited at by his 
ffellovir^fcrvants ; fo in this old bondage of the world, we who fhall 

^ Bf this it appears that Scodaiid was then inhabited by Britons* 

Kk be 


be the vilcft ilavcs in the univcrfc, are now to be dcftroycd if they can 
do It : For we have no fields to cultivate, neither mines nor havens to 
be employed in : And therefore to what purpofe (hould they let us live ^ 
belidcs, the courage and refolution of the conquered is never grateful 
to the conqueror : And this diftance and privacy itfelf, as it makes us 
fiife, lb it will make us the more fufpeiled. 

Thus feeing we have nothing to rely upon, let us put on refolution, 
as well thofe who tender their own fafety, as they who value honour 
and glory. The Trinobantes, under the condudl of a woman, extir- 
pated one of the colonies, and forced their caftles : Nay, if fuccefs had 
.not flackened their diligence, they might have entirely rid themfelves 
of the Roman yoke. We are as yet whole and untouched : We were 
born free ; let us (hew them in the firfl: onfet the bravery of the men 
they will meet on this fide Caledonia. Do you imagine the courage of 
the Romans in war, to be every jot as great as their debauchery in 
peace ? Their glory is all owing to our dififentions ; the faults of their 
enemies have been made ufe of to raife the reputation of their army. 
As nothing but fuccefs could have held that medley-army of theirs, 
picked out of fo many nations, together; fo they would foon difiToIve 
upon a mifcarriage, unlefs we can fuppofe that the Gauls and Germans, 
.nay, to our fhame be it fpoken, many pf our own countrymen will 
lend them their lives to eftablith a foreign power, who have yet been 
. longer enemies than flaves to them, atid go on with a true zeal and af- 
feftion to this quarrel. No, this is nothing but the effed: of fear and 
terror, which are no great motives of endearments ; thefe removed, 
their hatred will break out,, as their fear goes caufelefs. 

We have all the motives that excite vidlory on our fide ; the Ro- 
mans have no wives to encourage them to (land to it ; no parents to up- 
braid them, if they runaway: They have either no country at all, 
many of them, or at leaft not here, to animate them : Their number 
is fo fmall, that they fland in fear> gazing at the haven, the fea, the 
woods, and every thing that is ftrange about them, that they feem pent 
here and delivered to our hands by Providence. 

Let us not be daunted by the (hew they make, by the glare and 
ihining of their gold and filver, which will neither defend them, nor 
hurt us. We (hall find thofe of our fide in the very body of the enemy. 
The Britons know very well it is their own game and intereft : The 
Gauls are ftill mindful of their loft liberty j and the Germans will de* 
fert them^t as the Ufipians but lately did. 



Befidc this, there is nothiog can put a ftop to us : The caftles are 
empti^ ; ;Thc colonies confift but of old men ; and the cities are in dif^ 
content and fadions, while they unwillingly obey tbofe that unjuftly 
govern them : . Ye fee the Roman general and army here before you : - 
There are the tributes, mines, and all the plagues and puni{hments that 
attend flavery : It is to be tried by this day*s engagement, whether or 
no we are to endure them from this moment for ever, or be immediately 
revenged on them : And therefore fince we are now to difpute this witlV 
them, let us think both on our anceftors and our poflerity. 

This is the fpeecb of the valiant Galgacus — Gwallawcap Lluenaur in 
the;.Briti(h tongue— -to his Caledonian army. And though the ele-*' 
gancesand rhetorical flouri(hes of it may in a great meafure be owing 
to the eloquent pen of the relator ; yet the matter and fubftance (be- ' 
ing peradventure taken up by ipme one who underflood both languages, 
related to Agricola, and fo * to the hiftorian) might be the very fame 
that was fpoken by that noble Briton. But whatever fome may think 
of this fpcech, that other incomparable one of CARACXAcus-^^r^^^ 
with u6-~be£ore Claudius and the whole fenate of Rome, can have no 
fufjpicion of being by the hiftorian put upon him. For what that noble 
captive fpoke and delivered then before that auguft aiTemUy was fo 
much taken notice of and admired, and made that impreftion on the 
people oi Rome, that it is not to be fuppofed that any hiftorian, 
within fo ihort a time as Tacitus wrote his hiftory after it, could con« 
vchicntly feign it. 


*'Sottie imagine, and indeed not iinre&fonably> tkat Tacitus was himielf about this time, 
vith lus iather-iii-law, J. Agricola^ inBritsun; being induced to think (b» by the very minute and 
lively description he gives of many things, and the circumflances of them, therein adled ; particu- 
larly -from a paftige in his bookof the Life of Agricola, cap. 24. where mentioning an Irifti prince, 
vbo ha4^ed to Agiiieola forfuccours againft his rebellious fubje^is that had expelled him ; Tacitus 
thereupon immediately adds, ^^} tx to audM^ (!• e.) be many times told me (being no .doubt 
affifted by an interpreter, if he meant that Iriihman) how eafy it was for the Romtins, with a few' 
forces, to mader all Ireland. SeePhilof. Tranf. Numb, 356. p. 783. 

However, it is. pretty .plain that Agricola (if from him the hiftorian often heard it) took care to 
fufnifli Tacitus with an exaft account of many particulars in tliat Britifli expedition, and not uti* 
likely ^ove him^he tme purport of this fpeech of Galgacti5> for often relating infers fo much. 

» • , * 

Kk2 ' THE' 



The SPEECH of C A R A C T A C U S. 

♦ • 

When Caractacus, with a great train of bis countrymen and famiij, 
Hvas brought in chains before the emperor y be J^ake^ fays Tacitus ♦, to 
this purpofcy as be flood before Cafars tribunaL 

IF the moderation of my mind in pro^rity had been anfnrerabie to 
my quality and fortune, I might have coine a friead radicr th^n a 
captive into this city % and you without di(honour might have entered 
into league with me, royally defcended, and then at the head of many 
nations. As my flate at prefent is difgraceful ; fo yours is hot^oorahle 
and glorious. I had horfes> men, arma and riches i why then is it 
Arange I; fliould be loath to part with them ? Bnt fince your power and 
empire mud be univerfal, we of courfe among all others muft be fub<- 
je<3:. If I had immediately yielded, neither my fortune nor your gbry 
had been fo eminent in the world. My grave would have buried the 
memory of it, as well as. me : Wbereaa if you faffer me. fso live now^ 
your clemency will live in me for ever aa aa example to after agea. 

• • - 

Now, what £3 brief, and altogether fb full and tranicende^tly liuw 
priilng, as the words of this brave heroic perfon, probably fpokea io; 
his own British tongue, and interpreted to the noble audience ? Hia 
addrefa and comportment^ his ftroog fenie and courage, what arc they 
but {o many advocates for our country's reputation, fo many 

that fuch an accomplifhed and magnanimous foul was not. bred up in^ 
barbarifm and ignorance? And that it muft be coAfeilcd, that the 
fchocl and diibipline which fbrmed tbofe minds, and inlHlied into them^ 
theidb bright and noble (entiments, muft be fuumiibed witlx a confidera*- 
ble (hare of virt^ie and knowledge,, whicb here could be no other tham 
that of the Pruidf* 

Having produced thefe noble effeifh of D^uidicat edocatson; in the ad- 
drefs and behaviouc of ihQ perA>ns they had brought up ; I ihaU hice: 
fabjoin a foxall fpecimen of their ethics,, or the form: the Bards made- 
ufe of in compofing and reciting to their pupils the documents of ha<- 
manity ; which they were obliged to learn by heart ; every third verfe 
cx>ncluding with a moral maxini, after this manner.. 

* Annal. Lib».xii. 

f By the thr^ firft» thcjr i(ecR) -f hUfckwitul Bedw Arigia, 


la invocfite thfivc p9vt», and to 

pfiefts <9f thoiit groveis or prtsfei&d 
Druid!^ In b&iaf ma|d« free by 
ihmr jKpfeifioA from all reArauiti 
and exaji^tops> «$. CasT^ records 
rftbftw.: EH fieU. C»l. Ub. <>, . 


^ 4l^iy^ tdaroido fFanas : 
\thc aiiefdy * rm i Wa^^ 

'MarchviiaS Dtrw nrwynllwyHf, 
A dynfy nhroed o Gadvsyn : 
Nac addef dj rin i Forwyn^ 

Mtrdmn^ii Def^w dei/iar^ 
: jf dynjy nbrotdo Garcbarr 
Nac addef dy rin i J Lavar. 

•f K^foynydd^ Hyddefcud^ 
.wauiMmnu'wr aff oya. 
JR.byiydd i drweb ni iveryd^ 

lEijfiy wynydd^ Pxfi y^ rbyd^ 
Cyrcbyt Carw culgfwm cwm c&idr 
Hiraettjun Farm ni weryd. 

• r 


, 1 

Eyryn^ffvyddr gm/tU ae tawir 
LfydoK Hoergan^ gias tafamli: 
Qdid djfn diried dk 

: "fr; %;the ptfecr tEr«> they iccm 
tO! j})v(§)Qi^) t|)i^' mountaih Byryru 
as the.- Grefikd did Pac^ntiTua,. .and 
ibfrCretw^ mount Ida;, for Gil*^ 
dts . a&pf^. Httts 06' that tl»y 
wcHfOiipteKl sftSHilititms and mets i 
a]»}N|befii erniolild^' «VjafT)r ttbra^ 
liok' ^witb. 4^ nMmli do&iiiie:; ud 
9(it &f Aich v^|-&ar asr thcfe* I d^ubt 
qott ^ otir Biitiik adagcss wece 

.^A.oIdrCormihiEoglyn of ^e fine ibrt> found by Mr. Umyd^ 

An lafar kotb yw lafar gwir^ 
Bfdd dorn rSfer^ dbm tafa^ re btr ^ 
Mez den beb d(^az. agQlkziidir^ 

Tfiat thefe were fomc of thofe very vcrfea by which the Druida^ uftA 
ID inftrudb their fcholars, though from the purport of them one may 
have grounds to believe they were,. I will not affirm* Yet we arc fure 
they aM very ancient, as being colleded by Lbawarcb Hin^ a prince- 
of Cumberland, who lived Anno 590, and amongft his Epicedia or 
Engfjfnian pre&rved to^ this day. That thefe I recited (though among: 
his works) were not his own, is evident by the language of them, be- 
log purely Venedotiao or the Nortbr Wales Britifh ; whereas his rhimes^ 

(^jl/h'iuicif or zkcttt. t Jfym.SiaraduSy or a talkatire mao. I Arch^tpl Brit* p« 251, 

L ,anBL' 

454^ M ON A AN T i (^U A \tL t S T AU ^ A t Al 

are in the Cambrian or Piftifli : ♦ dialed^ by us now Ccztctly to 
be underflood. And none can doubt but at that tune marfy relics of 
the Druidical learning, efpeoially the nnora) partof it, were preTerved 
cither in books or memory. For though the Draidt writ nothing, it 
is provable the ancient Chriftians ^who fuccaeded them did, iind were 
careful of preferving what was good and laudable. After this -manner 
we fuppofc they handled other fcienccs, which working wholly on the 
memory, whereby they got the maxims, rules and canons of them by^ 
heart, reafon on any emergence was foon enlightened by them, and 
rendered the .men great proficients in what they undertook, as authors 
relate of them* As to what I fayJiere of thcfe Druidical verfes, or at 
leaft very ancient ones in imitation of them, my late learned friend^ 
•f Mr. Edward Lbv>ydoi Oxford, was firmly of the fame optniou with 
me therein; and has delivered it to the puWick in the end* df his Cor- 
niih Grammar, where the reader may find Jiiore ^f this particular. J 

This therefore being fo far confirmed by evidence arififng from the- 
natCire of the thing, and feconded by fpnie f^ecial circumftances of fad, 
I (ball, not need ^ere ta repeat the feveral kinds ^nd fpedes of know- 
ledge the Britifli and Gaulifli Druids ex:cd[kd in,'4ind the* many ^litHo^^ 
rities produced for them, which you ha?e in the foraief EfiayV Biit I 
Ihall ra^het coricludo the reply to the laft objedion, with a (hort hint 
of the ftate and progrefs of knowledge in the fi^ ages of the world) 
and refblve the whole into a dem^nftration of the feafiblenefs^nd fa- 
cility of conveying down a great deal of that original ante-diluvian know- 
ledge to this Druidical fcA ot order of men in thefe weftern parts^of 
Europe ; which fliall be my laft Propofition* 

• The Cumbrian and Stradclwyd Britons, by vicinity of- place, having much communication 
with the Piaifli nation, which for a long* time had ruled in the Eaft parrs t)f Scotland, might and 
probably did borrow and incorporate a great many words of the Piftilh tongue with their own ;, of 
wliich words.not a few might be interiperfed in the faid Epictdia ; for Irifh they arc not. ^Andtho^ 
I am wejl aware that authors of good note have affirmed, that tha< DS|tioh an^ that language have 
been quite «boliflied and loft; yet, I think, it cannot with any good reafon be made to appear, 
that a language once flouri<hing in a- kingdom, as this did, without utter extirjiatioh of the peo- 
ple that ufed it, can totally ceafe and peijfh, which J take to be nafprally ampofliUe.^ iangnages 
in one and the fame country, not ending, but degenerating and dwiRdling into alterations and 
variety of dialers and ways of fpcaking. Neitlief is ir unlikely that thefe noted liiics found by Mr, 
hixur^ on the margins of the Cambridge yif«;6»r«/, by hiiii mentioned, might beof the iamo ftfeunp,. 
VIZ. another fpccimen of the Pifto-Cumbrian Dialed. See Arcbaol BrU. p, azr. 

t Tlie Reader* is to undcrftand, that a great part of this book was compofed before the death' 
of the faid Mr. Lbivyd^ but t^is after ^ which will reconcile what £ lay of 4iitn when livmg, aod^ 
w^iat when dead; and Dr Gordon com'es alfo under this remark, who was alive when I men- 
tioned him. 



Proposition XI. 


It is generally allowed that before the floods what by original infi^* 
.fion into Adam, ftronger temperament of body, more fcrene and vi- 
gorous faculties of foul, the unfpeakable advantages of many hundreds 
of years perfonal experience, &c. knowledge in all the parts and cir- 
cumftances of it muft have arrived to a moft eminent degree of politure 
and perfcdtion. And knowledge once fet up and digefled into pofi- 
tions and theorems is cafily communicable to any age or people that 
come after. 

First, This is amply atteiled and improved into the force of a pro^ 
, portion, by many excellent authors, both ancient and modern ; that is, 
that Adam was created with a very great perfection of knowledge, and 
a profound infight and penetration into the nature of things : Not only, 
I fay, the mofl learned of the Jews give great and ample teftimonies^ 
viz. Plafmavit Deus Adam (fays the Paraph raft upon the Samaritan 
Pentateuch) replevitque eum cumfpiritu Sapientia & Scientia, ut inde ad 
pejkros omnes Artes ac Scienti<e tamquam ex primo fonte promanarent — 
and in this drain they generally comment on Adam's creation ; but alio 
. the text of Mofes fecms to prove it. Gen. ii, 20. where Adam is brought 
to give names to things : Which names fo given, being adapted to the 
peculiar properties and natures of the things named, it follows that he 
muft have a previous infight and knowledge of the properties and af- 
fections of things to give them fuch agreeable appellations and cha- 

Secondly, There were many particulars of the fublimeft arcana of 
nature difcovered in thofc early ages of the world \ which prove^ either 
that Adam was fupernatu rally inftrudted in the fecret knowledge of 
nature, and that the ideas he fo received were prcferved by him and 
communicated ^ or that fuch inftrumental helps for the advancing the 
reach of human perception, as nature could be capable of fupplying, 
were not then wanting. For how, without either of thcfe means, viz. 
a tranfcendcnt natural or artificial perfection of human faculties, could 
the Pythagorean fyftem of the world, and therein the motion of the 
earth be fo anciently eftabliflied ? Without this fuppoi^tion, it is, I 
think, impoflible to account for the ancients* difcovcring the inedicinal 
operations and properties of animals, vegetables and minerals — to give 
a reafon for the eftablifliing (if there be any truth and certainty in it) 
9f what we call judicial aftrology, which is known aJfo to have been 
. , 7 * ' very 

very ancient ; and fevcral other ufcful arts and fcicnccs, that feem to 
owe their origin to cither of thcfc two ntientloned principles ; viz. either 
to Adam's fupcrnatural knowledge communicated, or to ante-diluvians' 
rcore advanced and elevated, or inftrumentally aflifted faculties and per- 
ceptions. To the former of which, vi^. Adam'd knowledge commu- 
nicated, the moft diligent enquirer into the origin of arts and fcienccs, 
viz. Athanafius Kircher, in his Egyptian Oedipus, refolves the point. 
Pterorumque doSlorum fententia eft^ primum iumani generis parentem 
Adamutrty infummdperfeSioneiDeo cmditum^ t6 rerum^ quam divinarumf 
quhm humanarum notitia excelluije, utjicuti nullus ex humano genere cujns 
princeps erat^ & ^ puris bominibus i Detf majori perfeStione conditus, ita 
nullum quoque majcribus animi corp^rifque donis imbitum fuijps credendum 
^Ji. Et ut inJuJB Jibi rerum omnium fciehtid diviniths inftruSlus fuiffe 
Jegitur ; ita inftgnem qttoque medicarum facultatum iapidibus^ ptantis^ anf- 
^matibuSf injitarum notitiam babuiffe certiffimum eji ; fapienti igttur Dei 
€onJiHo fd^tum ejl^ ut Adamus fcientiam rerum naturalium Jibi cvmmuni^ 
4:atam^ pojleris fuis traderet. 

To Kircher our countryman Bale, in the tenth century of our Briti(h 
writers, fully aflents 5 and delivers it as the fentiment of the generality 
-of authors on that point. Ex Adamo (foith he) tanqnam exfonte omnes 
dries bona & onms f dentin bttmana profluxit. Hie primus coelefiium 
€orporum mot us ^ plant arum i animantium^ & omnium cr eat urarum naturasp 
rationem "ecclejiajiictje, politica 6f oeconomica gubernationis primam pub^ 
Jicavit ; ex cujus Jtbold quicquid ejl humanarum^ artiusn & Japientia, in 
totum genus humanum^ per patres eJi pojiea propagatum ; Jiquidem quid 
Afironomictp Ceometria, & alia artes. in fe continent i totum fcivit. I 
•could recite more inftanccs corroboralfng this particular; but this may 
fuffice, fince it is a thing generally allowed and confented to. 

But however this ancient profound and moft exquifite knowledge of 
the nature of things was firft difcbvered ; we may be fure it quickly 
improved itfelf by the fore- mentioned advantages of the long lives, 
' ftrong intelkfls, and vigorous conftitutions of the ante-diluvian patri- 
archs, into various fchemes and fyftems of fcienccs ; divine and human, 
natural and moral, and ipto innumerable mechanic arts and inventions, 
ferving the neccffity, profit and pleafure of human life j and that alfo 
in the way and manner of communicating this knowledge, the choiceft 
fecrets and arcana of it, both divine and natural, were carefully locked 
up from vulgar fight in a religious Cabala^ and by it orally communU 
cated from one perfon to another^ As for example ; from Adam to 



Scth, from Seth to Enoch, from Enoch to* Mcthufclah, from Mc- 
thufelah to Noah, and fo to the poft-diluvian world ; whereof we have 
the univerfal confent of ancients and modems avouching it to us. So 
that if Adam had ever a true knowledge and comprehenfion of the 
occult' nature^ compofition, frame, texture and fyftems of things,- 
of their principles and operations, of their motions and habitudes, 
and other fpecifical affeftions, upon which all arts and fciences were 
grounded— all which, either by infuiion or external communication 
he might well Tiave— »it is thence eafily demonftrable, that at kngth a. 
great part of that knowledge might come t<^ and be poffefled by fome* 
of the Coryphai of our weftern Celta i and might fome time after, come 
alfo by their means to kindle and diffufe itfelf into the oral theorems 
and pJacits of the fore-mtentioned British Druids. 

For to make this more eafily conceivable, let us fuppofe (which 
h in itfdf very fuppofable) that but one man, having taken into his 
breaft a found draught of Cabaliflitcal knowledge, and having credit 
enough to back his affirmations, is fufficient]y able to fet up a general 
learning in any nation, where the genius and temper of people are not 
very morofe and ftupid ; and let lis withal remember, that though we 
date and fix the original of Druidifm about the time of Abraham, tho' 
in all likelihood it exifted fooner ; yet we are fure that Shcm was then 
alive, who might fee, converfe with, and have his knowledge from 
Methufelah, who alfo might fee, converfe with, and have his knowledge 
from Adam ; in whom, as we have now fuppofed, the knowledge of 
God and nature, in all the branches of it, eminently flouriflbed. 

And it is very plain and undeniable by the Mofaic accounts, that 
Adam lived to the time of Methufelah, and Methufelah to the time 
of Shem, who lived five hundred years after the Univerfal Deluge j 
within the limits of which time, we have grounds to conclude that 
the ifle of Britain was confiderably peopled^ and the Druidical prin- 
ciples formed and cftabliflied in it. So that we may ceafe to wonder 
at the finding fo many rich veins of ancient knowledge laid open and 
difcovered fo early in the Celtic nation i which yet by this manner of 
demonftrating, appears to have been, in the ordinary way of informa- 
tion, but three or four removes at fartheft from Adam's great univerfal 
knowledge. And therefore where Greek and Roman authors afcribc 
to thefe Druids, or our ancient weftern philofophers, eminent fkill in 
aftronomy, phyfiology, medicine, magic, morality, and other parts of 
choicer learning, together with fome other umbrages of wvealed know- 

: LI ledge» 


ledge, as the prs-exiftcnce arid immortality of human fouk, eternal 
beatitudes, the' propitiation of facrifices, and other documents tranfcend- 
ing the reach of meer human fagacity ; we may this way wind them 
up to their firft bottom, and give the world a fatisfadtion in that par- 
ticular, which no arguments taken from remotencfs of place, vulgar 
ignorance, want of letters, and the like pretences can at all {hock, or 
be of force to impair the grounds and evidence of it. 

To conclude 5 this is what led me to, and what I offer in defence 
of, my conjectures in this matter. I would obtrude and impofe no- 
thing. Others may think as they will ; and where they gucfs righter, 
they have my ready aflent. Only in what I have done> my wifli is, 
that arguments, without prejudice to perfons or parties, may be fairly 
weighed and confidered : And if truth, or any obfcure features of it, 
appear in any of thofe I have here laid down» that they may be looked 
upon and treated as they deferve, though the hand be ever fo rude and 
unfkilful that brings them into view,^ and fubmits them to the judg*> 
ment of the candid and^impartiaL 


A N 




O F 





T A B L E 


Sixth Sedion of the Firft Effay, 

S H E W 1 N Or 

The Affinity and near Refemblance, both in Sound and Sig^ 
nification, of many Words of the Antient Languages of 
Europe with the Origin^ Hebrew Tongue ; which, it is» 
prefumed, they retained as Relics of it, after the Ccnfufioa 
at Babel ; with fome Remarks upon it. ^ 

FO R the * better undcrftanding of the parallels of thi» follow-^ 
ing Table, it is to be obferved,. that letters of one and the 
fame organ are of common ufe in the pronunciation of words* 
of different languages — as for example. My B, F, F, P, are labials: 
T, D, S, are dentals : G, C&, H, K, Cy are gutturals — and there- 
fore if the Hebrew word or found begins with^ or is made of, any 
one of the labials, any of the reft of the fame organ will anfwer it in 
the derivative languages. The fame is to be obfe^rved in ufing the 
■ dental and the guttural letters. For in tracing out the origin of words,, 
we are more to regard the found of them than their literal form and 
compofition ; wherein we find words very often, by the humours and 
fancy of people, tranfpofed and altered from tl^eir native founds, and 
yet in their fignification they- very well fit their original patterns. I 
4 fhall 


zhz monA antiqjja restaurata. 

Ihall only exemplify in the letters Mf B, and F, which are of one or- 
gan, that is, are formed by one inftrument, the lip *, and therefore 
are promlfcuoufly ufcd the one for the other in pronouncing words of 
<)nc language in aliother. The Hebrew B is genjlrally pronounced .a$ 
^ if conlbnant. And the Irifli allb; moft cominQol^in the middle of 
a word, pronounce ilf as a ^; as we find the antient Britons to have 
made ufe of ^, or rather F, which they pronounce as F, for Af and B 
in many Latin words ; as. 

Latin. • 

JBritish, j 

AnimaJ ^ 

Anifail j 


Tyrfa \ 


Terfyn \ 


- Cabf] 


Prif . 


AJon ; 









Lament or 








Clam are 















. ' Lljfr 





Rebelh • 







- Byfed 



Lamina - — 

Liqfn, &c. 

We arc not to wonder at this analogy of founds in the primitive 
diftindion of languages. For before the ufe of writing, which ha« 
eft abl idled the correal form of words, people were only guided by the 
.ear in taking the found of words, and they pronounced and uttered 
them again as the organs of their voice were beft fitted for it i 
and it happening that the aptitude and difpofition of thofe organs, 
peculiar to fome people and countries, were various (as we find to 
this day fome nations cannot ihape their voice to cxprefs all the 
founds of another's tongue), it accordingly affeifled and inclined 
fome parties of people to fpeak the fame confonants harder or fofter, 
*to\ utter the fame vowels broader or narrower, longer or ifliorter, as 
they found themfelves beft difpofed to do. And thereupon cuftom 



prevailing with particular fets of people to continue the ufe - o» 
fuch different pronunciation as they affcdled, the words fo varied 
came at length to take on them different forms, and to be efteemed 
and taken as parts of different languages, though in their origin th6y 
were one and the fame *• 

* It is commonly obferved, that difFerent climated, air9 and aliment^, do very much diveriiiy' 
the tone of the parts and mufcles of human bodies ; on fbme of which the modulation of the 
Toice much depends. The peculiar moifture of one country, the ^drought of another (other caufes 
from foody ^c. concurring) extend or contraflr f^trell or attenuate, the organs of the voice, that 
the found made thereby is rendered either fhrill or hoarfe, foft qr hard, plain or Iifping, in pro- 
portion to that contrafUoQ or extenfion. And hence it is, that the Chinefe and Tartars have 
fome founds in their language, that Europeans can fcarce imitate : And it is well known in Eu- 
rope itfeif, that an Englifliman is not able agreeably to converie with a (Iranger, even in one and 
the fame Latin ; nay, even in England, it is noted by Mr. Camden and Dr. Fuller, that the na- 
tives of CariiUm-Cmriiw in Leicefterfhire, by a certain peculiarity of the place, have the turn off 
their voice very di&rent fix>m thofe of the neighbouring villages. 




Agam ^r Leagam 








































Sal . ^ 





* Agios 





-lUi, iliac 



En ! cccc ! 











Ys taw 


















The edge or point of a fword, &r. 

A ftone 

A pool or Handing water, a lake 

To define 

Lightned air 

Then^ in that place, or at that tkae 

Brethren, or kindred 

The foles of the feet 

To wound or pierce 

Muck or dung. 


Vile iMT of 00 aceouttt 

To fbrfake or defift from 

A veflel or earthen pot 

To find 

An altar 


Honour or reverence 

She, or any thing feminine 
A body 

An arm 

The dug, breaft, or udder 
To heap together 
They, tmfc. ^ fern. 
The arm-pit 
Cheer or dainties 
I Lo ! behold ! 
To bear or carry 
A pawn or pledge 
To keep or defend 
To perfuade 
Bent or crooked 
To remain and endure 
A lion 
To bite 
A ferpent 
A law 
This, or that, or there it is 

Be filent 


To be fick 

Jewels and ornaments 


















































f Aman 

< Ymenyn 


c Vacuus 

I Gwac 
Ba*r ' 
















j . Ekclish, 

To fpcak 
I (land 





His enemy * 

To be walled, or confumcd 


Is, or arc 


Meat, or viftuals 

But, neverthelefs 

A houfe, or cottage 

He or him 

To heal, or cure 

An army 

The belly 


To cherifii and make much of 
To come 

To infculp or engrave 
I hate 

I (hew and demonftrate 
A goat 

A curfe, or misfortune ' 

Idol, or hobgoblin 
A grove of oaks 
Conftancy, or patience c 
Face, or countenance 
With him 

A furnace, or a kiln 
Went, or came 
To burn 
From him 
To efteem, or blefs 
The top or fummit of a thing 
A ridge, or back 
To fliut, or inclofc 

To babble 

Gay I 

Dumb I 

M m Dljfch 

266 M O N 


























. Maattur 











I Dbrivatives* 














5 Addiff 




To dalh, or tread under feet 

To abaih 

Hep ma/c.£end. 

To barafs, or deflroy 



To fweep 

To Writfc 

A fliowcr 

To annoy 


A part, or portion 




A fpafrow 

A cane 




A crow 

To paf& 

A hole 

To cut 

To tagc 

To rail, or detraft 

Habitation, or a walled dwelCttg , 

Diilempecs and diieafes 

Generations, encreafe, or the fitrits 

of the womb 
TaU and high 
Was, or has been 
A pathv^ay, oir a balk to tread on 
Shining. Jp^Uoj S0I 

A botmdarf ,.^r limit 


Defence or prote&ion 

Places ^f defence of old 'in 'file 

'ctiunty z>£ Mon^omery. f eor 

Holes, Tuch as the needle-eye 
A place lUn of fmall wood or reeds 
To make known, or note 


To ka^i^, 




























Eth ■ 
















Luiing . 



























Lot. \ 




Your, or ypi^r owa 




Gtner^tQns, or familtes 

Togo av!ra7,or avoid 



Confider^tioQ * 

To invite 

Honours^ or vrealth 




A dagger 

To hiSg 

A fhield 

Over, or abQve 

To Oliver, or quake 

A ♦child 

A cable 

Tp break 

A I^iave, or a thiet 


To annojr^ or hurt 

A ftipper 

A churl 


A thora 


To praife , 

A moth 



A fuckfing 

Coven^t; or appointment 

A partition, or fcparatioa 

A horn 

The arm-pit 

Son, or i^m a father 

To fwaliow^or devour 


JiU Ttka, tbortprt my fo»» .PfiU. ii^ 7. 

Mm 2' 







Cromlech Br, 


Ami — 


Mae ? — 


Maglu — 


Magi ^ — 


Mer * — 


Mudo — 


Methu — 


Maer — 


Brad — 


Ncf — 


Taflu — 


Hanes — 


Neuadd ^ — 


Ifcl or Ifelu — 


Nwyf — 


Nadu — 


Sathru — 


: Aber • — 


Nychu — 


Nhwy ' — 


Nodded ~ 


Gadaw — 


Niweid *^ — 


Golwyth — 


Moel — 


Glwys — 


Afen — 


Gvvarth — 


Diffyg — . 


Ffrwyth — 


Bach — 


Pennaeth — 


Ffynnu . — 


Peth — 


- Ffiloges — 


Cwttyn — 


Caer — 


RWth ~ 


Trin ~ 


Rhwygo — 

Ras end Rbad — 


Saim — 


Sarph — 


Saci — 


• Mer/Jaib is thc fame \ 

wittiMAraJt aBntifti Dame. 

sUKicnt t6ngues. 



Engli^hj • 

A f^crificing ftone 

Plenty, or ftorc 

What ? where ? how ? 

To. betray 

A ttafF 

Fat, or marrow 

To remove 

To die, or fail 

K lord 

♦ Rebellion 

Joyful ' 

To caft, or throw 
To fignify, or account 
Habitation, or hall 
To throw down 
Incontinency, or lufl: 
They moan and lament 
To throw under feet 
A ford, or p^flage 
Being fmitten or afflifted 
They, or thpfe 
To efc ape and take refuge- 
To pafs by 
To fpoil 


Top of a hill 


A rib, or bone 


Wint, or defeft 

Fruit or effeft 

A crooked ftick 

Chief, or uppermoft 

To profper 

A part or portion 

A concubine 

Short and little 

A: walled town 


To feed and look after 

To tear, or rend 

Grace, or good will . 

Fat, or oil , 

A (erpcnt 

A f fack 

t It has this, found In moft of the 






Phaenek ' 










A gab 














Golem » 
















Cafas . 





f Ffug ^ Br. 

( Fucus Lat. 

Ferocia — 

Pinna >— 

Piger fuit — 

Neco — 

Ad - 

Nuto — 

Trech« Greek 

Palai -: 

\ *Agchj» . 

/ Tagu Er. 

Ncaros Greek 




Kalcfi;, Gr. Galw, Br. 

Bafilcu« Greek 


Pccora Lat. 

Aula — 

Carbafus — 
^ftiis, Lai. .Tes, Br. 

Guberno Lat. 

Vireo — 

Quia — 

Olim — 

Glomus * — 

Ymam — 

Gwobr. — 

Caula Lat. 

SercK Br. 

Glwth — 

Purtain — 

Bwrgais — 

Drwg — 

Dyfgl — 

Siongc> — 

Annos — 

Dim — 

Y ferch — 

Edifar — 

Ar lafar ' — 

Ceifio — 

Carchar — 

Cammu. — 


Difguifcr, and Deceit 



Lazy, and yntoward 

To flay 

Unto • 

To nod, or beckon unto . 

To run to, or come at 

Some time ago 

To ftrangle 

New or lately, nearotical 

To love, or to b^ much afFcfted . 

A fountain 

To declare; 

To call 

To reign 

A fyringe • 


A hall 

Fine linen or lawn 

Heat, or hoc weather 

To govern 

To look green and flouriflling ; 

Wherefore, or bccaufe 

Of old 

A clew of thread 


Reward, or fatisfaftion 

A Iheep-fold 


A bed, or bed chamber. 

A whore i 

A burgefs 

Bad or evil . 


-Honourable, well to pafe - 

To inftigatc, or incite 


A tender branch, a daughter • 



To fearch or feek . 

To bind, or imprilbn 

To bend, or make crooked 

A beam, or a joift ' ^ * . 

^, Cevcl 1 




Tor and Sor 















• Ciliah 













































Yn agos 






^&awl or Mill 





Grym, gryrtinius 














£no ustt. 

Near, eir in prefence of 

A fiaiile, or a proverb 

A bull 

A prince, or pottntatte 

A mountaiii 

Sweet, or to fweeten 

To fold, or lap up 

A bench 

To grind 

A note or character 

To tell a lie, or deny 


A neck-band 

A crown, or diadetn 

A breach, or fciflure 

A great many 

To fhicll 

To approach, or draw iiigh 

Stones or tefticles 

A giant 

A mouth, or throat 

To lament 

Deftruftidn, or ruin 

A top of a thing, or pinnacle 

To praife, or glorify 

Life, age 

Sun, or to (bine 

Tenure, ^r lands bounded 


Bony or ^rong 

To mingle 

To fing 
Ijit. Reproach and calumny 

Greek ' To make bare, or uncover 

: Lilly 

To dwell in tabernacles 

Br. Vile, or of no account 

To extinguilh 

An image ,[fide 

Men over s^nft,ormenontheoUier 

Diftlaiming God, or peijury 

The ColieiftlOJi of Tfiahy^bf fhe Hcbrcw-*Britifh words in this Tafclc 
oVi^e 'to the ihdtiftrjr df 'Mr. Ch. EowAfRBs, author of The Brief 
Hiilory of the Chriftrth Religion, published iti the Wclih tong«c. 

R E M A It K S 



THE great analogy and unaffe<^d refemblance between the primi^ 
tive and derivative words in this catalogtie (abating the different 
ways of pronouncing in different languages) is a plain and aQ)ple evi-* 
dence, that the (everal words of the languages tlierein mentioned owe 
their origin to^ and derivation from, the firf): and moft ancient hnguagc 
of mankind^ geoerally called the Hebrew tongue* And our * Br itid), 
even in-die ftate it is at prefcnt (fdr I meddle not with any, or very 
few of its old ob^}ete words) having niore founds im it, agredog with 
that primitive tongue, than all the reft put together, is alfo an argu-* 
ment that this Briti(h tongue was in its firft ftruAure and origin one of 
the primary iffues of it ; and that if we give way to criticifm gnd ety«- 
mology, it muft be firotn that original language that we are to derive andl 
account for many words and names in our Britifli tongue^ which other-* 
wife would be unaccountable. 

But now to be more perfe^y fatisfied what this original Hebrew 
tongue was ; and whether we broti^t what we bad and have flill of 
k liere, with our iirft planters and o^ers of the fame ftock and Ian* 
guage with them, from Bdhd ; or had it afterward tranfported liere 
from Phcenicia by the tin-traders, which feems to Se the opinion of 
fome of htte, hut ib ill-grounded that I take it not worth confuting ; I 
(hall beg the reader's leave to remark and examvine ia little further than 
I have done hefbce into thoie points of difficulty that appear in the two 
former particulars, viz. what this original Hebrew tongue was, and 
whether we hrought vArnt we have At H of it iere, * with our firft planters 
and others of the fame flock and language with theYn, from Babd. 

•In order to which 1 ftiall here lay down thefc three Propofitions, 
from w^ich I ihail endeavour to draw fuch coroHaries as fliall be of force 
To infer a condofion that I hope will «vince the truth of the matter be- 
fore us. "^ 

FrasT,. That there was o«w, ,aod but one language in the world, 
from the time of Adam to the building of Babel. 

"Secondey^ That at the building of the tower of Babel, there hap- 
|>ened among thofe who were concerned in 'that daring wicked .att€;inpt 
accfflation^ for/fbmc time -at leaft, itml confufion of that language. 

I Thikoly^ 


TiiiRpLY, That upon the extraordinary ceffation or confufion of 
the fijft language, the men who were engaged in that grand overture, 
wcfc fain to remove theirquarters and td dilperfe themfelves in-fepa^ 
rate families to plant and inhabit the face of the earth. And in that 
rerrvoval and difperfion. every feparate tribe or family, retaining in a 
due tenor their faculties of undcrftanding, and the organical difpofitioa. 
of their voice ; and by what they could recoUedt and recover of their 
diffipated ancient language, were neccHitated to improve that little (loclc 
of words fo recovered, and where they found thcmfelves at a lofs, to 
frame new ones into a way or mode of fpeaking, different from the 
improvements, forms and ways of fpeaking at the fame time made ufe 
of in other families ; which in the different progrcfs of thofe improve- 
ments came at length to be what we call different languages. 


The Firfl: Propofition, That there was but one language from the 
time of Adam or the beginning of the world to the difpcrlion at fiabel, 
tit lead from the Univcrfal Deluge to that time, is readily granted by 
all who acknowledge the authority of the facred fcripturcs ; for it is 
there cxprcfly affiraied, that then, viz. before that difpcrfion, the whole 
earth was Vnius habiiy of one language and of onefpeech> Gen. xi. i. . 

Now from this general Propofition, three queflions will naturally 
arife. Firfl, Whether it was one language that was fpoken by men from 
the creation to the time of that difperiion ? Secondly, What that lan- 
guage wasf and. Thirdly, At what time the confufion of that language 
happened — and if Noah was then alive ? 

First, As to ihe famenefs and identity of that language from Adam 
tb the deluge (for thence to the difpcrfion no one queftions it) the ac- 
. count that Mofes gives in the place referred to, is not exprcfs, I own, 
further than the words*.— .wAd?/^? earth — will bear it > \yhich yet one would 
think would be to little purpofe for him to have faid (the whole ge- 
neration of men being then, viz. at the difpcrfion but one family under 
one Fater-Familias^ that is, Noah, and who cannot be prefumed to 
have more than one language among them) it the facred penman had 
one thereby meant all the preceding generations thence to the creation. 

And this meaning of his, I hope, will appear to be. very reafonable, 
when we confider this matter a little further, and take in thefe follow- 
ing particulars. Firfl, The nature of that language. Secondly, The 
vcondition of the men that propagated and made ufe of it. And, 


M<5NA Altftf^UA fifeg'TAURAtA. 27J. 

Tliirdly, The rttnahis, a*, to names and tilings, whicfe we have iit 
fcriptare of it. 

F1R8T, The nature of that flffl language we are to examine two 
ways, Firft, In relation to God. Secondly, Toman. In relation to 
God, we are to believe that God made nothing imperfc<ft ; and having 
created nwm in his own likenefs, he not only gave him powers and fa- 
culties Aiitable to his intended felicity on earth, but fuch a perfcftion 
of them as his nature was capable of. Now Ihall we think that God 
created Adam with that perfedlion of faculties his nature was capable* 
of, and his focial happinefs required, and yet left him, like a child 
new-bofn, dumb and without fpeech ? It is not to be imagined. The 
firft ad we find of him is fpeaking ; and fpeaking too in fuch perfedion, 
that he could readily give names fuitable to the natures and properties 
of thofe his fellow-creatures, which were brought unto him ; which 
is a plain argument, that God gave him aduat fpeech with his other per- 
fedions. And if this fpeech of Adam was of God's own- making, and 
infufed into him with his other perfcftions, I (hall make no fcruple to 
affirm the perfedion of it to have been fo great, that no alteration at 
that time could, or perhaps dutft be made in it. 

Next, in relation to man ; we have feen that Adam was created in 
fuch pcffeftion in the faculties of his foul and in the organs of his body, 
that as that part of his happinefs which confiftcd in his dominion over 
bis fellow-creatures required jhe immediate ufe of the former, fo his 
neceflary converfc With thofe of his own fpecics, ay we find it actually 
did, as immpdiately required' the pra6Hce of the latter. By this it will 
appear, that Adam's language being one of his created perfections, we 
cannot but reckon it to have been fo accomplifhed, even to grammati- 
cal niceties, that there was no need to change or alter it, 'till God 
was pleafed, irt as extraordinary a way as it was infufed, to put a pe- 
riod to it. 

But to what has been above faid, I muff needs add thefe obfcrva- 
tions. Firft, That taking the firft chapter of Genefis in the literal 
fenfc, it will feem fufficicntly plain from thence, that God himfclf was the 
firft author of langu&gt'; for we find God ufing there a fcheme of words 
(which is language) to exprefs the ideas of the divine mind, in the 
\Krorks of the creation, before Adani had a being ; and foon after we 
find the Serpent alfo, to our forrow, too fkilful in it, who furely learned 
it not of Adam. Secondly, In that which we may call the language of 
Godt as to the quality and ufe of it, we may obfcrve him to make ufe 

Nn of 


of general terms to cxprcfs abftraft ideas, together with what they calf 
mixed modes and nominal cffences, even before Adam was created, 
which yet * fome would fain make to be the meer creatures of human 
underftanding; which, ftridly taken, cannot be true, fincc God ufcd them 
before man was created. Thirdly, We may obferve that it will hence 
follow, that Adam learned this language of God, or what is the fame 
thing, was infpircd with it at the inftant of his creation, or at leaft 
with a general idea of ifand the way of ufing it. Fourthly, Obferving 
how the perfcdlion of language confifls chiefly in applying conftantly and 
invariably the fame words to the fame ideas, as beft ferving the real 
ends of truth and knowledge, we may hence conclude, that Adam, as 
prince of mankind, had authority enough to eftablifb the prccife figni- 
fication of words, and to command the ftrift obfervance of that rule of 
fpeaking to all his pofterity ; which muft needs prefervc the language 
he tranfmitted to them entire and unaltered, till it met with that fatal 
change and confufion at Babel. Fifthly and Laftly, We may obferve,. 
that it is no more difficult to conceive how Adam was infpired with that 
one language, which I may czXifacredi becaufe coming from God, than 
it is that the apodles were enabled in an inflant to fpeak fo effedtually 
in ftrange ones, whereof they knew not before perhaps one lyllable, till 
their minds were divinely warmed and fashioned in a furprifing man- 
ner to the ufe and praftice of them. In (hort, as God accommodated 
thefe holy men with ready fignificant words to exprcfs their thoughts^ 
as occafion required, in untaught languages ; fo it is as probable that 
Adam was fupernaturally affifted by the like divine energy to form nev^r 
words, and give them their fteady peculiar fignifications, as he grew 
more acquainted with things, and as a greater variety of objedts in the 
courfe of his life made themfclves prefent to his underftanding ; for the 
holy fcripture is pofitive for the one, though filent in the other. 

Secondly, If we confider the condition of the men that propagated 
and made ufe of tbi& firft language, we find them of very long lives;:* 
and though they might encreafe to a vaft number on the face of the. 
earth, yet, were there no other reafon for it, men living fo long, that, 
three or four ages made up the whole interval or fpacc of time from 
the creation to the confufioa of this original tongue, may be well pre- 
fumed to have preferved it entire^ and to have fbcured it from any cor- 
ruption or failure. 

* Lock's Eflay, Book III. Chap. 4, 5^ and 6. 


Thirdly, The words and names of that ante-diluvian language, 
what remain of them upon record, (hew that from the time of Adam 
it was one and the fame language with that which* was broken and dif- 
fipated at Babel : of which having * before given fome account, I fhall 
now on this head forbear to fay any thing further. 

The fccond queftion arifing from the firft propofition is, 'What that 
lirft language was, which I have endeavoured to prove was prcferved 
entire, until it came to be confounded and diverfified at Babel ? The 
critics upon this queftioii are fufHciently divided in their opinions. 
Grotius, and fome other authors, have pretended that this firft language 
was quite loft in the confufion ; and would fain make it out, that 
Mofes had changed the ancient names, the etymology of which is fct 
down in Hebrew ones, in his book of Genefis. But the grounds thefc 
gentlemen go upon, have fo very little foundation in hiftory or cri- 
ticifm, that they deferve not to be infifted upon. 
, The Jews affirm their own language, the Hebrew, to have been 
the firft tongue in the world, and are not wanting in giving good 
realbns for it. The Syrians give this prerogative to the Chaldee or 
Syriac tongue ; and they pretend to prove it, becaufe their tongue 
leems not only to be the moft natural of all tongues, but alfo becaufe 
Abraham, the father of the Jews, was a Chaldean ; and that Laban 
in Genefis fpake Chaldee or Syriac. On the other hand, the Arabians 
■pretend the Arabic was before all other languages ; and the Cophthes, 
the -/Ethiopians, and the Armenians difpute for their languages. Nay, 
Goropius Becanus would have it to be the Almain or Dutch ; becaufe 
he found the etymology of fome fcripture names and words account* 
ttble for in his language. So uncertain it is in hiftory, which language, 

after the confufion, it was, that was one and the fame with the ante- 


diluvian tongue. 

It is indeed the general opinion that the houfe and family of Hcber, 
teing not joined in *the curfed attempt at Babel, efcaped the ma- 
iediftion, and preferved their language 5 and that from his name, to. 
<liftinguifli it from others that were then every where ftarting up out of 
the ruins of the old one, the tongue he ufed was called Hebrew. But 
whether his language efcaped fo free from the taint of that confufion, 
-as to have preferved itfelf entire, and to have fuffered nothing by it, is 
very hard to determine. 

• See fecond tiflay, Propofition S. - 

Nn 2 There 


Thert: is another ppioion. And thiX too fwoured by the Scptuagint, 
that the language of the Jews was called Hebrew, {torn a word ijn 
the tongue, Hoberi, which jG(gni6e3 men an the other JMe^ that is, from 
the other fide of Euphrates, as if the word denoted only tht)fc who had 
pafled this river. But, io nay opinion. Father SimoB, of the oratory at 
Paris, has fufficiently deteded the vanity ef that furxDife, by (hewing 
by right grammatical con(lru€tion, that if the name had accrued to the 
Jews and their language on that accoust, they (hould htito been called 
Hobri, and their langiiage, Hebrew. Grammatical analogy will Ta- 
ther have the word Hebrew to come from * Hcber, as the moft an^ 
cient and generally entertained opiniqn among the Jews makes it to have 
been ; efpecially fince Hebe/s family was fo veiy confiderable at the 
time of the cQnfufion, and remarkable for having abflained from con- 
curring with the reft in that wicked enterprife, that his name was more 
likely to denominate the j>urer remains of .that original language, than 
this pretended fituation of a place and the neighbourhood of a riven 

But however thefe things were, we find this Hebrew language, even 
jufl: after the confufion, to have been the commoii fpcech of all Syria 
and Paleftine, and other countries from Babylon to the Mediterranean 
fea ; and even taken up by the pofterity of Ham in all thoic coun- 
tries : Who having loft it in the confufion, might probably by their 
intercourse ^v^ith the family of Heber, refume it again and make it their 
own, with fuch .alterations as gave rife to the Chaldee, Syriac^ Arabic, 
and other ancient tongues, in thofe countries, which di£Eer very little 
from it. So that it is moft probable the poflierity both of Ham and Ja«- 
phcth, who continued in thofe near and bordering regions, made ufe 
of that language that afterward went generally under the name of He- 
brew. For in the prophecy of Ifaiah, the Hebrew tongue, as lAu 
Brerewood obfcrvcs, is called the -f Language of Canaan ; and the Sep- 
tuagint tranflatc thefe words [% the kings of Canaan] the king« of 
Phoenicia or Paleftinc, which were the countries of the pofterity of 
Ham and Japheth. And it is obferved alfo by Bochart, 2 man very 
well Ikilled in thofe languages, that the Hebrew tongue, in which 
the holy fcriptures are written, is much the iame with the did Phoenician : 
And on this reafon I took up. fome Chaldee, Syriac and Arabic words in 
this Comparative Table updcr the titk of Hebrew, when I found thp deri- 
vatives to come up with them to anearcongruity infoundastdiigiiification^ 

* Abraham, the fixth from Heber^ is called the Hebrewi Gen. xiv. 15, 

\ KludbxU. iS.. t Joihuav. i. 



The rthird queftion under thk Propoikion is. At what trime this con- 
fufion of the £rft language happened, and if Noah was t^hen alive? To 
^ive fome folution to this difficulty ^ as to the firft part of the queftion,. 
wherein the fcntiments of chronologcrs and hiftorians extremely vary,. 
We are, PirA, In order to fix this time, to take what circumftantial 
evidence the cxprefs words of icripture (for no pofitive certainty 
therein appears) afford, to guide us in determining this particular. 
Secondly, We are to allow the approved teftknonies of the raoft an- 
cient hiftoriographers feconding the faid determination. And, Thirdly^ 
We muft take in aifo the confideration of the (late and condition of na*^ 
turc, requifite thereunto, as the material caufe and fubjedl of this effect. 

First, As to the evidence of fcripture; it does not nicely deter- 
mine the time, as to year, month, or day, as it does in other great 
events, but only limits it to the days of Peleg. For Mofes exprefly 
fays, ^* that in Pelcg's days the earth was divided," Gen. x. 25. Now 
fbme authors, particularly f Mr. Sheringham would have this divifion 
of the earth, which happened in the dajr^ of Peleg, to have been long 
before the difperfion at Babel ; and that that difperfion was after Noah's 
death. Egoveri (faith he) Mdijkium Babylonicum noif nifi foji obitum 
Noacbi extrui cceptum arbitror. But this is gratis diSlum \ rather faid, than 
fufficiently proved 5 there being not 4)ne fyHabJe in fcripture, nor any 
good warrant from the nature of the things to favour this pofition. 

For as to fcripture, it plainly avouches the contrary. For }uft on 
the commencement of this confuiion, to which the difperfion of the 
.people and the divifion of the earth were confequents, k is mentioned 
that God faid, ^* Behold, the people i« one and the language one," 
Gen. xi. 6. Which fufficiently ffroves, that the people being one, were 
not then divided, neither after their tongues, after their families, nor 
in their nations ; although this divifion or difperfion be proleptically 
mentioned by Mofes in the foregoing chapter* Neither will this opi- 
nion, viz. that the divifion taken hotice of in the tenth of Genefis, was 
.long before the difperfion at Babel, mentioned in the following chapter,, 
find any better patronage from reafon and the nature of the thing ; tho* 
a great deal that way is pretended to. For how could Noah, to whom 
this a£t of dividing the earth is attributed, or indeed any other perfoa 
at that time, when they kept together as one people and as one family,. 
be reafonably fiappofed capable of afiigning and determining fuch and 




fuch parts and portions of the earth to be poflcflcd and inhabited by fuch 
and fuch people, before they had knowledge of thofe parts and regions, 
fome of them exprefly and by name, fo diftant from them as, for in- 
ftancc, the ides of the Gentiles were ? And if it be urged herein, that 
Noah or his fons might have preferred a plan, or retained an idea in 
their head> of the geography of the ante-diluvian earth; yet it ought 
to be confidered that the great devaftation the univerfal bulk of water 
at the deluge had wrought on the face of the earth, which they were 
then to re-people, and the great changes and alterations of fea and land, 
which in many places are now found, and probably found by them then, 
to have been the effefts and confequences of that devaftation, muft 
have been a bar (naturally fpeaking) to fuch a procedure, and conti- 
nue fo, until the difperfion at Babel neceffitated them to fcek new re- 
gions. And then indeed from new difcoverics the authority of Noah, 
their fote monarch, might well exert itfclf in dividing the earth, and 
affigning to thefe families, mentioned in the tenth of Genefis, their fevc- 
ral portions of land, to be poffeffed and cultivated by them, according 
10 their tongues, according to their kindred, and in their nations. 

Secondly, The joint confent of ancient hiftoriographers and chro- 
nologers gives authority to aflirm Nimrod, the grandfon of Ham, to 
have been the founder of Babel, purfuant to the exprefs words of Mofes, 
** that the beginning of Nimrod's kingdom was Babel," Gen. x. lo. 
So that his name implying rebellion againft the ordinance of God, and 
his character of a mighty hunter before the Lord denoting alfo ufurping 
tyranny over men, we may from thence fafely conclude him the au- 
thor or chief promoter of that wicked attempt againft heaven ; which 
provoked God to quafli the enterprise, and to punifti it with the con- 
fufion of the firft language ; and thereby with the difperfion of that in- 
fatuated mis-led people he had drawn together, and encouraged to 
ftiare with him in that proud, profane, rebellious undertaking. " Let 
us build us a city and a tower, whofe top may reach unto heaven ; and 
Jet us make us a name, that we be not fcattered abroad upon the face 
of the earth," Gen. xi. 4, 

It feems that generation of mankind had an intimation given 
them, either by Noah or by God himfelf, to divide and feparate in or- 
der to inhabit the whole earth; which this rebellious* Nimrod, the 
prime leader of refiftance, and the great hunter after empire, ftrenuoufly^ 

• Vide Jofcph. Hift. Jud. Ub. i. c. <. 

Withftood ; 


withftood ; and on the cnfiiaring maxims of felf-prcfcrvation and public * 
fefcty, prevailed with the greateft part of mankind to take that perni- ' 
cious courfe, which yet, by the over-ruling wifdom of Providence, di- 
redly led them to what, by their own wretched forecaft, they thought 
to avoid. They had heard the next deftruftion threatened was to be- 
by fire J and therefore a prodigious mole of brick- work was defigncd 
(as fire-proof) to fecure their fafety, or at leaft to give them a name : 
the latter indeed it did, for the whole ended in confuiion, and the name- 
it had was Babel ; and therefore the holy penman, accounting for this^ 
Nimrod, very appofitely fays, *' jind the beginning of his kingdomi 

was Babel." 

Now whether this Nimrod in fcrrpture be. the fame with BeluSr^ 
whom the ancient writers of hiftory mention to have been the founder 
of the Babylonian monarchy, is not fo eafily determined ;• though many- 
take thefe two names to import one and the fame perfon,. and that Be- 
lus. or Baal was only a title or attribute fignifying lord or tyrant. Yet 
if the pretended epitaph on Niaus's tomb^ mentioned by Xenophon,. 
deferves any credit, they were two perfoas, father and: fon ;: but the 
chronology related to be in that infcription being cgregiouffy falfe> the* 
whole is juftly rejected as counterfeit.. 

However that was,, the fcripture is exprefs, that the divifion- of the 
earth was in the days of Peleg,. and the difperfion of people and their 
feparation began at Babel during the reign or tyranny of Nimrod, for 
that is fiiid to have been the beginning of his kingdom. Now Nimrod^ 
being the third in dcfcent from Ham ; and Peleg,. according to the 
Hebrew text, the fourth (or if we take Cainan in, according . to St. 
Luke and the Seventy's computation, thtn. he is) the fifth in defcent 
from Sem. Whence it appears, that die confufion happened under 
the reign of Nimrod,. and that the adual difperfion was in the days of 
P*eleg,. the younger of the two in defcent, and probably in age, tho' 
by reafon of their long lives they were contemporary \ it will confe- 
q.uently follow, that this difperfion of people preceded, or at leaft was 
much about the fame time with, the adtual divifion of the earth, namely,. 

at Babel. 

Some of the fathers of the Chriftian church, I coafefs, afcribe the 
confufion and divifion here accounted tor,, to the beginning of Pelcg*^ 
days, or to the time of his birth, which was Anno loi, port diluvium^ 
alluding to the import of his name, as if given him in memory of that 
aft. But that,, as I fhall prefently fliew, could not conveniently be ^ 



ibr it ts not iatd» «^^ the bictb/' or «« io the begin mng. of/' but ^* vsl fSlm 
daya of Pelegt the earth was. divided /' whereby we have ai greater. lati<« 
tude left OS to fix the date of the divifion. 

Nimrod, by confcn>t of all ancient chrooologers, began his^. reign 
abput the year 170 after the ilood» arrived to the height of his tyranny 
at about fourteen years after, vi& Anno 1 84^ poft diluvium^ and died 
Anno 249, poft dikiv. So likewife Peleg, by the fcripture accountf 
being born Anno 101 , poft diluv. his days continued by the fame ac«- 
count to Anno 340, poft diluv. So that here by thefe accounts, the 
reign of Nimrod and the days of Pel^ being marks or ftandards given 
us to fix and determine the date of this grand affair, we mufl; take them 
together to adjuft this matter; and thereby it will with the . greateft 
probability appear, that it happened about the year 240, after the 
flood ; when Nimrod was^ at the height of his tyranny, abott nine years 
before his death i and when Peleg was about the hundred and thirty- 
ninth of his age. So that both the fads of confufion and divifion come 
up with great agreement to what the fcripture exprefly fays of the one, 
viz^ '^ that the beginning of bis kingdom was Babel >' and of the other, 
*\ that the divifion. was in the days of Peleg," which is an intimation not 
to be negleded, and comes pretty nicely to determiine this point. 

.Thirdly, The confideration alfb of the ftate and condition of na« 
ture, that is ^ what time the increafe and multiplication of mankind 
was capable of thi^ divifion o£ people into fo many principaliciesi and 
nations, as are recorded in the tenth chapter of' Genefis, will groatly 
conduce to a right determination of this matter. Here the opinion of 
thofe who aflign the time of this divifion (if they mean adual divifion, 
i. e; when they were really and adtually divided) to the birth of Peleg, 
which: was Anno. loi, poft diluv. feems to be quite overthrown by the 
vety Mofaic accounts* For we are to obferve, that Mofes reckons in 
that divifion of families no lefs than feventy*two princes or heads of 
people; and furely we mufl allpw them at leaft an equal number, of fe- 
males for wives, and a few children alfo before they could be families 1 
which mufl amount to a greater number of fbuJs than the pnopagation 
of mankind out of * three pairs could afford in the fpace of an hundred 
and one years. For if we grant every male and female, in the firfl 
pofl*dikivian* century, to beget eight children (one with another) by 

the time they arrived to the age of forty years; we fhall find by the 


* Noah cannot be fuppofed to have begot any children after the flood, for his wife was then too 
oM ; and it is nor to be imagined that, after her deceafe, he married an/ of his^ownoiBpring, 

I rule 


rultf of' arithmetical progreflion, that allowing thcnrft ten years of . 
that century for Shem, Hiini, and Japheth (and of them the whole 
earth was qverfprcad. Gen. ix, 19.) to beget twenty-four children or 
twelve pairs of people ^ and forty years more, for thefe twelve pairs, 
to beget iiinfety- fix children orforty-eighc pairs; and forty years more, 
for thefe rforty^eight pairs, to beget three hundred and eighty -four chil- 
dren, mile and female i which is Jail ninety years after the deluge ; 
it follows that the whole number of fouls (fuppofing* the number of 
maleaand females ^e^ual, andnbbe to have^ died) at the year 10 1, when 
Peleg W2|s borp, could amount to no more than' five hundred and twelve 
perfons, with children under eleven years old-^^furely too inconfidera- 
ble a number for fo great an affair, as the dividihg of the whole earth, 
erecting a kingdom, building a tower, whofe top was to reach heaven, 
with all the pompous enumeration of fo many tongues, families, and 
nationsj ajs appear in the tenth of Genefis, was to have been ; far fur^ 
pafiing the Capacity of fo fmall a number. 

But let us proceed with this calculation of an eight-fold encreafe of 
mankind at every forty years period, and we (hall find that at the year 
240, after the flood, the encreafe of mankind iwelled to a number fuf<- 
ficiently proportionable to that work; the fum whereof, collc^ftively 
taken, amounted to upwards of thirty* two thoufand eight hundred and 
thirty-two fouls. And when withal, we take into confideration, the 
fpontaneous foecundity of the earth at that time in producing fuflenance 
to man without much toil and labour, the vigorous healthy conftitution 
of men, their long lives, the long continued fruitfulnefs and teeming 
condition of their women, the allowance of polygamy (their great and 
jnoft neceflaiy work at that time, as well as the command of God 
unto them, being to encreafe and multiply :) All this confidered, it 
may be well fuppofed that in their lafl hundred and forty years, they 
encreafed in much greater proportion ; for when their flock of people ' 
was grown numerous, the multiplication went on fafter, on account 
of their long^evity and their allowed polygamy; and the cognation and 
proximity of blood (which at firft was fome obflacle in the courfe of 
generation) being then grown wider and remoter, therefore I think on^ 
the faid fuppofition, it will be eafily granted that their real number, at 
thi5 year 240, was much greater than I have reckoned ; efpecially if 
the number of females exceeded the males, which as a reafonabl^ fur- ' 
plufage may come in, not only to fupply the number of thofe that died * 
from the deluge to that time, but alfo to enhance by fome thoufands' 

Oo more 


* • * 

more the eilimate I have Ji^cre ipade vf.thim at^U^eldb^rfibhof Ba^I: 
So to conclude this PropoiittoQj we find that the reign of Nimrod and 
the days of Peleg are the heft marks we have to determine this queftion ; 
which induced qieto eflabU(h the date o£ this aiFair in or about -Anna 
240, poji diluv. a little before the death o£ the one^ and about ihe 
middle of the days of the. other. I At which time mankind v^% 6ithtw 
ently numerous to become enable of being the. fubjed of that great 
work; after which timej vi?. 240^ thie holy fcripture is pofitive (to 
prove; the latter part of this queftion) tthaC Noih lived a fauiidved and 
ten years. And if this cootputation AdOuld bet4ooked upon as not fa^ 
tisfaftory ; I /hall only .ajdd, that it id. allowed .by all on very good 
grounds, that Abraham v^as bofn after this difpcrfion ; and being born, 
as the exprefs chronology of Mofes has it» in. the feventicth year of the- 
age of Terah, which by that chronokgy was the two hundred and 
ninety- fecond year after the deluge ; (for as to the icxty y<q[rs more that 
are by fome added to the age of Terab before Abrahaip was born» there» 
is no fufficient warrant in fcripture for it, and what i% produced for it 
from Adts vii. 4. is otherwife tb be accounted for) I (hall therefore con^> 
clude> that Noah living, three huudred and fifty yeans after the floods Geo^ 
ix. 28. mufl be contemporary wjth Abraham for the fpace of'ftftx^ight 
years, and confequently fut'yive the difperfion at fiabel, a grea€ ouni<^ 
ber of years^ which is all I aio).at and contesid for in this parttcular.. 

Proposition II. 

Having hitherta (hewed that the firft way of fpcaking was one en- 
tire language to the confuiion ; and that that was what we caU the 
Hebrew tongue : My (econd propofition is. That at the building of the? 
tower of Babel^r there happened among thofe who were concerned in<r 
that daring enterprize aceiiation^ for fome time at leaAf and.confoQon4 
of that firft language. 

This muft alfo be dk>wed by all who own the authoritjn of the holy 
fcriptures ; for Mofes there exprefly fays, that God confounded their 
language, that men could not underftand one another's talk^ a& you will( 
find. Gen. xi. 6, 9. 

Under this propofition, I (ball confider, Firft, What^ thia cefia** 
tion or confufion of the firft language wa8« Secondly^ What influ- 
ence it had upon, and how far it efieded the feparation and difptrfioii/ 
of people over the face of the whole earth ; for that feems to^ have. 
been the chief end and defign of it» <^ Let us confound their language^ 


^ p M ' r-* •> • ^r 

r r 

MOl^A ANTiqiUA ft-E^fAU R AT A. 287 

(fays God) '* that they may not underftand one another ;" fo the Lord 
(battered them abroad upon the face of all the earth. 

First, What this confufion was? It fecins it was a puniflimcnt 
that the fins of thofe people were then ripe for. Unity of language, if 
joined with the finccre worftiip of God, and with mutual benevolence 
and charity amongft men, is a great bicfling ; but when it is ufed to 
affront and pervert thofe ends, as it fcems it then was, it becomes a, 
curfe j and therefore God inflidled it upon thefe men, by dividing their 
communication, and fending them away, one party from another, to 
the end that fome at leaft might be godd^ if the greater part of then\ 
would continue wiclced and rebellious. 

There is fome diverfity of opinion about the ad: and manner of con-» 
founding this firf): language at Babel ; but what is alledged on that par«- 
ticular may be forted under thefe two heads : 

First, Some take the word ^^3 Ba/a/, by which this confufion is 
there expreflTed, to fignify,. among thofe builders, a mixing and chang- 
ing the known fenfe and meaning of fome founds into the fenfe and 
import of other founds, and thofe into others again, and fo through : 
As when- fome called for brick, others underftood thereby and brought 
mortar ; when they called for mortar, others again underftood thereby 
and brought them gravel ; and in this manner they conceive, that fuch 
of thofe people, as underftood and had one and the fame meaning of 
every found or word they heard, became in an inftant men of one and, 
the fame language *. 

Thus they account for this confufion, and how thereupon the fcve- 
ral -|- mother-tongues were made or framed by God in the minds of 
thofe divided parties. But fince it appears that one end of this con- 
founding of their tongues was to deter them from a further profecution 
of that work, methinks, this was not the way to put a ftop to it. For 
in this cafe we muft conceive, that either God inft)ired a new language 
into every individual man, as he deprived him of the old one -, or elfe 
gave this new-^formed language to feparate parties or families of men^ 
If the firft, then indeed there was grown up a goodly ftock of tongues, 
far better adapted for foliloquies^ than for converfatiop and fociety. If 
the fecond be true, then it will follow that the end that God defigncd 

^ ConlbuiKiint and mingling haVe very different idi^as ; in minting, the form and properties' ' 
of the things mingled are pneferved* but in confounding are aU de&oyed. 

f Thefe mother-tongues ibme authors reckon to have been feventy-two m number, bccaufe fo - 
many perlbni or heads of families are mentioned in the tenth of Genefis ; of which mother-ion^nics, 
Scaliger rctkons eleven (four principal and feven lefs principal) to have come to Europe. 

Oo 2 t6 



to have been efFeded by it, tha( is, the putting a Aop to that audacious 
attennpt, might have been fruflrated and defeated. For if Godj in 
that grand extirpation of the old, immediately framed new languages 
in the mouths of fo many parties of men ; it was eafy to forefee, that 
by the combining and confederating together of thefe new-gifted par- 
ties, who well underflood one another, and might thereby well manage 
their deiign, the work in hand might profper and go on as before ; and 
nothing that way could hinder it, but another confufion, and perhaps 
another after that, and fo on infinitely. Which procedure mu(l needs 
be reckoned very abfurd, and' therefore not likely to be the true matter 
of faft. And yet as incongruous, as when examined into, it feems to 
be, it is to this day the moft generally entertained opinion, that God 
miraculoufly framed and put into the minds of men, at the confufion^ 
thofe diverfified modes of fpeaking, which are called by the name of 
mother-tongues ; and which afterwards multiplied and improved them- 
felves into abundance of dialedts, and thofe at length into all the lan- 
guages the world hath been acquainted with ; though the holy fcripture 
mentions not {which is very flrange if it had been true) one word of 
ib great a miracle. 

Secondly, Some others finding the grounds of this laft opinion not 
Aable enough, conceive otherwife of the matter. They allow a deletion 
(if not« a total one, yet one in fuch a meafure as was enough ta obdrudt 
the work) of the firft language : They look upon that a^ of punx(h* 
ment which confounded it, to have been a fort of extraordinary ftupor 
or delirium, which God in his juil indignation threw among that brain- 
fick race of men, who impioufly imagined, that with their mole- 
hill, in comparifbn, they were able to defy and oppofe heaven and alt 
its menaces ; when in an inftant, the divine nemefis fo fpread that flu- 
pifying evil among the multitude, that they were fo far from being able 
to cfFedt what they vainly undertook, that they had fcarce a word to 
fay or anfwer to one another. The memory, it feems, being by that 
flupor quite fubverted, communication immediately ceafed ; the mul- 
titude difiblved and difiipated (that bond of communication which knit 
them together being br(^^e) and the work was inftantly laid afide and 

This account of the matter, I confefs, is very agreeable to God's 
defign, and comes fully home to the end and purpofe of it i and is the 
fecond thing I defign to treat of under this Propofitioft : Therefore, 



* SeconplYj As for the influence and force this puniihment wa^ to 
have in diflipating and difperfing thefe people ; it ought here to be taken 
for granted (and indeed it is a maxini of undoubted truth) that an end 
propofed, efpecially by an all-wife and infinite agents requires and will 
always infer that the means made ufe of to bring it to pafs be adequately 
fuitable and effedual to it. And now in this cafe, fince we find the 
Qieans afTerjted by the patrons of the firft opinion, on feveral accounts 
incompetent to that end and exceptionable, in being many ways liable 
to evade and defeat it, we cannot therefore allow it to be a true repre^ 
fentation of that affair, though the opinion that hands it to us be ever 
fo general* Neither indeed can we look upon it as properly a punifh-* 
ment, if in that adt, God only changed their old language for a num- 
ber of new ones. And if it be by fome rather thought he did {o, fuch 
as think fo fhould confider, whether it be any way agreeable to the di- 
vine wifdom, who works every thing pcrfe<31y, to be the author of 
fuch rude, mean, imperfedt gibberifhes, as the firfl languages after the 
difperiion are known to have been ; and alfo, if the mother-tongues at 
their firfl coming abroad had been tolerably accurate and expreffive^ as 
furely they would have been, had they (as is pretended) come imme- 
diately from the hands of God, what need would there have been of 
borrowing and begging one of another^ and of all the labour that has 
been afterwards fpent in improving^ augmenting and polifhiog them,, 
to nvake them ufeful ? 

But on the other (ide^ if we look upon this overture as a great and 
iignal vengeance inflided on the impiety of thofe men, and on their 
language which was inflrumental to it, God as it were with one blow 
dafhing their whole enterprise, by ftriking every man of them dumb,, 
and probably for fome time deaf alfo, as the word yott; in the text feems 
to intimate, viz. And Go<i confounded their language that they 6eard 
not one another ; for t6al is the projM'icty of the word ; confidering^ 
this, I fay, we have great reafon to apprehend> that the amazement 
and terror accompanying that a£t, next to finking them dead upon the 
fpot, muA carry the greatefl and mofl irrefiflable influence with it, tiponr 
the fears and paffions of thofe men, difpofing them to deiifl. from fa 
dangerous and mifchievous an attempt. And when they found their 
memory, as to words and their former habits of fpeaking, quite 
gone, defaced and ruined, nature itfelf, with the help of what rea« 
fon and judgment remained in them, bcfides the efieds of that fright 
and conft^rnation^ mufl be acknowledged alfo to be of fome forcer 



to make them withdraw and divide themfelvcs into feparate bands 
^tnd companies. 

For vhen this infli&ed damp and terror was Over^ and their retained 
ieaibn began to clear up and difplay itfelf, we may well imagine their 
inward thoughts^ wanting their accuftomed former vents, began to glow 
and burn within them» puihrng them to form iiew founds^ and to tack 
and faften them to fuch ideas as every minute called for and wanted 
their afiiflance^ which tacking of founds toideas^ and ideas to things, 
u properly the ground-work of all languages. 

This work was of great confequence, and muft be (peedily attempted ; 
and they could not but by. a few trials find it as feafible as it was ne«- 
•ceiTary, having their faculties and organs prompt and ready for it. - But 
for all that it was not to be done in a multitude, where a few fettled 
founds would be foon loft, before any current ftamp could be fixed 
upon them. Hence will appear by this latter opinion, which the 
former indeed is wide of, how the divine terror of this a<ft, and 
alfo the dire<ft and natural refult of it became a caufe to make that vaft 
innumerable concourfe of people break up, and oblige them to retire and- 
divide into little communities; where, and in which ciixrumllance only, 
they could be in a way to repair their lofs, and to refit themfelves for fu*' 
ture converfe : Which people could fcarce, if at all, bring topafs in great 
aflemblies and extended multitudes *, it being the work of that art which 
never admits of too many heads or hands, but of united fkill, induftry and' 
diligence to lay down the ground-work of a new-formed language. 

Thus I take it almighty Providence moft benignly adapted the pu- 
ai&mentof this people to their future advantage; and moft wifely 
contrived, by taking away their firft language, to make tJbaf a means of 
dividing themfelves into great numbers of communities and govern- 
mcnts ; and /Arf of forming new languages ; and that too of cementing 
them together into nations, in order to difpcrfe them over the face of 
the earth. And if God had not taken away the old, or when he had 
done fi>, had himfelf framed and infpired new languages into them, as 
many arc of opinion he did ; I much doubt whether that difpcrfion 
could have been fo readily and conveniently effeded (naturally fpeafc- 
ing) as in the method herein explained we prefume it was. 

Proposition III. 

Having (hewed under the foregoing Propofition, that the confiifion 

of the firft language, therein briefly accounted fo/, had in its. etkit$, 

I lis 


at well a natural as a mdral efficacy to bre^k up that impious afTehlbiy,. 
4tfKi divide thtm into many aflbciated bands and companies^ in order 
to difperfe them far and wide Co colbnise the face of the earth ; it ap^- 
pears from thence that Ood ibeincd to look upon thar one firft language 
%o be a great imprediment ta ir^ and therefore confounded it;* and mad^ 
xnen^ by the confequences of tliat confufion, retire and withdravir 
^em^^lves to recover their loft fpccch. And thefc men having fo ft- 
pjrated and * divided themfelves, it v^ras al fo natural for them to feck 
9Ut new habitations ; virhich is what I Sake to be meant by difperfion^. 
and comes here to be made ufc of under the force of a Proportion ; be- 
eaufothe fcripture^ whofe teftimony anrounts to thf^ higheft force of 
evidence^ exprefly affirms, (event alfo vilibly feconding it) that God 
pame down^ confounded their language, and fcattered them abroad upon« 
the face of the cartb> Gen. xi, 7,. 8. Upon which Propofitioa I (halt 
prodeed very briefly with thefe following partiGulars. 
:. First, Before we come: t^ the detail of t^is Propofirion, we ttray li* 
general conceive that thefe people who were thus divided, confede* 
rated themfelves, to the end mentioned, in kindreds and families ; atldi 
•f thefe foQle immediately removed and took their progrefs, as they en^ 
creafed and multiplied, into far countries, India, China, Tartary,r &r.. 
and in their way thitEier propagated many nations and languages ; and 
ibme others £xed their abodes in regions near adjoining to the place of 
iheir difperfion. 

Thefe latter, in that firft and moil? important work: of compoling 
and framing words to utter their rnind^, and^ to convey their concep- 
tions' to one another, we may well prefume, were veiy much relievedi 
and affifted by their neighbours, the houfe and family of H^ber ; at 
whofe fhining lamp thefe unhappy nven might by their p^rmiflipn and^ 
favour foon rekindle their extingui(hed torches, and by recolledihg^. 
alfo what their broken and harrafied memory would afford, recover 
many words of their loft language, and perhaps by that means comer-^- 
^o raife and modeL their new forms'' of fpcech upon the recovered rCiih^ 
of it. , 

Arid' this Itakc to be the only or chief reafbp of the appearing of fb* 
many Hebrew word» in the tongues of thofe people who defccnded put 
«f fuch as had made their firft fettlements in thofe adjoining coun- 
tries abopt Syria and Babylon ;. which was the cafe with many of 
the .nationa:^of Europey. and particularly our own« And upon this ac** 

Gen, x» 32,. 



count I hope it will appear, that it was with good reafon and upon 
warrantable grounds, that I endeavoured and undertook in t'hefe Eflays 
to trace the origin, and deduce the ancient names and characters of 
many of our fuperannuated rites and performances of religion in the 
weftern part of Europe, from the language and cudoms of that age and 
people ; efpecially fince even to this day we have fo many plain. un« 
forced words of that primitive tongue among us, as the preceding table 
difcovers, that it cannot with any fhew of rea(bn be doubted, but that 
the ancient language (what name foevcr we give it) out of which the 
Gaulifli or Britiflx tongue was derived, was one of thofc I now men- 
tioned, which took their rife from, and built their ftrudures upon, the 
remains of that mod ancient Hebrew tongue. 

Secondly, It being now {hewed that many of the Aiian tongues, 
viz. the Armenian, Chaldee, Syriac, Arabic, &c. borrowed or derived 
fo much of this ancient Hebrew, that in tjieir primitive words and ra^ 
dicals they are almod the fame with it ; we are next to confider that 
among thofe languages which, by the favour of Heber and his family, 
took into them fo great variety of Hebrew founds, the languages of the 
fons of Japheth, at lead thofe of Gomer and Javan, which gave rife 
to the old Celtic that was the mother of moft of the ancient tongues of 
Europe, have participated in a great meafure of that advantage of bor- 
rowing from the language of Heber : Which confideration may fuper« 
fede the wonder we ufually are at, to find even to this day fo great a 
number of genuine Hebrew words in the Greek, Latin, Teutonic, and 
Britifh tongues ; and thofe (fbme of them) the very fame ; and others 
fo very little difguifed and altered, abating what is ufual in pronounc- 
ing the words of one language in another, that I flatter myfelf into a 
belief that no impartial man will ever doubt of it, or fufpedl their com- 
ing from any other origin. 

Nay more i their being the fame, as many of them are, with the 
known Hebrew words that are of one fignification with them, {except 
what is already excepted) is to me an irrefragable proof, that they did, 
and could not indeed but, come from that origin ; it being next to im- 
poffible that fo many words as the foregoing table prefents to our view, 
could ever by chance meet in one and the fame found and fignification. 
And no other caufe of fuch coincidence offering itfelf, it is therefore- 
an apparent evidence that thefe languages I account for mufl on the rea- 
fon I mention proceed and be derived from one and the fame fountain- 
head, the ancient Hebrew tongue. 


^OXA, ANTJQU.A, |lj;^TAU.RA.fA .289 

, Now in order tp give .the rqafon of this procedure a little more weight, 
the reader wfll pardon me h^fe .a fmall digrcflion. To that enfl, he 
^will pleafe to confider that as Npah wets at the time of this difpeffion 
'iht' fat Ifer, of al| maqkind, exc.ejiting his ovrt), arid h'isfons- wives,, if 
"th'^A lii^ih'g s—fdr we are pfetty well aflured th^t Noah and his fan Shqm 
lived the;!' an4 rtiany ycarS after !t — fo he wa,s .their chief monaroli ^ 
dired: thfem in the way of polity and. government ; and their chief 
•priefl: and pVophe? to inft'rud them in the true \ypr(Iiip^of GocJ, ^nd jn 
'fheVay 6f^religiop. AincJ indeed, as to both thefe capacities and. hie 
.'adings in ^hem,; there ^re fpriie'renjains'.6f' antiquity, that inform u^, 
thait Nb^hlaid dowrf rules/ As eft^bliftied laws, to his pofterityf .which 
go undfer thenanie of Mit±otb bene pfoach, via?. " The ftatutes of the 
ions ofHoahi" biecaufe^ delivered to them for morale political and the- 
ological fplfes tg conforni th?mfelves *untoV and to be made upi'of by 
their pofterityji ■ aV certain .ftandards of juftice aiid piet/-; on vvhlchac- 
CQuqt Itakd it, it WaS that $!• P^tqr call§ hima Preacher of Righteouf- 
neis, 2 Pet. ii. v, that is, a propounder of good and * righteous lavvcs 
among his' pofterity. 

' Thefe laws iirt all probability were thft fum or ap abftracS: of thofc 
that wef?* given by God to Adam at the creation; and whicH conti- 
nued after jn the church of iGpd to the tihie of Abraham. *i^6r furely 
'fome laws they had which were promulged to them (for where there }s 
no law th^re can be no fin) during the time of the patriarchal oeconomy ; 
which was at an end in the time of Abraham,' when circumcifion and 

'other new laws were added and had a new force and fandlion lealed 
* , . ' . . • • . * 

upon them. And indeed to thctfe, or fuch as thefe, Godhimfelf fecnis 
to have reference, when he bletfed Abraham : And for a reafon ofth'at 
bleffing, God fays, " Becaufe Abraham obeyed my voice ;" which un- 
• doubtedly referred to" his willingnefs to offer his fon Ifaac ; then adds, 
«* And kept my charge, my commandments, my ftatutes,. and my 
laws,'*' Gen. xxvi. c. Now what thefe commandments, ftatutes'^ and 
laws, "which God here calls his own,* were, we miift be far to'feek, if 
they be not thefe I now mention; the heads whereof you have in' the 
margin of the following page. 

• • < « 

» .» « 

k > 

•.!*]»-'• •' : r. They 


I have been the more particular 

They were fcven in number. in this account of Noah's being in 

^ t^ Ti t M *d *^^ public capacities of father^ 

1. De cavendaldoklatrtd^^ .^^^ • ^ and prophet, in re- 

2. De tmledtmone^ummu j^^j^^ ^^ ^,j ^^^^j^^ ^^ ^^^ ^j^^ 

3. DefaKgumisEffufione. ^^ this difperfion, that the. reader 

4. De non reve^nJa turpttudme. ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ ^^.^ ^^^^ 

5. D€ Rapma Q? Furto. ^^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^1 j^,^^ 

6. Dtjudtcm. • jj^jj ^f the:firft language, except- 

7. Z). ^;.;7j^. ^;//;^^//. ww mn -^^ .^ ^j^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^.j^ ^^ 

comedendo. Uthtx, was opened under thefc 

Thefe patriarchal laws I have had peculiar circumftances to many 

frequent occafion to mention in neighbouring familiea to recover 

the foregoing EfTays. by their intercourse with this what 

they had loil in their own. 

For, Firft, I have before fhewed how it is generally prefumed that 
Heber and all his family preferved their language ; Secondly, Noah be* 
ing then alive muft be fuppofed to be one,, nay the head, of that family 1 
and. Thirdly, If (b, we may well prefume that many of that difperfing 
multitude, out of filial piety reforted to Noah to bewail their misfor-^ 
tune, and to receive his commands and inftrudions. And how could 
this be done, but in his own language? And how could they be the 
better for his fatherly in(lru£tions and documents, which undoubtedly 
he took care to inculcate upon them, but by their learning that lan,- 
guage by their frequent refort to that family in which he refided i This 
is to fhe a plain cafe, that a great deal of the firft language was foon 
again recovered, at leaft by Heber's neareil neighbours. And of that 
number fome of the fons of Japheth, particularly Gomer and Javan, 
might.yery probably be : And on that account may be reckoned, not 
only to have carried with them a vaftly greater ftock of Hebrew words 
than 1 have fhewed in this table, (great allowance being to be made. for 
what was fince loft in the multiplying of dialeds) but alfo more efpe*- 
cially that they carried with them the fchen^es and forms of worfhip, 
pradifed in thoie days i and with thefe,. the original names and cha« 
raiders of n^any of them* Which, confideratioa. alone will, I hope^ 
fufiiciently anfwer for my deducing our ancient Druidical rites of wor* 
(hip and other appurtenances of religion* (we being proved to be the, 
defi:endants of Gomer) from the very rites and ufages the faid Gomer 



then received and pr aftifed ; and (b were by him carefully configned 
over and delivered to his pofterity. 

Thirdly, To come now to particulars : This aft of difpcrfion now 
beginning to exert itfelf, we find the united tribes and families, having 
got them :new ways of fpeaking, and thereby e(lab1i(hing to themfelves 
forms and plans of government^ betook themfelves into various parts 
and quarters of the world, under feveral heads and rulers, whom they 
then or foon after called kings and princes. The particulars whereof 
you will find recorded by way of anticipation, as many of the Mofaic 
accounts are, in the tenth chapter of Genefis; where the divifions of 
the firil poft diluvian families are noted and didinguifhed, every one ac-. 
cording to their tongues, according to their families, and in their na^ 
tions. And there too, to come to the fubjeft of my enquiry, we find 
the fons of Japheth to have taken to their allotments the ifles of the 
Gentiles, which are reckoned by all authors to be Europe and the ma- 
ritime parts of Afia. 

Now among the fons of Japheth, it is generally allowed (and there 
are great authorities for it) that Gomer was the founder of that nation 
out of whom the Gauls and Britons defcended. But to trace the pro* 
greilion of that people, whom authors call Gomarittt aind their tongue 
Gamarian, to thefe parts of Europe, has been a taik that puzzled all 
antiquity, till the great learning, indefatigable labour, and extraordi* 
nary judgment of the late ever celebrated peribn, Monfieur Pezron^ 
D. D. abbot of La Charmoye in France, difcbvered fuch tracks aii>d 
footfteps of it, even through the reikioteft times, that to me his accounts 
feem liable to fo few exceptions> that I fee not how any one can but 
acquiefce in them ; abating one error, as I take it, or rather omiflion, 
that runs through the whole file of his difquifitions-~and that is, his 
making no diftin£tion between the firft * planting age, wherein pto** 
pie were only bent on procreation (polygamy for that end being al*- 
lowed) and were chiefly emplo]^ in clearing and cultivating the face 
of the earth, and fending colonies far and wide to poflefs and inhabit it ; 
and the buftling warlike age^ if I may fo cal4 it, that fucceeded that 
firfl one, wherein ambition and defire of fovereignty and empire had 
room and opportunity from the then great ihcreafe of mankind to exert: 
and difplay itfelf ; people in their firft peragrations being bufied and* 
wholly taken up with toil and induftry, tlie earth and richeft countries* 

Pp 2 of 

29^^ m'o:n. a: \KV?r riQU a ' tte s.^; At; rata/ 

of it J3y that time being an\cwergrown wilderhefs, and nothing in their' 
pafling onwards to be contefted with but riyers^ mountains^ w6ods> ' 
and wild beafts, ThutT 'conceived, and this I hftve let down in the 
preceding Effays; that the progeny -of Jsrphet)), via. fome Of thcfe 
Gomarians'at the firft difpcrfion began to move weft ward'; and the firft 
fwarms of them, the Hencti (the trioft ancient colonies or firft planters, 
as the word Hen imports, and which gives fome hint oiF their language) 
might arrive in Europe, and fo come to Germany, Gaul and Britain, 
even before the ruffling age began, wherein the learned Perron places . 
the sera and firft date of his accounts, ^c^ And indeed he owns as 
much, by his rcprefenting moft. of his Titan expeditions, rather as 
conquering than colonizing and plahting. Nay» the very ftate and con- 
dition of nature at that time fpeak as ifhuch i and thefe circumftances 
of the ftate of nature and condition!. 6f tilings', m tomputiiig - the pro- 
greftioa of mank^ind, ^are to be cOnfiilted^* as well ^s, if not ifiore than' 
the ihort hints which the uncertain tradition of thd next tumultuous • 
age deliver'ed over to theTecor^s "of future times, which all know to 
have been/very fabulous and erroneous^ ' Ytt .for all tliis, ari univerfltl - 
confent ^tk tradition among a people^ shewing out of Whaft ftock they^ 
defcendedi'niay be well depended on; though hiftory tiiay-fail in ac« 
counting for the way and manner of that prdj^effioij.'- : ! , * 
• This learned Briton, in his lately publi^ed book of the An^iqiiities' 
of Nations, obfervcs from the earlidft^hint^ of hiftofy thkt thofc men- 
tioned Gomafians feated themfelves'iA^th^ prdvinctfs bet li^en* Media 
and the; XJafptcrn iba, that is, in^'HircaftIa','MdrgUna, ^nd Bkdriana; 
aiid' that; they were the ^nteftoiss 'o(\\it Gauls i and by reafon of their 
diifpoileflmg the former inhibitatits^ the Medes, they have had by thofe* 
escpeUed :^ people^ the name of Scca given them, that isi fittagers and 
r^M^x;i and thefe, in compfnfation for that,, gav^e the Medes or the- 
men they ilrove out the iiajne oi' Partibiansj itort\ the Cehic \fotAPaftbu, 
viz, to Jjviik znA Jefarate. Here the; Gomafian^ take the name of 
Sacs or Sac's; and their language from this time came for a while 'to 
be called Sacick ; and a branch of thefe, mixing with the Teutons^ came 
in procefs of time to be called Saxons ; which is the reafon th^t fo^ 
many Engliih words in this -table do* ftvbiif oF |he brigipal tongue,^ 
( which I have ftiewed before had a great 'deal t>9F,it in the GoWticify la-*" 
mily) and ha vc. their place in the faid table, . : " - 

The author further (hews, how a great colony of thefe Sac's made 
an irruption under one Achmoto Ui^ir pitince into Cappadocia, and other 
-* parts 


pirts of Lower Afia> bordering on the Euxinc fta ; and after that ano* 
tKer colony of them made incurfions to the North partof Afia> and over . 
to Europe by the Pala9 Mseotidis, who took on them the name of 
Cumbrians or Cimmerians, and their language from Tuifco their leader 
came to be called Teutonic. Hence the agreement of many Teutonic 
words with the ancient Celtic, But that great colony that overfpread 
a g^^^^ P^^*^ ^^ Low-cr Afia, went iwider.the name of Titans, from a 
Gaulifh compound, /W earthy and ^^« or tanu, fpreading, viz, an over- 
fpreading people ; and from their invincible prowefs they had, by way 
of charia^r, the attribute of Celtai or Galli, from Galiu or power, 
given to them;- and thence their language ,was called Celtic or: 
Gallic, as it has ever- fince continued to be, in the main branch of) 
this peopk': Fbronni^alJiftg it here. Briti/h, is but by way of national- 
diftiniftion i it being Orie and the fame, even to thc.timc of Julius .Casfar,. 
in Gaul and Britain, abating the divcl-fity of idioms and dialedls. , 
• This great and vvrarlike nation, now called Titans, having fprei^. 
themfelvei over all the Lower Afia, even to the Mediterranean fea, be- 
gan /i&^r(? to lay down ' the foundation of their vaft empire, which by. 
their fiicceedin^ princes, AchmoA,' Uranus,. Saturn, Jupiter, Mercury^ 
Mars, Dis, Hfercul^s, &c. they ejcfciided overJthe greateft part of Bu-r 
rope; and (hefe rmmes being alV Ccftic, as^you taayrfec iiii:tl» fcventh' 
fcaion of the firft Effay ^, fuflkiently prove their being .of the fauw 
language with us. And when Uranus had pafled tlic fea into Greece 
and Itafy, in ordfef- ta trnlarge- his cohqueft over thcfc weftern pAtt^'qS 
Europe, Dr^ Pizrott cx'prefly fjiy^J <«. Thatiall' that could not he di>tUk 
without <i-&n(portif1^' coloniefe thither to manure the groiind,; andtp-kcc^^ 
the ahdifent inhibitants rnider fubjedion ;". which evidently impHd^^ al 
mdeetfthename of conqueft will, vjrhich he , frequently makct ufe of 
in hii account of this Titan expedition, that the countries they fubdued 
had been Ipng hefore -f inhabited. And fo we fee lha!t hiftory, cyi whick 
he only relies, is defective in the point of our firft plantings; and bryond 
hiftory what can we have but conjedures ? 

*' I cannot omit here one obferv^ition in relation to the firft planting of 
Greece and Italy. We*findorr.this fid« of die Meditcrraikean, in tbefe«ry 
firft ages hiftory can infornlUs of, gPC^ai'vaciety of tongacsand dialefca«.; 
^^htreas hnthe Afi'ah^lidey tbereappdar-toliaveljeen but^fcvnia mim- 
fetr, but thefe largely c«fended. * Ntf other cauie,:! think, can be .a<i- 




figncd for this, but the abundance of iflcs in that fea, between Anatolia 
and Europe ; whercunto thofe religious vagrants being got, fettled in 
them for fomc time; and thereby having but little commerce at.firft 
wirfi one another, their common language might, by the different im- 
provements they made in augmenting and polifliing their way of i|>eak* . 
ing, in every ifle by itfclf, be diverfified into numerous dialects ; and they, . 
or colonies from them, entring firft into Greece and Italy, did likcwife 
leave in thofe countries lading marks of that diverfity in the fcveral 
idioms of them. 

In the ifle of Creta, now Candia, one of the largeft of them, we find 
they had a large colony, and feemed to have dedicated it, ^s they after 
did the Ifle of Mona with us, as a facred place to the ufe of religion. 
Here their priefts and foothfayers refided ; whom (as we called ours 
Pruids, probably from Dir-wyr^ i. c. mojl necejfary men^ fo) they called 
Kttpwkj, Curetes^ as probably from Gwyr^rbaUi both coming under one 
and the fame fignification, that is, men of moft mceffary ufe and import^ 
ance^ as priefts and all ages were atcounted to be. Thefe 
Curetes took care of what belonged to the rites of facrificc, and the 
worftiip of the gods. To thefe the care of the education of princes 
was entrufted \ Jupiter being jin his youth committed to their charge. 
They were in great refpcS with the Aborigines of Italy, where they 
were called Saltans. They recorded, as the Bards with us, the heroic 
anions of princes in rhythmical compofitions ; which in Italy they 
called Carmina Saliaria or Verfus Saturnii,. as Varro and Fcftus write. 
Whatever related to war, laws and religion, was moftly contained in 
thofe fongs ; which generally were of great difficulty to be underftood 
by the Latins, hecaufe, as Pezron obferves, they contained in them 
many Celtic words. This being a place of learning in the carlieft 
ages of the world, they called here their oldcft inhabitants, Eteo- 
Cretans, who muft be the firft planter^ of the ifland before thefe Titans 
4cver came into it. 

Having brought this Gomarian, Sacic and Celtic tongue within 
the confines of Europe ; we (hall now (hew what advances it made, 
and what mixtures it underwent, during the reign of thefe Titans^ 
and after the diftblution of their government. 

First, We may obferve that thefe Titans lorded it over Europe^ 
fer a confiderable time, during the reigns of five or fix princes ; and 
extended their empire to the furtheft bounds of it. North and Weft. 
And if other tongues which were not the offsprings of the old Goma- 


rian were then in any parts of it^ we may well fuppofe the prevailing 
Celtic, in that docile age, to have had potent influence on them to 
mould them in a great meafure to its own forms and idioms» having fo 
long a time to work them into it. 

Secondly, After the breaking up of the Titan government, which, 
being one in itfelf, miited the various Gomarian dialers under one 
common name of Celtic ; this Celtic, upon the eredion of new king- 
doms and governments in all the provinces of that fallen empire, tooJc 
likewife on it new names^ after the denominations of the feveral fets 
of people then combining together under feveral polities and eilabliih- 
ments. In the northern parts of Europe the Ceko^Scythians ; in^Greecc, 
* before the time of Deucalion and his fon Helltnus^ the lonians, the Da- 
rians^ the i^olians^ (the Aohaians in Theflaly) the Spartans, the La-^ 
conians, the Argians^ the Arcadians and the Meifenians ; each of theie 
took up new names to their dialefls, which afterwards were in Greece 
compri&d under thefe four, viz. the Attic, Ionic,. Doric, iEolic* In 
Italy, the AuJRJhtans, the Umbrians, the Oenotrians#^ the Hetrufcans, . 
thfi OCci, the Sabine$» the Ligurians, and the Latians or Latins, who 
in the end fwallowed all, gave each of them their names to their proper^ 
diare^lB. In Spain it continued to be called Cdtiberian for fbme time;^ 
and then came to be called Cantabrian, with fome dialedls under it. 
And in Gaul it was generally called Gallic, as in Britain, Britifii ; for 
in thefe countries the fonner and the latter Celts, as to the main body. 
of them, had fixed their ftation. Ireland indeed in ancient times was^ 
fcarce taken notice of s but we find its language to be a mixture of Britilh,. 
Cantabrian and Teuton : Its firft tongue wei prefume was Briti(h ; but. 
by reafon of great colonies fent thither from Spain* and' Belgium, ifc 
coalefced with thofe tongues, and came to be- what, we now- call^ the 
Ififli or old Scottifli. To conclude. 

As we, the remains of theBritifli nation, who have fole intereftia^ 
the honour of this ancient Celtic tongue, are for ever obliged to that* 
great light of our Britifll antiquities, the learned Pezron, for his extra- 
ordinary pains and induftry in tracing out from the beft-'hiftoricaLcvi^ 
dences the age could afford the firft rife and progrefs of our natiofiand lan- 
guage, andforhis confummate fkill and judgment, in-giving us atrue light, 
and an agreeable view of our origin in that excellent book of his lately 
publifhed in Ffencli and now tranflated intoEngli(h, which aflbf edly ^wcll ; 
defervcs the perufal of every one that knows how to value the antiqui* 
ties of his nation -and language; fo we ought: to be no Jefs gratefuLto . 


^q6 .M.6N5^ ANTI€^UA- restaurata. 

the memory of tjie late exquifitely learned and judicious Mr. E4v^ar/i 
^LbwyJf keeper of thfe Mufaum AJhmoUeanum at Oxford, for his indefa- 
tigable labour in coUf^ting and digefting the fcattcred remnants of thjs 
ancient celebrated language ; but more efpeciallyfor th^ greatefl. pieoc 
of ferviire in that particular, (for ought 1 knojiv) that has been yet 
done to the lettered world ; I mean that excellent worH, his Compara- 
tive Etymology. In which he not on^y refcues etymolpgy, or that part 
:of learning which is fo neccffary to the tracing of the origin of patiqns 
.and languages, from the too common contempt that, was thrown upon 
-it, as being but trifling and frivolous, which fome inconCderate authors 
by trifling with it had made it feem to be, 5 but alfo lays down there 
fuch undeniable rules, feconded and exemplified by multitudes of pa- 
rallel inftanccs, for the more eafy finding out the afiinity of foundj, 
:which are obferved in the various tongues of Europe, though by dii*- 
fercnt pronunciation in diflPerent countries a little di^uifed and altered; 
and by fo reconciling that difference, has made it appear, from. wh^t 
wc in our Britifh tongue have retained of the ancient Celtjc, that thpy 
are but dialed of that ^/r^ once common language; though by their 
various mixtures with one another, by adding and fubftrac^ing fyilables 
to refine and polirti, and other accidental occurrences, vve find ithem fo 
difguifed and altered, as to appear widely cftranged^ ar^d to be accounted, 
by fuch as confider not the rules of etymology, and thereby the way of 
reconciling them, very diflferent languages, when indeed they arc byt 
the iflfues of one common origin. 

Thefe two now mentioned gentlemen, having by different methods 
.4!)peDed a way of rcfolving diverfe tongues in Europe to one mother* 
language, which language indeed Mr. Lhwyd leaves modeflly unde- 
Lcided, but by Monfieur Pezron is determined to be the Celtic ; I hoped 
my pains would not be ill fpent, if I endeavoured by the demonftration 
of this table to mount it one ftep higher; that is, to refolve.that (our 
firft diflinguifhed Gomarian) into the very original and fountain-head 
of all, the mod ancient patriarchal Hebrew tongue. For to evince 
that, here arc no lefs in this table than three hundred words of that 
- patriarchal language, to which our derivatives, in the tongues I account 
for, carry in their found an eafy unconilrained congruity and coherence. 
And of thefe three hundred Hebrew words, more than half that num- 
ber anfwer our prefent Britifh founds, as near as can be expcded at 
fo remote a diflance both of time and place. And indeed had I allowed 
myfclf the latitude which Mr. Lbwyd in his Comparative Etymology 

^ gives. 


gives, and he juftifies and confirms it by many examples, L think I 
might, as to the Britift^ have douWed tb* riumbtfr ; for I meddled not 
with founds tranfpofed, reverfed or mutilated, of vjrhich there are good 
plenty, btit.of fuch only as anfwei»ed fuUy, and came to an eafy ton- 
• gfviity {allowing only, as.I ppcmife in, the foregoing role, the organical 
perttiutalibn of lettefs) with thefe Hebrew foands* So that on the 
whole matter, if the Hebrew tongue was the language of Noah and his 
ibn», before the confufion, and confequently of Heber; and if Gomer 
and Javan after that confufion incorporated a great deal of it into the 
particular languages of their families, or rather recovered and built the 
ftrudture of their fpeech uport it, artd thea called it Gomarian and 
Jaoniafii^ las very good authwitifes avouth they did 5 and if the Gomaf- 
rian and Jaonian or Jonic were the original of ihe Celtic as Monfieur 
Pezrofl very well proves they were ; and if that ancient Celtic was the 
mother of the Greek, Latiil, Englifh, GauIiAi, and Briti(h, as he like- 
wife makes out beyond reaA^naUe ilenial ; then the refult of my propo- 
iitions fairly determines in this i^Tue^ viz* that the Britifh tongue, having 
more of that original language in it than all the reft together, may 
merit the efteem of being reckoned the moft ancient and leaft corrupted 
language in this weftern part of the world ; which is Mrhat deferves our 
notice,^ and what I think Sufficient to lay on this head. 

Concerning our Saviour ^sMEpAL. 

HAVING only mentkmed this piece of antiquity in the ninth 
ie<flion of the firfl EfTay, as being found among the rubbifh of an 
old circukr entrenchment, called Bfyn-Gwynp in the middle of the 
townlhip of Tr^V Dryw, and there made ufe of it to confirm my con- 
jeAtiTt of that place's being the Forum or tribunal of the ancient Druids, 
i (hall here add fonie further account of it. 

I had oaufed fome figures of it to be delineated in rundles on paper, 
aftd writ the Helwew infcription on the reverfes of them with my in- 
terpretation of it ; and having £ent one of them to my late worthy 
friendj Mr. Edward Limpi, then at Oxford, defiring him to cohfult 
fome friends there who weee verfed in the antiquities of that language 
al^out it, he returned me the anfwer he had fcom Dr; Croflthwalt of 
Queen's collegia, which was thus : 

Qq * sir; 



AS to the brafs Medal, bearing our Saviour's image, with a Hebrew 
infcription 5 I have this to fay. 

First, That I take this to be the infcription, viz. yefcbuab gibbor 
Mejcbiab bavab v' Adam joked \ that is, «* Jesus 'is and was the mighty 
and great Mcffias, or Man-Mediator or Reconciler." That which I read 
Havabt the gentleman reads Hazab; it is true, there is fuch a^word as 
Hazabt which fighifies Stertit, ^ievit^ which fignification can have no 
place here ; and therefore there muft be a miftake, either in the infcrip* 
tion itfelf, or in the tranicribing it ; the Zain (hould have been a Vcu. 

We have two learned orientalifts, Hottinger and Waferus 5 the firft 
has writ, De-Nummis Orientalium *, the fecond, De Nummis Hebrao- 
rum. The firft fays, p. 148, Nummi certe quotquot^ indubii Hebraicos 
agnofcimus^ Urnam & Virgam ojiendunt : funt infuper Nummi qui referunt 
Arcem Zionis : He fays alfo, p. 149, Habentur etiam hinc inde aurei 
& argent ei Nummi, cum infcriptione ex una parte W^ J^f^y ^^ alterA veri, 
&c. ^^Q TWfQ, that is, MeJJias Rex venit in pace, vel Deus homofadlus ejl. 

The Syrians always called our Saviour Jefu, cutting off the letter y 
Ain, bec^ufc of the difficulty of pronouncing it ; and the Greeks imi- 
tating them, adding only an s to it, called him Iws^. And therefore 
I cannot believe that any ancient infcription has Jefchuab or J^fchuang, 
tho* it be a Biblical word ; it is probable that the infcription would run 
in the Syrian language, which is "Jefu ; and this makes me fuipe<S the 
infcription to be of later date. 

The fecond, viz. Waferus, De Nummis Hebraorum, p. 62, has thefc 
words. His Uteris Samaritanis aneos aliquot Nummos, Julii fecundi & 
Leonis decimi pontijicum temper ibus Romaje vidrjfe ThefeusAmbroJius tcjla^ 
tur, in introduSlione in Linguam Cbaldaicam ; which Samaritan chara<^ers 
he expreffes by Hebrew letters; and it is the fame infcription with that 
of Hottinger, which I have mentioned above, p. 149, 

Waferus adds this further, fol. 63, Neque hoc Jilentio tranfmitti debet ^ 
• viz. Imaginem Domini qud nummo ilh nojiro exprimitur, ad earn defcrip^ 
tionem ejfe dejignatum, quam Lentulus civis Romanus Gf Judaorum olim 
prafes, ad imperatorem T^iberium: mijijfe vulgb perbibetur^ quam ait *ou/tu 
p/acido, venujio & fubrubicundofuijfe, capillos babuijje colori ben} matura 
nucis avellanajimiles, pianos & integros ad aures ufque^ inde crifpas nm-^ 
nihil ad humeros ufque : vertice vera divi/bs Nazarenorum ritu: Jhnte 
fuijfe pland & fulgidd, occulis glaucis. & micantibusi najb'& 6re decoro & 
prorfus dfjiVfjLOi), barbd capillis Jimili, baudprolixd^ ac bifidatd,., - - 


MdNA ANTIQUA" R fe S t Al) RA t A. ' 299 

' Th^feuS'Ambrofius fays he faw a brafs Medal of our Saviour with the 
infcription mentioned above in the time of Julius IL and Leo X. that 
is about the years 1503, and 1512. 

This is the firft time that I met with a brafs Medal of our Saviour. 
But what was the face of our Saviour, or of'St..Pa?u], or. of the Virgin 
Mary, no man knows, if you will believe St. Auflin, Lib. De Trimt. 
8. c. 4. where he fays, Ipjius Domifiicte carhis fades innumerabilum cogi^ 
tationum diverfitate variatur, Gf c. 5. ut rum. ilia fades Maria fuerit qua 
occurrit animoy cum ijla loquimur^ nee novimus omnino^ nee credimus ; Gf 
qudfaeiefu^ritSanausPauluspeniiusignQrahiiis. From Dr. Crofsth wait. 

1 ' 

» • 

• This was ifeturrted in anfwcr to it. 


AS to .the brafs Medal, a figure of which I have formerly fent you, 
the account which Dr, Crofsthwait gfv.cs (and which you fent 
me) of it, I muft beg leave to 4iflent from in fbme particulars*. 

First; He miilakes my reading the fourth/word. of the infcription. 
I read it liot Hdzdhy as a verb, but Zeeh^ i. e. Itle or Ipfe^ as a pronoun 
cum ba Empbatieo^ that is, Mefchiah baxeb^ velipfe'MeffiaseJi^ as the Doc- 
tor may find it in feveral places, ^particularly in liaiah, chapter the eighth' 
and the fixth veffe, and in chapter' the twcnty'-nrnth and thirteenth- 
verfc, where Haam, Hazaby L e.' Populus ille^ is twice hcpeated. Be- 
ing io t^ken, I prefume there will be no need of reading it Havab\ i. e, 
fuit *, the very infcription, in which there appears no caufe to furpe<ft 
a niiftake, having the letter Zain in that word, the plaineft of all the 
letters, as you will find, when the coin, which IfhaTl fliortly fend^ 
comes to you. . ' . ' •!/ 

Secondly, He feems diffident of tW antiquity 'of if, becaife the 
letter V ^Ain is retained in -the word Jefcbuab j which letter the Syrians 
(fays he) always cut off from the word yefebuangov J-efebudb for the 
difficulty of pronouncing it, and pronounced it Jefu. 

It is indeed Schindler and others, that the Tews in thofe 
countries, not all the Syrians, as the. Dodor fays, did ufually cut oflF 
the letter Ain, ob difficultatem pronundationis. But pronouncing and 
writing are quite different things; laod^^tf^hatis very difficultly pronounced, 
may be eafily written, as upon this Mecial. But withal, thefe authors ob-i 
ferve a much greater reajfon inclining the Jews to do fp, vi^. becaufe 
Jefchuang was= a word derived frt&m "Jafcbidngi fdhawt %'» ar>d the Jews 
by no means allowing him to be a Saviour, 'woiitd'hof call* him yStd^ 


Jefcbuangf but Mt;^ Jtfu^ a name they ignominioufly fixed upop him , not 
fcom Jefcbuang neither, which they utterly rejcdted, but by their rule 
of Rafe I'ebotf from certain words in their language importing^ Pereat 
nomen ejus & memvria, the firft letters of which three words in Htfbrew 
make up W^ Jefcbu^ by which name s^nd in which fenfe, they fo 
called him. 

Now, I fay, if the Jews cut off the letter y, and curtailed his name 
becaufe derived from ytt;^ J^fibangf falvare^ we may therefore well ex- 
ped that the Chriftians in thofe countries, who did acknowledge him. 
a Saviour, did not, for that very reafon, cut it off, but retained it ; fef- 
pecially if we confider their obligation thereunto, the angel, Matth. i. 
2 1 . exprefly commanding it, Vocabu nomen ejus y^tt;\ as the Syriac verfion 
itfelf, which is very remarkable, renders it. And that verfion being 
the proper dialedl of the Syrian Chriflians, and expreffing his name 
with the Ain^ I take it to be no mean argument of the Chriftians' re- 
taining it. And I find fome of the moVe moderate Jews, as Abrauanel 
upon the fifty- fecond of Ifaiah, AuftorZemach and others^ exprefshim 
^W J^fcbuangi and the Arabs call hfin ynD* Jafongy with the jiin in it i 
nay, SancJius Pagninus obferves in his Trad of Hebrew Names, that 
on the piece of the title of the crofs, to this day kept at Rotti^ fRom^ 
Jiquajides) as a facred relic, our Sayiour's name thereon isfounf^ Written 
y^tt;* j^g/2'^wj;7^, as it is oh this Medal/ 

If thefe things I prodilccbe of ^ny weight, and it being fo, that this 
Medal of our bleffed Saviour bears hot a Jewifli but a Chriftian inifcrip- 
tion upon it, I then fiumbly conceive it may be of A^ery ancient date, if 
not from the time of his being on earth; and that the letter y Am the 
Dodor^'exccpts againft, can bVrio juft exception to the antiquity ofit.^ 
That of St. Ayftin is nothinjgto the purpofe, fpeaking only* there of ideas 
and mental conception's, and not of any images of Chrift,' St* Paul, oc 
the Virgin Mary in pidture or fculpture. 


* • ^ • • I 

Your humHe Servant, 

•Henry Rowlands^ 

. Tills medal was accordingly tbnt to 0)cferd» but by the earel6flhefs of the bearer It WM loft oii 
the way. [It feems to hare been of the fame fort with, that exhi)>ited by Monnus de Ling. frU 

c. ix. p. 305. n. xiL aAd by Wageiifell m ^ota ap. Sureplius, Tora.Sii. p. 239. And if fo,* the 
true readitig i^~Jejhvkb Niocri Mifliab\^ J^hAb h$ Jfdamjd^ad^ ^ i. e. Jkfits '^in^ekus Mtffliu^ t>ei^ 
it ipmo/muL lAnd thep k.tntift-be cKkdo^l^ged 4(9^ lave beep^of buKt^.- latter date ttma wtnia* 
thor fiippofes ^ and of littl^ or no'acct)unt. 



A N 

Etymology of British Names, 


A QuERE about the Derivation of (bme of them. 

SIR, Feb. 5, 170a. . 

IN order to return you what anfvver at prefent occurs, as to thofe 
firitjih names you partipulacized in yojur laft (for as for fome other 
names you hinted before^ they are perhaps now iiiexplicable) I fhall 

First, That Qur Britifli aQqefl^c^ra, in imitation of other nations, or 
rather by .the ufuftl pr^icQ of thoie \lrariltke times^ genecally ^$e(^ed 
names^ which noted fome fpecial ch^tctdters of eo^ipency and heroic vir- 
tue; as for example, of principality ^nd condu£t, of fortitude and cou- 
rage, of hardinefs and refolutio(\, oif fuccefs and vi(Sofy ; and fometimes 
Qf th* <3waUty of their armoqr and ytjiy of fighting. This it feems they 
inad^ chpiq* of* tft apip^$e, ipeQ ta ?inj[w^r thofp cjivafters, and to 
make good what their names imported ; and the women generally had 
theirs frojrn fomc frj«;elling pbara6ler« of colour, con^elinefs, or beauty, 
. SECDNjpf-Y, T^^?^ ^ticir way of expreffing thqfe warlike virtues was 
frequently by the names of fuch things, wherein tbofip vixtues were 
moft eminently vifible, as lion, bear, wolfi &c. or were performed by, 
as head, hand, horfe, chariot, fteel, iro^, &^c. 

Cyn.] Hence I take it that Cyn, properly Head-wn^etaphorically, 
Firft, Chief, or Prince — ^hath been ufecj as initial and tcrminative of 
many Britifli names. t^ 

'Mae/':]) .That Msie/, projierly fttcL; mctaphoriaally, hardnefs, armour: 

]QrtAi] iLhzti Ofjcb or Qruchi eminent; or fupreme : 
Halarn.] That Haiam, jinctaphoricall|jr, ftrength : 

C^d.] That Ci^, i. e. army: ^ ^ 

Gwg.] That Gwg, metaphorically, fi^rcenefs,' anger :v 

Dewr.] That Dewr, valiant : . . 

• « • . 



Car and RboJ.] That Car and R&oJ, i. c. fighting-chariots, have 
been frequently by the ancient Criton^ taken up into the names of men. 
As thus, 

Cyn-Fael, backwards Mae/-Gyn, annourer, or wearer 

of armour. Lat. Vulcanus^ 
Cyn-Felyrif yellow-head. 

1. Cyn^ - - ( Cyn-Frig, taller by the^head. 

Cyn-Edda: Cyn-Illin. 
Cyn^Ddelw : Cyn^Llyw. 
Cyn-Auy &c. 

"" Artb'Fael, backwards MaeUArtb. 

Dyg'Fael or Du-wg'Faeh backward Maelwg or 'Mae/og. 

Mael-Ikwr^ backward Dewr^Fael ov Detfail. 

Mael-Hir or Meilir. 

Breicb-Fael or Brycb-Fael^ i. e. Clypeatus. * > 

. Tyd'Fae/ or 7yd- Dur, i.e. I'orquatus} * I 

2. Mael^ " " \ Cad-Faeiov Cad-F^eUHydtr\ L e. Cadnoaladr. 

Hy-Fael QT Howely i.e. boldly armed. 
Teg'-Faely fairly armed. 
Di-ofri'-Fael or Dyfmit>al. 

Dunwallo Moelmutius^ and Carre^DdyJhwalyvi Anjglefey. 
Caran-Fdel, a charioteer, or arnfied for that way of 

fighting. . : 

Ffer-Maely fenced with iron and fteel armour. 

Ndte, that what we called Mael was exprcffed by other nations 
Hard or Hardy : hence, 










Jf^inbardus, , 



Edobardus, &c.J And 

See idore of the names of this compofi* 
\ tion in Wolfgangius Lazius and Jor- 
handes's hiflories. 



And probably the Latin Miks may come from the Celtic Mael-wr 
or Milwr, no other etymology anfwering fo properly 

3. Llew, - - LleW'-Eulyn, lion-like, i. e. Llewelyn. 

4, Blaidd^ - Blaidd-Ddyttf wolf-like, i. c. Bleddyn. 

ILlyw-Orcb^ from Llywydd and Orcb^ i. e. UywarcB^ 
chief-governor : hence probably the Latin Hercules 
Qt Orticb^HylU novr Erchyll^ horrid. 
Rbod-Orch^ fromRbod znd Orcb, i. e. Rby dder cb, ^ chief--' 

Hence perhaps many Gallic words have their terminations in Orix^ . 
which we know was ever pronounced by the natives Oricb, as > 
Dumnorix^ Ombiorix, Orgetorix, Cyngetorix. 

{TarO'Haiarn or Trabaiarn^i.c. iron-ftroke or iron-armv . 
GwytbeH^Haiarti ot Gwetbeirn^ i. c.^ iron-finewed or. 
valiant. . 

'Rh^'A - \Anaf-Rod^ Cad-Rod, Med^Rody.&c. common Britifti 
^* ' 2 names of old. . 

r Cyn-Gar, captain of a traiii of chariots. 
g ^ I Car-Onwy, Gronwy. 

' \ CaV'-Addogy i.e. Careiddog : . Plaujirarius. . 

y^Car-Fariy Llan-^GarJan. 

p ^Mad-ivgi i.e. Madog : Gwg-Gyn, i. c* Gwgan. . 

^* ^ ^' iCad-wg'-Gyn, I. G. Cadwgan, &c.^ 

, If it be objcifled, that the word^Mael, as betokening fteel or armour, 
may be thought incongruous to the Britifti nation, becaufe authors 
generally account of them as a naked fort of people, caring little for 
guarding their bodies with armour ; it may to that be replied, that 
though the generality of them had not armour, yet fonjie bad. And . 
befides, by clafling the Britiih names into certain periods of time, we 
find that moft of thofe names retaining the word Mael in their compo-r. 
fition were ufed fince the Roman conqueft ; in which times the Bri-p - 
tons wore armour, which probably they called Mael*, from whenqc the 
Saxons might, as they did feveral other things, borrow the word Mael 
or Coat of Mail. And Mael is undoubtedly the ancient Briti(h word for 



iUel or iron, of which Dr. Davies dvcs fome InAaticts. And ihe Me^ 
tonymy.oi it, in that fenfc, is frequently ufed in other languages. 

I find alfo MaeU Maetio^ ufed for gain> profit, and poflibly for coh- 
queft, in our tongue.* And our extent- book makes mention of Gwyr- 
Mae/, belonging* to our Welfti princes in their ieveral Mahortf and Cart^ 
trffi^ But becaufe I find that moil part of the British names which 
btgm or end in Mae/^ are only applicable to the word in that fenfe, I 
was willing to apply it to fteel or armour. Yet I will not contend 
for the certainty of il, but take it only for probable, as I do of the 
other names I have accounted for, till a betttr etymology of them be 

Indeed, names owe their etymons to fo many languages, that it is 
not poffiWe to account for them from any one tongue, though ever fo 
ancient. Tacitus mentions one Catvalda, a prince of the Suevi, in the 
reign of Tiberius, whom Wolfgangius Lazius calls Cadwalder in the 
language, he feys-, of that country ; and yet we takt the name to be 
wholly British. But perhaps you'll fay the Suevi were neighbours to 
the Rhaetian and Norican Gauls, amd thereby might bdrrow that name 
from the Gauls, and confequently the, Gauls and the Britons being ori« 
ginally one nation, the name might become common among them ; 
which, I confefs, 13 very probable. 

The fame reafon may be given for Catamelus, a petty prince of the 
Carni, and Hymelus, of the Marcomanl or the ancient Danes ; both 
which names rnay feem, by that rule of promifcuoufly ufing letters of 
one organ, to iinAver our names of Cad^Fael and Hy-FaeJ, that is> 
Howell which fhews that one tongue can never anfwcr in itfelf for all 
the names of it. 

Befide^, it is to be obferved, that in the originnl variation of lan- 
guages, words betokening things of general concernment, have retained 
much of their primitive found in the divided tongues or dialeds ; of 
which there are abundance of inftances. But here I fhall be particular 
only in one or two. Firft, HHQ Mare, lord or potentate ; and fuch the 
Gauls call Mawr, and fbm* of the German dialects call Mayr. Hence 
it is that many proper names among the Gauls terminate in Marus, 
viz. Vadomarus, ChondomaruSf Suemarus, &c. And in Myrus among 
the Northern nations, as Widhnyrus, Balamyrus, Tbeodomyrus, &e. 
Hence very probably the Latin Mavors or Mars, one of the Titan 

2 To 

MONA ANTIQjJ^Ai^jKfi^l^AukATA: 305 

r To the fame pur pofe, ^ fccondly/* thei |idbre w ^^rd 'yrr\*Racbav^ 
i. c. great and powerful, was perhap^'retained in the Celtic, and ap- 
plied in naming their great ones by the Gauls and Britons with the 
ibund Orcb or Oruch^ as before inflanced ; and by the Teutons or ber- 
tpans with Rick or Ricb^ as XJldricb^ Kenricb, Hunricb or Henricb, and- 
Hymelrkbi the former exprefling by it Eminency and Greatnefs, and the. 
latter Wealth and Power. 

By this way we may give a reafon of the agreement of names in fe- 
veral languages, when fome part of their compofition ^re original founds 
without engrofling all to any one of them 5 and the want of this confi- 
deration hath inclined fome people to reckon too much on their own 
language, and perplexed antiquity with very grofs miftakes. 

I am, : 


Yours^ &c. 

H. R.* 

The Answer to the foregoing Letter. 

r 'f 

S I-R, 

I Return you mod humble thanks for yours of Feb- 5. I am (q piuch- 
fatisfied with your obfervations about our Briti(h names, that t 
have no objections to offer ; but recommend the fame to your fartl^j^r. 
improvement, at your leifure, in other examples, which .pur old pedi-^. 
grees may abundantly fupply you with. And I am fo much the more 
bold herein, becaufe I delign to confider that fubjeil* in the'firft book 
of the ArchsBologia.— — ~I thank you for your note about Catvalda, 
prince of the Suevi, and Catamelus and Hymelus. Not only the La- 
tin but alfo the Nprthern M was, we may fafely conclude, equivalent 
Xo o\xv Fy V ox }F. And we, as the Irifli do ftill, ufed either ikf or £ 
where we now ufe P, &c. till about the time of the Norman conqueft. 
That the Teutonic A/ and our (modern) F are the fame, appears from 
divers words. Thus their fummer (which I know would ftartle fome 
philplogers) is undoubtedly the fame word with okxrbafy iq^ in old 
Irifh parchments, I find it written *SiiJW^, and their mfodern'W9rd is 

• Hence probably the Greek i^yj^ and i^yjg^ for chief and principal; and th^ Iiifli Anub for 
ftrength and jowefi had sifo the:r derirationr 

' ' . Rr Samh- 

^amhrffdi^. As for ottr uJWig thtf ;iiiti the jbcguudag of (bch words^ » 
tbc Teutonic languages and 4Im Lfttin begin wkh aa iS^ w« ^g€^^ 
thorein with the Creeks and Spaniards* I know not whethet any cri-* 
tic has offered any re»fon for this dtvcffity .in f cfercncc to the Greek 
tod Latin iWguages, whcfei/) it is , vulgarly known* Ziifju^fimi^ 4ir^^ 
Jkfer j ii^uo^, fol^ Oft. Btiit from thie Irifli language wc may plainly fee,, 
how we and the Spaniards came by that pronunciation ; viz. fromoiir. 
aftcient cuftom' of varying the initial lettera. For the Iri(h do not only 
vary th<>fc initial letters that we d<^ but alfo ch»tge their inipal J?,. 5 
and 7* into H\ D into Gi apd G into G/i^ Tb«s Satba^h i$ the Irifti^ 
XKord for thrufting ; Jq hothadb fe^ he did tfernfL . Sakd6, to defik; . ^'. 
halufdh tUj thou haft defiled. Sarruadb^ to oppref$; niiairec^AajUt 
thou (halt not opprefs. So, fea/iy old ; Jeabboe^ a hawk ; Jilog^ a wil- 
low-tree ; JioU feed ; fakn^ fait y Jeitb, -a fwarm, &c. muft, as the fyp- 
tax requires, be pronounced fometimes bean^ btavokt biiog, bil^^balen^ 
And beitb. Ajid as the Teutonic famnurM the fame with our baj\ fo, 
IS their Saxon breompfo or wild garlick (now rsm/MsJ the fame with, 
our craf. For we are to note, that the old Teutons pmoouncing the 
initial* C very gutturally, as we of North- Wales and thfeAriftoricrBri-. 
tons do flill, did by degrees foffen it to an H, as, the South-- Wales men ; 
now do, who> fay^ bwnin^ bviare^ bmlia^, bwertbhf &d for cbvfam,^ 
cbware, &c. When I fpeak of barbarous natiox>s altering their let- 
ttrs, I mean only foch poteftatcs as wc now ascribe to thofc letters; fof^ 
I aqi fatisfied that all fuch-like variations came by the ear of the mul- 
titude,, ai^ not from writing, which very few, if any at all, under- 
ftood* ThiSLvAriatioa of CintoHj, feem? to me man ifcft from thefe- 
following ^d fpch-like examples: Sax. baenep [tipvr bemp J cannabis :.- 
Sax. beaft>d(now bead) caput. Horn, cernu; hart, cervus; heart, cor;, 
hofe, cavea i hund, canis i hus of houfe, called by the Italians caja ; 
bwa {novr wboj qui; what, quid: Sax. bwegol; a cycle j a hundred (by 
ijie Cantabrians or old Spaniards, ebunj centum^ (ie. From thefe and 
other fuch-likc obfervations it appears to me, that all our neighbour- 
ing tongues might be demonftrated to be of one origin) as for thpScla- 
vonian and otheps more remote, I have no knowledge of them, and fo 
tan fay nothings 

I am nt>t averfe to publifh in this firft book of ArchaeQlogia Britan- 
nica^ fach a collation of the principal words of the feveral Brltifh 
dialedls, as you recommend ; but the Jrifli would fall, much fhort of 
the reft. And I know not whether the large Iiijlh a&d 4^9, C^miih yo-* . 

3 cahulary. 

eftbularjs I have made for this toiiie» together with grammatical db- 
fcnIKatioM aboat their agreement with; dur Britiib» 6iay not in greit '<nea«j 
fore anivi^r the ends you'^opofe. In yoar next bepleslfeci to inferil 
your notion of the ufe of fuch an iodtx, more at large^ that I may far-^ 
ther confidjsr of it. , '* ^ 

I filppofe your friend that paralleled the Briti(h words with the lii(h 
waS'Mr* B. P. who has been fo kind as to impart to me d(b an alpha* 
betical catalogue of fuch words, before ever I had any thoughts of the 
defign I am now engaged in; I fuppofo he has made large improvemenH 
fince. Atid indexed it feenis tome that the Irifh have in a great me^iftircj 
kept up two languages; the old Britiftj and the ScottiAi which they 
brought with them from Spaih« For notwithftanding their hiftories (as 
thofe of th( , oiigin of othtir nations) be involved in fables ; that there 
came a Spanifh colony into Ireland, is very manifefl from a ct)mparifbn 
6f the Iri(hi'iolig4ie partly with the mt><iern Sp^nifh, but efpecially with 
the Canrabrfefti Of BiCqad. And this (hould invite us to have fomfechin^ 
of mcH-e regard tbatl We ulually have to fuch fabulous hiflories. They 
have alfo, I think, a gre^t^r allay. of the Teutonic than we : as JheacAf, 
fnow I ikirckadus^ dark^neis^; iftddmh {ot^balav) hollow i bir ^ and burn^ 
iirooik and Wftteri &t. &c, - 

I have as yet had but little time for the pcrufal of yOur Antiquities of 
Ahgiifty. I (hall ever remain fenfible of • my obligations for your com- 
mttiiiesttiiig' a piece which ^ms worth all I have hitherto met with. 

« « 

* - • « 

i ; - X an^ ' ' * I 

' '- ^ Yours entirely^ 

s» . - • . ■ ' ... 

.w .:.•'!' ■• .^ ':'- • ..^ Edward Lhwyd 

' • / '^ * * • • - 

I w 

Mother LRjr:T^R, cgAP€win.g .^thc; ea^ finjiipg out the Isle 

of Ai^ofcESEY by the Ancient Greeks. 

» I ' I « ' • ' • t w 

YN anfwer to yours ■■ > >■ »t, .it. ; , I hWe tliiis' to fay, that neither the 
JL Iffahd of Mona, nor many' other of the BritiOi ifles; were utterYy 
unknowh'to jheinquifitive Greek's iii very early times. And that wijl 
"appear if we confider thefe parficutarsV • * . •' .. ^ 

R r i First, 

andfthe capitaLrefidence of th<?ir, ph/wep oa this litie of .the? M4di terras 
»can,_ made quick apd large copqupfts <5f imny..c.c^UiiiU:i^8jppci jU^odsiTtft 
the wcftward^-a*s Dr.' P^zioin yow^J«iftK/|. hiis^^yejigt kftfftedly^pir.QVQd t 
v/ho therefore, no doubt, made ufe of and encouraged W^vigitj^ fi^^ 
{hipping (the ufe whereof is'aj {(ncient fis Noftlis ark) to find ^ut 
unconquered places. And hence- it is,thAt ihcyitell qs of tjleir N^pttyj^y 
Tritc^ns, and Argonauts, who- undpubt^edly wqrc tjheir.ifa-cQfooi&ndcfff 
iiV^hofe, expeditions ; and though fufficieptlyifjibulizfii- by tlwr 1 fubfe-^ 
qucnt poets, yet the very narncs of ljh§f?), ^s J have ifttijDM^d iti o/ieof 
iny latiC letters, being Celtic, and by x^ifi moft accountable, etymologyi^ 
implying JeaJ'armg wen, do difcover fooie foundation of' truth in thofq 
relations, though in their way of delivering thejn (hey appcgf,ever fa 
>^'ild and romantic. , . \ ' . ,.i /. i..>.: ..•:.. • > 

Secondly, Their way of failingi to:|l^uW>e(]tej"j;i»psit4(h^>iiks !4^2^ ver)( 
plain 4ind eafy ; for if .you look Q^ th^ mjiip qf Etti:<jpe^ y^ vUJ.fincl 
that the Streights mOuth. l>cars near ducAVfift t» tb^.cOg#§ of Qre?ce> 
An4 wi;en the)t Hul te!> .on tv^'enty leagues ftraight to. the qc^iu. beyond 
the coafls of Spain, xh^it foilifig.theficfi'on a. rwx^b, diEcaJiy Nor|h;Unr 
avoidably brings them to the coaft of Ireland.afljl. to, th^ Jrifh chjBWft 

therein thislflc of Mona isi featjed. 

Give me leave to expatiate her€ on the^way of failing.uffd by the a|^|entr«. 
We muft not think that, b^canfp they vkf^nted th^ cooipafiJf tjiey durtJ: 
not launch out of the light of land j it is a vulgar error. Altho' ihat 
noble invention was but lately difcoveredi, yet we are fure ma«y expert 
feamen of old made great aad luQcef^ful voyages. If they had not the 
north-pointing needle, they had the north-pole ftar (far more fteady 
and invariable) to guide them. And not only that* but they had all 
the other ftars in this hemifphere, and together with them the arch of 
the fun in the day-time* to give them diredion. I ever thought that 
fea- voyages gave the firft jife to the obfervation of the ftars, on which 
aftronomy was founded ; becaufe in .that cafi? ihien had tnoft need of tak- 
ing notice of them* and to diftinguifh them for theic particular ufe; as 
we find thefe Titans to have done, either giving them the names of their 
princes, viz. Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Mercury, or of fome noted 
atchievements of theirs, as of Argo, Pegafus, x^ndromeda, &c. under 
^which names* and tvventy more* the ftars and conftellations were fami- 
liarly known to them. And as to the matter in hand, I will appeal to. 
any knowing fcaman* if the Greeks failing along the Mediterraneaa 


^tlQ^.VtiA ;AiN.TiI;QJH i5 /JRI E ST A U R A T A. 309 

direftly Weft to the Strcights mouth, and fome way farther, and from, 
thence turning their courfe diredtly North; whether their way on thofe. 
two points, and by thefe helps 6nIj^,'^V*is not vexy fafc and eafy, to ar- 
rive-at the Briu(li and Iriih chann^L^^ And iiL^fy, we^opy conclu4e it* 
waMone fo.^^i^or we ar# fure thawhe Phoenicians, who-were a branch 
of thefe Titans, frequently voyaged here for tin. and other commodities,, 
Ibnie ages before the Roman cwhqueft / ^ndlrjr that means might brings 
the Ifle of Mona, which they could not mifs by coafting the Weft of Bri- 
trtnV it/Id' iwny.lfeihgJi'rdlktiDgM itixi t:be;kni>^dgef^ of the Gc??!^ 
who would not fail,^ if things appeared lingularly deftrable in it, to iro-^ 
prove their talent or fergftihg Hefperiart Gardens arid Elyfian Fields to-- 
be part of the chara6ters of it. 

^ iTn^R^iYf t fb4U:'ipjJly tfedfeUonfidcritfonii to ttear. the way totk. 

right notion of Plut^jdi't ftf3rics,.,^jv|^hj )l.^ and. 

particularly of that other in'*Diodorus SiCulii^, which muft belong 

to one of thefe Britifh ifles : for there was no ifle of that bignefs to- 

theWoVth ofGreece which they could communicate* witJi." AnH'when. 

their ^nwiberc, .w^ho/pTOfeably.brOugbt 'th^tn that a>v^coqp^ of/it^, tc^. 

.ih^tn.k; w«ia:Hyperboreajo *pj ujorth^.caiiQ^f^iJ ^, ji? w%s fo^i^f?^ in refpe<5t - 

tpCrdcct, butrtb.iheipoin^ft^jj fctginit^ twrnfthfix/cpyrfe'ava^id to fail ^ 

iiortherly. . And' as. to tbat/p^ft of the. f elation j^ whichi fay? that they 

^Duld difcovcr WottDtaio's in' th^ mooji 5 it Vas- a very .^antient opinion. 

.ampng.thc Bplauf^BS'.. Njiithcr i$lt iin^rfe^»sb\5>.J>t^t'^feaj..^bc^rK:ien{s 

.might: If^aOv^. iha teajr.fcf jS?f1^«if^:a6i>^[f^^^ 

^eafy/ifM^fel^J by- thtb«Ip)i)f; which ithat pl^epjwenqn i?.^|j^ djfcjQMpr^^- 
rblci.arid if thf>!ibafi.iu,iti«' *S: e^fyja imaginc^^ >that they kep^ it ^av* 
their Cabala a^QogothteF &crct»> nqd i<i>.tn1^^ bf loft > tifl latec ^s 
.fpund it.olilrJig^fO/ Aad:by:th*.vwOu*.^pplipiltiop :gf/i;;.G 
fpieijtes th« a«f>c«A t)pwi jbt mith fho^ , wt)nderfui dij^^^^y^ "Vi^^iiyfc 
Jp5irnFditt:(his,pWwtiag^:af.e piitfttrs .df^;; /)!.o:31o'. ::i) or». :y 0;:.; 


t • s 

♦ • t 

« • 


1 1 - < 

• K,i* <j » . ' ., * J liH i 

>'' * 

* jjdc the fixtli feaibn, the latter part of Ic ' ' 

.' -. :;: * •.; I iL'l ^ .blow v/:. .>i: 1 0.5x01 j^]gj.; 


8 O If E 

L- E .■■T ■■■T.' £■'■■ .■.R:--S 


4 a 

The Author and the latci Mr; Ebward iLHWYD* 

(Keeper of the Aftimole Mu&um in^ Qxford) ^ 

'Touching lome Things treated of. in thsfk E^8Aya,;not 

improper to be added here.'* 

« * 

Dear SlR« Oxford^ Nor, 1,1701. 

IWA& this Aimmer, for about three or fbtir weeks, at Cunbridge*; 
being invited thither by a faUe titl4 of 'a* manuicript in their late* 

, printed Catalogue; which pfdmifcd nM a mia^ of Britain andJreland by 
Gtraldus Cambrenfis ^ though the bodk> whett confulted, afforded no- 
thing but the out^Hnes of two iilinds, with the word Britannia in the 
inidft of one of them# and Hibettiia in the otherr and the Oit^had^s 

tplaced betwbt both» iflftdadof the Hebridesv I b^ ieMenI othkr mV 
niifcriptartocbnfirtt; but reeeived no great in^tudio^v^' B6^v*r,,b^* 

*ing there, I copied Gtraldus'^ Bpiftles j and lingered 6atiihj time betwiit 

•thi public librtry, that of Bennct-Cbllegt, Iftd Tftftity^- '• • 

' ^ 111 the public library I happened to tiMet with a very trkUrfi tnslhu^ 
Icrlpt of Jtivcnctfji a Spanifli prrerti wh» terisedilye g(^\ lnl» hetdic 
verft in the time of Coi^antirie. It wds i»tin^n upoft very thick parch- 
mentt in that character we call the Iriih, but was indeed anciently the 
Britiih, whence both they and thie Faxons received it. Turning the 
leaves over^ I obferved here and there fbme words glofled or interpre^^v^d 
by other xopfc fmnitiar Latin words, and fbmetimes by Britifh ; whereby 
^ IcBurned that the Britons pronounced the letter M in the midft and at 

, the end of words as we now pronounce ^confonant; which accounts 
for the name of Cadvan being written Catamanus at Lban Gadwaladr^ 
I learned feveral other notes as to their orthography, with the fignifica^ 

^.tigp'vOf fome few words \ but I am at a lofs to know the Britiih of what 



«MUItrjr i^ wtl i for It feems fo difFefcnt from oars, that I ihould rather 
fuCpcCt it either for the language of the Pids, or that of the Stradchoyd 
Britms i as perhaps you will owq upon reading the three following 
JSi^^ffX> which. I found at*margin of three fucceffive pages in 
the niidft of the book. \^beft Englyni bt batb printed in the letter whicb 
be^Jmmdtbem written m^ and may befeent witb bis reading of tbemjn bis 
^htbao&giop p.2Zi. 

I havjs font it to one Mr»********^ a Shit>p(hire Welfhman, and 9 
famoYts ItnguifLand critic }. but he returned me fuch an interpretation as 
I ffaall i}ot now.trouble you withal. 

Str> I ^Kop<( , toyrards the. latter end of fpring to begin to print my 
/^rchsologia; what information you can contribute in the interim (par* 
taycularly as to anciont cufloms, (kc.) will be very acceptable to. 

I. : 


Younnioft obli^d humble' Servant, 

Edward Lhwyd, ' 

DiAR Sib.:. Oj«ford, Dec. to, 1702. ' 

Received. yourobligingleUer of the^ fcircnth. I am well fatisficd ^ 
p)uch ^ your. reading is^ true; but that of Mr. *^i^****** will, I • 
believe, furptize yoo^ as-well as it did me, when you fee it.— As to ♦ 
the letter JZ,. it was till of late, the only letter the Armoricaris and Cor- 
nt(b:is£id hath ^'</3. and /i&; andapriefl of Quemperdiocefe fn Bre- - 
t^g^e-. ta;:^ghf »me: lo.reftd Brezonfc [lingua Arj^oricand\ Bretbon^agi - 
Yfherea^ . thojE^, of th^; dipcieie of St^PauKde Leon, who pretend to be • 
the reiuiptd'Of the 3riti(h, h^(i i^ife^ed me td^i^eadii as wc (hduld in £ng-* 
^^i^Brf^opikf b^tyoumu{l know|hat almoft s^lf fordjgner$:pranoiince * 
the Zji& ts^. Iq tf i> old Corni{h n^nuibript I have on parchment, the ^ 
word for^/Arris.wfittea /^j^: and fo I found it always, but they pro- 
nounce their iSifct we da^.i^^I ^ova^aid we (hall hear no more oi the. 
Ijebrew coijQf, it is now fp lopg fince it was loA. I (hall long Jieartily 
tp read yourAij^htsological Pbfervatu)ti)S| s^nd am very glad to find' you ' 
We coniiderpd that fubje^ It is the happied temper a man c^n be 
injtfter of^. jcu^ to be too tenacious of his aonjo^luresi and I hopie I am « 




not of their number who frequtmly recoinmend thrn dodriue^i aridiiyet 
are very indulgent to their own ferities ; of which difeafe I knbvrlnbhe 
more fick than Dr.*******^, wha makes his hypothefis a •demonftratioa 
of what Mofcs (fays Mr. Harries) hiatfid at^ and is very mnch di/plcafed 
«t every one who does not believe it as much'jus gafpelJ 

Amongft your other Archaolpgical;.Ohfcr*ati9ns,. I jQiould be^glad of 
your thoughts of the fignification of Britifti proper. namtfB of men and 
women, what 'the word Mcftf, fa common with them, might 
imply ; which was of frequent ufe with thetp both in the former and 
later part of names, 2ls Maelg^n, Cyhfael; Moildreis^iDerfatli Artb^ 
fael^ Maelartb \ hfyd^Ml, CadfaelfXaranfael, Dyfriwal; Tegfael, ^ydfaeJ^ 
Ffermath ^c. 

I find divers places, wbofis names' are nowobfcure, named in ancient 
times from mens proper names ; as T Glwyjigy in Denbighfhjre, from 
Eltfeg ; Coed Marcban near Rutbytiy apd Cejen Farcban in Caermartben-- 
Jhire^ from Marcben ; Pant y PoI-Iion, in the fame county, from Pauli- 
nus. For I have fotind monuments of thefe perfons at each of thcm» 
the lateft whereof, viz. Eli/eg^ was ^rcat-grandfather to Cyngen ap Ca* 
dclly prince of Powysy who died about theyeay 840. 


Yoqr real Fricn4, and humble Servant, 

Edwiii-d Lhwyd. 

* • 

V -,.,4, 

m ^ m 

Worthy Sii^> ^ -^ligo, Mari^ i«, 169^-700. 

IH A D not been fo long filcnt, "but for a^Teafon I have mentioned 
this port to Mr. Bulke^cy; for I'was loth to trouble my friends till 
I had fomething to fay thittaight feem wortn* communicating j and in- 
deed one half of my time, fince ^X left youi has beeii fpcnt in pldccs 
quite remote from all correfpondcnce, amongft the Hebrides and other 
highlands of Scotland, with wfiom their neighbours feem to have lefs 
commerce than they have with either of the Indies. They "are nothing 
fo barbarous as the Lowlanders and Englifli commonly reprefent jhem ; 
but arc, for what I could find, a very hofpi'table and citil' people. ^ And 
the main reafons of their -contrary character I take to be their adhering 
too much to their ancient cuftoms, ' habit and language j whereby they 


MONA AK-riQlUA itgSf A U A At A. j/j 

dlftinguifh themfelyes froxti all their neighbours; and diftfh<5tions always 
create mutnal fefledrions. I have filled about three Oieets of paper with 
their cuftoms (any or all whereof you may command at your leifure) and 
have tranflated Mr. Ray's Di&ionariolum ^rilingue into their language, 
which in two thirds^ or thereabouts, agrees with ours. They have alfo 
the feme fort of monuments v^e have, viz. Caer^ Cam, Cromkcbi and' 
ftones pitched oh end circularly ; agreeing fometimes exa(£lly with ours, 
and fometimes a little varying from them. But as to the names of places> . 
I know not whether the Lowlands of Scotland nwy not agree more with 
the Britiih than the Highlands : as to inftince in ibme names of their 


















Arw, Monmouthfhire 
Tawy, Glamorganfhirc 



Elnty . 




Nedby GIamorgan(hire 


But indeed, moft names of places throughout the kingdoms of Ireland 
and Scotland rdliih much of a Briti(h origin ; though I fufpeA that upoQ 
a diligent CDmparifon of the languages and cufloms, we (hall find that 
the antient Scots of Ireland were didinft from the Britons of the famcf 
kingdom > bat as yet I have not put my notes together, fo as to be fatif«* 
ied herein* 

We colleded a confiderable number of infcriptions in Scotland^ and 
ibme in this kingdom, both Latin andlriCh. But I could meet with no 
antiquary, hitherto of either country, that could interpret thofe in the 
Irifh; One monument I met witb» within four miles of Edinburgh, dif« 
fenent from all I had feen elfewhere, and never obferved by their anti^ 
quaries. I take it to be the tomb of fome Pidi^ king ; though fituate 
by a river-fide, remote enough from any church. It is an area of about 
feven yarda diameter^ raifed a little above the reft of the ground, and en* 

S f compafiTed 


compared with large ftones ; all which ftones are laidlcngthwife, ex- 
cepting one larger than ordinary, which is pitched on end, and contains 
tliis infcription in the barbarous charaders of the fourth and fifth centu- 
ries. In oc tumulojacit Vetta F. Vi£iL This the* oomaion people call the 
G^^-iS/^;?^, whence. I fufped the perfons name was Qetus^ of which name 
I find three Pidtifli kings i for the names pronounced by the firitons with 
G were written in Latin with Vy as we find by Gwyrtheyrn, Gwyrtbe- 
fyr and Gwyibelyn, which were written in Latin Vortigernusy Vortime^ ^ 
rus 2LtiA yiteiinus. I alfo met with One mcnumect in this kingdom 
very.finguUr, It ftands at..a placpcalled New-Qrungc near Drogheda; ' 
and is a mount or barrow of very confiderable height, encompaflld with 
vaft flones pitched- on end round the bottom of it ; and having another 
lefler (landing on the top. This mount is all the work of hands, and 
confifts almoll wholly of ftones ^ but! is covered with gravel and green 
fwerd, and has within it a remarkable cave. The entry into this cave 
is at bottom, and before it we found a great flat ftone, like a large tomb- 
ftone, placed edgewifc, having on the outfide certain barbarous carvings, 
like fnakes encircled, but without heads.- The entry was guarded all 
along on each fide with fuch rude ftones, pitched on end, fomcof them 
having the fame carving, .and other yaft-ones laid a-crofs tbefe at top. 
The out-pillars w-ere fo clofe prefted by the weight of the mount, that 
they admitted but juft creeping in, but by degrees the pafTage grew wider 
and higher till we came to the cave, which was about five or fix yards 
high. The cave confifts of three cells or apartmentS|^cne on each hand, 
and the third ftraight forward, and may be about fevcn yards over each 
way- In the right-hand cell ftands a grtat bafon of an irregular oval 
figure of one entire ftone,* having its brim oddly finuated or elbowed in 
and out; and that bafon in another of much the fame form. Within 
this bafon was fome very clear water which dropped from the cave above, 
which made me imagine the ufe of this bafoii wias for receiving fuchl 
water, and that the ufe of the lower w^as to receive the water of the up-t 
per bafon when full, for fome facred ufe, and therefore not to be fpilled. 
In the left apartment there was fuch another bafon, but fingle, Jieithci* 
was there any water in it. In the apartment ftraight forward there was. 
no baibn at all. Many of the pillars about the right-hand bafon were 
carved as the ftones above-mentioned ; but under feet there was nothing 
but loofe ftones of any fize in confufion j and amorigft. them a great many 
bones of beafts and inme pieces of deers horns. Near the top of this mount 
they found a gold coip of the emperor Valentinian j but notwithflianding. 

. . this. 

MO N A' A'N-T lOJJA K'E.S T A U R A T A. .315 

* • 

tlii^, the rode carvingr above-mentioned makes me conclude this menu- 
tileht was nevrr Roman, not to mention that we want hiftory to prove that 
ever the Romans were at all in Ireland. The druid doiSrine about the 
"Glaifi Neidr obtains wry much throughout all Scotland^ as well the Low- 
lands as Highlands; but there is never a word of it in this kingdom, 
where it fcems, in regard there were no fnake?, they could not propagate 
it. Bcfides the fnake-flones (whereof I procured fome variety in Scot- 
land) the Highlanders have the fnail^Jion^Sy paddoc-Jlones, mole^fiones^y 
hedge- hog-JicneSf kock-knee'-Jlones^ elf-arroivs, duel-Jlones^ &c to all which 
they attribute their feveral virtues, anrd carry thenv about them as amu- 
lets. The Irifh have many more ancient manufcripts than we in 
Wales; but fince the late revolutions they arc much, leffened. I now and 
then pick up fome very old parchment manufcripts ; but they are hard 
to come by, and they that do any thing underftand them, value them as 
their lives. This province of Connaught abounds with figured fofiiisi 
but they are much the lame with thofe in Wales, though feveral- among, 
them new. We have alfo met with fome Alpine plants here that Brii- 
tain no-where affords. At your leifure- a few lines diredted to be left: 
with Mr. Richard Bulkeley, at the Blind-Key in Dublin, will be cx>- 
eeeding acceptable to- 

Your mod obliged humble Servant, 


Edward Lhwyd'^. 

Dear SlRr Oxford, March 10,1701. 

I WAS heartily glad to hear by the bearer of your good health, and 
thought it high time to beg your pardon for my long filence ; and: 
to aflure you that being now returned hither and fettted, I (hall- for the 
future be more mindful of my duty to my beft friends. I came home 
but this week out of Bretagne in France, which I was forced to quit 
much fooner than f intended. For I had fearce been there three weeks 
when the intendant fdes marines) of Breft, fcnt a prov6 three and thirty 
miles (viz. to St. Paul de Leon) to bring me before hi nu The mef- 
fenger found me bufy in adding the Armoric words to- Mr. Riy's D/W 
tionariolum Triltngue^ with a great many fetters and fmall manufcripts 
about the table, which he immediately fecured, and then proceeded to 
fearch our pockets for more. All thefe papers he tied up in a napkin;, 
aad requiring me to put three feals thereon, added three more of hi6. 

S f 2 . * awni. 


own. I told him J had brought letter^ of recommendation to the d&eo<- 
logal of the city^ who is the third perfon in the dipcefe i upon which 
he went with me to him. The gentleman owned it^ and delivered hifn 
the letter^ adding another in our behalf to his mailer^ the intendant, 
and a third to a captain of a man of war at Breft. . Having fecured our 
paperSf he granted us the favour of going to Brefl: before them, a-part* 
that the country might not take notice of our being prifoners. Upon 
our appearance before the intendanti he never troubled us with examina* 
tion, but ordered us forthwith to the caflle : and next day the jailor 
brought us word from him, that we muft find for ourfclyes, for that wc 
Should not have the benefit of the ufual allowance for the king's prifoners, 
which was a livre (or one (hilling and eight-pence) a-day. Upon this 
we replied, we had no money, but only letters of credit upon merchants 
in fome towns we defigned to travel through j and £o quarrelled with our 
jailor, refuting to take any meat or wine from him on fuch terms : which 
we did, becaufe we found we did not lie much under mercyj having a 
ground room and the conveniency of receiving through a v^indow any 
thing that was necefiary; which fome Iriih foldiers in the caftle would 
bring us for our money. Ndxt day he hrought us word, we were al* 
lowed fifteen -pence a-day; and that allowance we had, together with 
tolerable good white wine for three-pence a-quart, during our confine- 
ment, which was juft eighteen days. When we had been there a week, 
we thought it high time to draw up a petition, that we might be exa* 
mined, &c. But this being writ in Latin, the captain above-mentioned, 
to whom I fent it in order to be prefentcd, defired to be excufed, inre- 
gard the intendant was not converfant in that language. However, next 
day he fcnt for us out, and then ihewed us our mail of papers and the 
ibals entire ; and opening it, they required me to mark each particular 
pap^r and book, andalfo write my name on them all. After this they 
were* delivered to an interpreter, wJio kept them about nine days, and 
though many of them were writ in Welfh and forae in Cornifti, yet he 
rightly concluded from the nature of the reft, they contained nothing of 
treafon, and bearing the character of an interpreter, he was loth to own 
himfelf puzzled^ fo told th^em in general, without any exception, none 
of my papers related to ftate- matters, upon which, we were difmifled, 
and had all our papers reftored, but denied a pafs to Paris, and ordered 
to depart the kingdoni ; the provd telling us, the war was already de- 
clared againft tjbe emperor, the Dutqh and the Englifti. About a fort- 
Qight before they fei^^ed us, they had fecured twQ other £nglij[h gentle- 

I * men. 


iBCUs both Londoners! one Mr. Taylor^ a merchant^ and one Keck^ for« 
m/srly a lievitenant in a man of war under his prefent majefty^ who told 
l^c^ he was well acquainted with Mr. Maurice Owen of Holy-Head^ dcc» 
Thcfe gentlemen (tho' the provo acknowledged to me they h;id nothing 
againft them) fared much worfe than we did ; being committed to the 
coounon town*jaiU confined double the time» and yet not one farthing 
/allowed them. So much for our coarfe welcome in France, which pre- 
vented almoft all the enquiries I defigned^ into the language, cufloms and 
monuments of that province. For all we could do was but to pick up 
about twenty fmall printed books in their language, which are all, as 
well as ours, books of devotion, with two folios publifhed in .French; 
the one containing the hiflory of Bretagne, the other the lives of the 
Arnioric faints. I had been before in Cornwal during the fpace of three 
or four months; and coming hither found that the Armorican and Cor- 
nifh differed lefs than the prefent Englifh of the vulgar in the north from 
thofe of the weft of England; but in refpe6t of us the difference is 
greater. The Cornifh is much more corruptly fpoken than the Armori- 
can, as being confined to half a fcore parifhes towards the Land's-End; 
whereas the other is the common language of a country almoft as large 
as Wales. I had taken directions about ancient Britifh manufcripts in 
fome of their convents, and fome perfons noted for their (kill in the lan- 
guage and antiquities of their country, but was not allowed time to con- 
fult either men or books,. or to view any of their old monuments, fo that 
J (hall be able to fay little of that country, befldes what relates to their 
language. Dr. Lifler in his Journey to Paris mentions one Pezron, abbot 
of Cbarmoife, as a great critic in the Armorican language and antiqui* 
ties, adding he h^ fettled a correfjpondence between him and me : but 
I could never yet, though I writ ^wice or thrice according to the doftor's 
directions, obtain one line from him. I have procured tranfcripts of the 
only three manufcripts extant in the Cornifh. The oldeft is a poem of 
the paflion of our Saviour, written on parchment about two hundred years 
•fince; the others contain feveral operas or plays, all out of the Scripture. 
Their language comes nearefl that dialedl of the Britifh called in Dr. Da- 
vies Gweniwyjegt or the language of Monmouth and Glamorgan. 

I difcovered there fome old infcriptions not obferved before, probably 

- about a thoufand years flanding, viz. the tomb*flones of Ciris ap Cynfor^ 

Rhiwalhfran ap Cynwal, Cenadhaf ap Tcbdinw^ and Cnegwy ap Ennian: 

three whereof have places near thefe monuments denominated from (hem, 

though (becaufe they could not read them) none fulpedled it before, or 



believed my reading. The places arc called PqI (i.e. Ptolb) Ciris^ Gon- 
falCkurcbt ^nd Man (i.e. MaenJ Cneg. The modern Cornilh feem to 
jne a colony of the Armoricans from their language and habit ; which is 
alfo agreeable with our Britifti hiftory. For one may obfervc from the 
n-amcs of places that another people once pofTefled that country, as one 
may from the names of places in fome parts of Wales gather that the 
Irifh nation once inhabited there, particularly in Brecknockflure and 
Cacrmarthenfliire, where the lakes are called L^Cifti:^, and the high moun- 
tains Banna ; as they commonly are throughout the Highlands of Scot- 
land and Ireland. I had no opportunity (though had I been aware of 
what happened I could have made better ufe of my time) of obferving 
any remains of Druidifm amongft the Bretons j but the Cornifh retain 
variety of charms, and have ftill towards the Land's^End the amulets of 
Maen Magal and Glain Neidr^ which latter they call a Melpref or Milpref\ 
and have a charm for the fnake to make it, when they have found one 
afleep, and ftuck a hazlc-wand in the centre of her fpirce, &c. 

Cornwal affords ftore of thofe barbarous monuments we have in 
Wales : fome whereof are alfo, I prefume, in all our neighbouring coun- 
tries of Europe, viz. Meini Gwyr (or flones pitched circularly) Cromleicb^ 
Cryg or Gorfedb^ Caer^ Carn^ &c. Of thefc in our fmall progrefs in 
Bretagne, we met with only the Cryg and Caer, but were informed alfo 
of the circular ftoncs. I have in Cornwal obferved of thofe Brjti(b 
towns you (hewed me in your neighbourhood, and we have draughts of 
them as of all things elfe thai occurred. I have no mind, to take hand 
from paper, but time not permitting^ me to trouble you farther, I only add 
' my moft humble and dutiful refpeds to Mr. B****** and Mr. L***** 
and that nothing can be more welcome here than a few lines direded at 
your leifure to, 


Your much obliged Friend and Servant,. 

Edward Lhwyxl. 

The reader, I hope, will pardon the digreffive part of this letter, for 
that it introduces the latter and more inftrudlive part ; and with fome 
readers the whole perhaps will not be unentertaining -, it is therefore 
wholly inferted. 


• ^s «-»/fcitci 'dind o/ft 'io niiV^ ' A. ♦?. >!\ 

I i 


^•. tWf ,1 -1 ,:^1 


.v<- . 




* S 

? - ■••5 

• >■'•••• . . - ■ '^ 

■ 4- J'- '..■ \ • . - ; 

»*«' ,.,1 - 




• ■* 

■ ■ . J 

.i. < 

JtUtum: Tl«ji of 4e fcUe Stone.. Jifft.m 







A« '1 J." 

J[Kino? J[[ 







Of the Bride Stones. 

To thefe Letters it may not be improper to add the following, 
which contains the delcription of an ancient Druidical monu- 
ment, called xht Bride Stones ; and was communicated to us by the Rev. 
Mr, Thomas Malbon, redtor of Congleton in Cheftiire. It is not only 
curious in itfelf j but is nearly allied to the fubjedl of this book, and 
ferves to confirm fbme remarks which bur aut;hor has made in the fore- 
going Effays. 

The Bride Stones art in the parifli of Biddulph in the county of Staf- 
ford ; and ftand on a rifing ground in the break or opening between 
the Cloud and Woof-Lowe — which are, two of the chain of hills that 
run through StafFordfliire, Cheftiire, Derbyfhire, and Yorkshire, into 

A A, &c. * are fix upright free ftones, from three to fix feet broad, of 
various heights and (hapes, fixed about fix feet from each other in a 
femicircular form, and two within, where the earth is very black, 'mixed 
with afties and oak-charcoal. It is apprehended the circle was originally 
complete, and twenty-feven feet in diameter ; for there is the appear- 
ance of holes where ftones have been, arid alfo of two fingle ftones, onq 
ftanding Eaft 6f ^he circle, at about five or fix yards diftance, and the 
other at the fame diftancc from that. " 

B B are rough, fquare, tapering ftones, four feet three inches broad, 
and two feet thick. One on the North fide is broken off, as is part of 
the other. 

C C is the pavement of a kind of artificial cave. It is compofed of 
broken pieces of ftones about two inches and a half thick, and laid on 
pounded white ftones about fix inches deep j two inches of the upper 
part of which are tinged with black, fuppofed from the afties falling 
through the pavement, which was covered with them and oak-charcoal^ 
about two inches thick. Several bits of bones were alfo found, but fo 
fmall that it could not be difcovered whether they were human or not. 

The fides of this cave, if I may fo call it, wercf originally compofed 
of two unhewn free ftones, about eighteen feet in length, fix in height, 
and fourteen inches thick at a medium. Each of them is now broken 
into two, 

* See plate XIII. 


320 MiONA ANTlQjr'A ft£6fAUkATA. 

D is a partition (lone (landing- acrofs the place, about fiv% feet and a 
half high, and (ix inches thick. A circular hole is cut through this 
flonei about nineteen inches and a half in diameter. 

The whole was covered with long, unhewn, large, flat fr^c ftones, 
(ince taken away. The height of the cave from the pavement to the 
covering is five feet and ten inches^ 

The entrance was filled up with free Aones and earth, fuppofed to be 
duft blown by the wind from year to year in dry weather. 

There remains another place of the fame conftrudtion, but fmaller^ 
and without any inward partition, about fifty-five yards diftant from this* 
It is two yards and a half long, two feet and a half broad, and three feet 
two inches high. There is alfo a part of anothei;. 

There was a large heap of ftones that covered the whole, an hundred 
and twenty yards long, and twelve yards broad. Thefe ftones have b^ea 
taken away from time to time by ma(bns and other people, for various 
purpofes. And in the year 1764, feveral hundred loads were carried 
away for making a turnpike-road about fixty yards from this place, which 
laid it open for examination. 

This anc^nt facred place was probabTy covered, fays Mr. Malbon, 
w;ith this great heap of flones to conceal and preferve it at the time the 
Druids were on the decline. But we rather think,, as thefe Carnedde or 
heaps of (lones were a general appurtenance of Druidical wor(bip, that 
this, though of a different figure from thofe commonly knowq, made a 
real part of the original ilrudture. 

A C A T A- 




Reprefentatives in Parliament 

FOR Ttf E 



Thirty-Third Year of King Henry VIII. to this Time. 




33. A T Weftminfter, 



torn off the file 

Richard ap Rhydderch of My. 
fyrion, Efg, 


I . Weftminfter, — — ■ ■ ■ , 

torn off the file 
6* Weftminfter, Lewis Owen ap 

Meurick of Frondcg, Efq. 

John ap Robert Lloyd, Efq. 

Maurice Gryflyth of Plas Ncwydd, 

It is faid, that the three firft burgcfles were returned for Newborough, 
and not lor Beaumares. 



5»a ilONA AKTI C^J/Jt ft E S t A U U A^ Aw 


M A R I iE. 



•j^. Weftrtfinftcr, William' iLcwis 

of Prcfaddfed, Efq. 
I . Oxford, Sir Rich. Bulkcley, Jtt; 

/ n 

Aowland** Bulkcley of Fdrthamd; 

Ro^dand Bulkcley, Efq. 

f HI L.' h M A R IJEu 

1.2. Wcftminfter, Sir Rich. Bulkc- 

ley, Kt. f 

2. 3. Wcftminfter, William Lewis 

of Prefoddfed, Bfq.' 
^Wcftminfter, Rowland- Merc- 
dydd of Bodowyr, Efq. 

-, Merchant 

Hugh Goodman, Merchant 
William Precs ap Howel 


1. Wcftminfter, Rowland Mere- 
dydd, Efq. 

13. ,. ■ , Sir Richard Bulkcley, 


torn off -the file 

- WilUMSh ap- RaMr Ge ntl e man 
William Bulkcley, Gentleman 

Rowland Kenrick, Gentleman. He 
was t(5wn-clerk of Beaumares 

14. Wcftminfter, Lewis Owen ^p 

Meyrick, Efq. 
a J.. Wcftminfter, Owen Hollandof [Thomas Bulkcley^ Gendcmaa 

Berw, Efq- 
28. Wcftminfter, Sfr Wenry Bag- 

nal of Plas Newydd, Kt. 
31. Weftminfter,Thoma'sBulkeky 

of Llangefni, Efq. 
35. Wcftminfter, William CJlyiT, 

39.- Wcftminfter, Hugh Hughes of 

Plas Coch, Efq. 

Thomas Bulkefcy, junior/ Efq. 
' Th<im« Bfulkeley, Efq. 
Thomas Bulk-eliey,. £fq, 

William Jones of Caftellmarcb, 


4),3. Weftminller» Thomas Holland William Maurice of Clenenoey, 
of Berw, Efq. I- Efq. 


j A C O B I I. 


I. Weftminiter, SifRichv Balke^ 
ley, Kt. 

12. Wcftminfter, i , 

loft oflF the file * 
1 8. Wcftminfter, Richard yrilliams, 

of Llyfdntas; Gentlemap , 
21. Weftminftcr, John Moftyri of' 

Tftgarncdd, Efq. 

Williitin Jones of Caftellmarch, 

Efq. - 
! — , loft o£F the file 

Sampfon Evans,. Efq. . 

Charles Jones of Caftellmarch, 

C A R O L I I. 

I. Weftminfter, Sir Sackvil Tre- } Charles Jopes, Efq. 
for, Kt. I 

u Weftminftcr^ Sir Rick Bttlke* 

ley, Kt. 
3, Weftminfter, Richard Bulkc- 

ley, Efq. 
15. Weftminfter, John Bodwel,Efq. 

Charles Jones, Efq. 
Charles Jones, E(q. 

• • 

Charles Jones, Efq. 

16. Weftminftcr John Bod wel^Efq. | JohnGryffyth, fenior> of Cefn Am- 

mwlch, Efq. 

The worthy colledor of thefe names took no notice of the long par- 
liament, nor of any other co/ivontioo, till the parliament of the 
twelfth year of king Charles the Secoftd. 


1 2. Weftminfter, fight honoaniLble 

Robert Vifcoqnt Bulkeley 

13. Weftminfter, Nicholas Bagna) 

of Plas Ncwydd, Efq. 

30. Weftminfter, Henry Bulkeley, 


31. Weftminfter^ Henry Bulkeley, 


32. Oxford, Richard Bulkeley,Efq, 

GryfFyth Bodwrda, Efq.^ 


Col. William Robirtfon of Manach- 
tyf Sir Hencage Finch quitting it 
Richard Bulkeley, Efq. 

Ricjiard Bulkeley, Efq. 

.". f 

Henry Bulkeley, Efq. 

Tt 2 J A COB I 


\nqlesev. Beaumares* 

J ACQ Bin. 


1. Wcftminfter, right honourable Henry Bulkdcy, ££],. 
Robert Vifcoant Bulkeiey 

WILL. & M A R I iE. 

I. Wcftminfter, honourable Tho- 
mas Bulkeley, Eiq. 

a. Weftminfter, right honourable 
Richard Yifeount Bulkeley 


Sic WilUam Wilfiams of Llanfor- 

. da» Kt. and Bart. 

Hon. Tho.Bulkdey^ Efq.SirWiU 

Ham Williams of Faenol dyings 

who was firfl choiea 


7. Weftminfter, right honourable 

Richard Vifcount Bulkeley 
!©• Weftminfter^ right honourable 

Richard Vifcount Bulkeley 
iz. Weftminfter, right honourable 

Richard Vifcount Bulkeley 
13. Weftminfter, right honourable 

Richard Vifcount Bulkeley 

Sir WilKam WilMams of Llanfor- 

dh,Kt and Bart. 
Owen Hughes of Beaumarcs, E%. 

Conningfby Williams of Marian. 

Honourable Robert Bulkeley, Efqj. 


li Weftm^infter, right honourable 
Richard Vifcount Bulkeley 

4. Weftminfter, right honourable 
Richard* Vifcount Bulkeley, 
his father dying, whahad 
been, returned 

9. Weftminfter, right honourable 
Richard Vifcount Bulk'cley 
12. Weftminfter, right honourable 
Richajd Vifcount Bulkeley 

Honourable Robert Bulkeley> Efq.. 

He dying,.CDnmngfby Williams,, 

Efq. was returned 
Honourable Henry Bertie,. Ef<^. 

brother to Lady Bulkeley 


Honourable Henry Berde, Eiq. 
Honourable Henry Bertie, E/q. 



Anglesey. BeaumareSc. 

G E O R G E L 

1 . Weftminftcr, Owen Mcyrick Honourable Henry Bertie, Efq 

of Bodorgan^ Efq. 
8. Weftminfter, right honourable Honourable Henry Bertie, Efq. 

Richard Vifcount Bulkdey 



I . Weftminfter, Hugh Williams 

TofCheftef, Efq.. . 
8. Weftminfter, Sir Nicholas Bayly 

of Plas Newydd, Bart. 
ij|.. Weftminfter, John Owen of 

Prefaddfed, Efq. 
22. Weftminfter, Sir Nicholas Bay- 
ly, Bart. 
28. Weftminfter, the fame 

Sir Watkin Williams Wynne of 

Wynftay, Bart. 
Right honourable Richard Vifcount 


Right honourable James Vifcount 

The fame 

Richard Price of Faenor, Efq- 


I. Weftminfter, Owen Meyrick 
of Bodorgan> Efq. 


• / 

A C"A- 

3a6 MOMA •A»f:t4jJA' HE^VAU^^A'TA, 

/ T 




FROM T H j; 

• # 

Time they were firft appointed by Ad of Pariiament. 

RI C E ap Llewclyii ap Hwlkyn of Bodychcn, 
duriBg life 

Anno Rcgni. A, D. 


32 Rowland Griffith of Plas Ncwydd, Efq* 1541 

33 Sir Richard Bulkeley, Kt. 1542 

34 John ap Rees ap Llewelyn ap Hwlkyn, Efq. 1543 

35 William Bulkeley of Porthamel, Efq. '544 

36 Rhyddcrch ap David of Myfyrian, Efq. 1545 

37 Richard Hampton of Hcnllys, Efq. 1546 
Edvardi i Sir Richard Bulkeley of Baronhill, Kt. ^ 1547 

VI. 2 Rowland Griffith of Plas Newydd, Efq. 1548 

3 William Lewis of Prefaddfed, Efq. 1549 

4 David ap Rees ap David ap Gwilym of Llwydiart 1550 

5 Hugh Pcake of Caprnarfon, Efq. 1 55 1 

6 Sir Richard Bulkeley, Kt. i^^z 

7 Rowland Griffith ///Vj, Rees Thomas, Efq. ^553 
I Thomas Moftyn of Moftyn, Efq; 1554 

.2 John ap Rees ap Llewelyn ap Hwlkyn of Bodychen, 

Efq. ^555 

3 Thomas ap William of Paenol, Eiq. 1556 

3 Robert 



Anno Regni. 

Elizpibeths. i 




















t^M: AtifXlQJJ H JR. E.ST A U R A T A. 

Robert Btflfceley of Grdrtaftt, E%, 

William Lewis of Pfejfeddfed, E%. 

Lewis ap Oweii ap JNfeiu-idc of FrondSgy Efq. 

Sir Nicholas Bagmk of Irtland^ Kt. 

Sir Richard BulJcekjr of fiarotfhilU Kt; 

Maurice Griffith of Plas Newydd, Efq. 

Owen ap Hagh of Bddeon, Efq. 

Rice Thomas of Aber, El<j. 

Richard OWeA of Pfeivraynydd, Efq. 

John Lewis of Pre&ddfedv £lq« 

David ap Recs ap David ap Gwilym, Efq. 

Richard White of Monachlog, Efq. 

Rowland BuUseley of Forthamel, ,Efq. 

Sir Richard Bulkel^ of BaroYihrli, Rt. 

Lewis Owen ap. Meuricfc of Frondeg, Efq. 

William Lewis of Prefaddfed, Efq. 

Richard Owen of Penmynydd^ Efq. 

John Wynne ap Jenkin ap Johtt of ttirdr^raig, Efq. 

Thomas Moftyn of Moftyn, , Efq. 

Edward Conway of Bodtryddan, Efq. 

Owen Wood of Rhofmor, Efq. 

Dr, Ellis Price of Plas Jolyn 

William Thomas of >Aber, Efq. 

Owen ap Hugh of Bodeo«,>Efq. 

Hugh Hughes of Plas.Coch, IS^iq.. 

John Griffith ■ , Elq. 

Richard White of Mofiachlbg, Efq. 
Thomas Glynn of Glynllifon, Efq. 
Maurice Kyffin of Mainen, Efq. . 
Dr. Ellis Price 

Jo^».G#iflMi of Trefarthin^ Efq. 
Thomas Moftyn of Moftyn, Efq. 
Richard .Whi*B of Monacldog, Efq. 
Roger Moftyh 9$ Kloftyft, Efq. 
Owen Hellafid of Bdi^w, Erfq. 
Hugh Hughes of Pks Coeh, Efi). 
John Griffith, • Efq.. 

A. D. 





























Aiuio Rcgni. A. D, 

36 Richard White of Monachlog/ Efq. jrg^ 

37 Pierce Lloyd of Gwaredog, Efq. . 1595 

38 Arthur Bulkelejr of Coydcn, Efq.. 1^96 

39 William Glynn of Glynllifbn, Efq.. iray 

40 Richard Bulkeley x>f Porthamel^ Efq* 1 r 93 

4 1 Owen Holland of Berw, Efq. i roQ 

42 Hugh Hughes of Plas Coch^ Eiq. 1 600 
^ 43 Thomas Glynn of Glynllifon, Efq. 1601 

44 Richard Bulkeley of Porthamel^ E(q. 1602 

Jaioobi L i Pierce Lloyd, fenior, of Lligsvy, Efq, 1603 

2 William Lewis of Chwaen, Efq. 1604 

3 William Griffith of Trcfarthin, Efq. 1605 

4 John Lewis of Prefaddfed, Elq. 1606 

5 Richard Glynn of Glynllifon, Efq. 1607 

6 Sir Hugh Owen of Bodeon, Kt. i5o8 

7 Thomas Holland of Berw, Efq. kJqh 

8 William Owen of Bodcon, Eiq. 10 lo 

9 John Bodfell of Bodfell, Efq. 1 5 j 1 

Pierce Lloyd, junior, of Lligwy, Efq. 16 12 

1 John Wynne Edward of Bodewryd, Efq. j 6 1 -j 

2 Owen Wood of Llangwyfan, Efq. ^ 16 14 

3 Richard Meyrick of Bodwgan, Efq. j^j^ 

4 Hugh Lewis ap Howel of Llachylched, Efq. 16 16 

5 Richard Williams of Llyfdulas, Efq. 1617 

6 John Lewis of Prefaddfed, Efq. j 5 1 g 

7 Sir William Glynn of Glynllifon, Kt. . . 1619 

8 Henry Lloyd of Bodwiney, Efq. 1620 

9 Hugh Wynne of MoiToglan, Efq. 1621 
jZo Sir Thomas HollaAd of Bcrw> Kt. 1622 

21 Richard Owen of Penmynydd, Efq. . 2623 

22 John Bodychen, junior, of Bodychcn, Efq. 1624 

23 William Thomas of Cwyrt, Efq. 1625 
CaroliL i William Griffith of , Trefarthin^ Efq. 1626 

2 Hugh Morgan of Beaumores, Efq. 1627 

3 Edwaiti Wynne of Bodewryd, Efq. 1628 

4 Richard Wynne of Rydcroes, Efq. 1629 

5 Thomas Glynn Llifon, Efq. 1630 



Aiaiollegnu A.D^ 

6 Willkm RobinTon of Monackdy^ Efq* 1^3 f 

7 Thomas Chedkf of Lkuiiogi Efq* 11632 

8 WnHam Oivra of Fron<i%, Efq. 1633 

9 Hugh Owen of Bodowen, Efq. 1634 

10 Ed ward Wynac of Bodewryd^ Efq, 1635 

1 1 Robert Wynne of Tre'r Gof, Efq. 1636 

12 William Bulkeley of Coyden, Efq. 1637 

13 Pierce Lloyd of Lligwy, Efq. 1638 

14 Richard Bulkeley of For thamel, Efq. 1639 

15 Owefi Wood of Rliofmor, Efq. 1640 

16 Richard Meyrick of Bodorgan» Efq. 164! 

17 Thomas Bulkeley of Cleifiog, Efq. 1^644 

18 Thomas Chedle of Lleiniog, Efq. 1643 

19 WiUiam JBold of Trc'r Dd61, Efq. 1644 

20 Robert Jones pf Ddreimog^ Efq. 1 645 
a I Robert Jones of Ddreiniog, Efq. 1646 

22 Richard Meyrick of Bodorgan, Efq^ 1647 

23 Richard Meyrick of Bodorgan, Efq^ 1648 
Capolill. I William Bold of TreV Dddl, Efq. 1649 

2 Owen Wood of Rhofinor, Elq. 1650 

3 Pierce Uoyd of Lligwy, Efq. 1651 

4 Henry Owen of MofTogian^ Efi|. 1652 

5 Rowland Bulkeley of Porthamd^ Efq. 165^ 

6 Hugh Owen irf Bodcon^ Efq. 1654 

7 WiUiara JBold of Trc'r Dd6i, Efq. 1655 

8 Richard Wood of Rhofinor, Eiq. j.656 

9 Richard Owen of Penmyliydd, Efq. J657 

10 Robert lord vifcount Bulkeley 1658 
^ 41 Henry Lloyd of Bodwiney, Efq. 1659 

12 The fame Hcory Lloyd 11S60 

13 Thom« Wood ofRhofmor, fefq-. 1661 

14 William BuUtcksy of Coyden, Efq. 1662 

15 John Lloyd ni Lkndcgfan, Efq. 1663 
f6 Richar4 Wynne of Penheikin, Ei<|. 1664 

17 John Owen of Macthley, Efq. * . 1665 

18 Rowland Bulkeley oiiit^ Howcl Lewis> Efq» 1666 

19 John Owen of JPenrfids* Efq* 1 667 

XJ u John 


Jacob! II. 

. Anno Regni. 






. -io 
















. & 



John Glynn of Glynilifon^ Efq. 
Rowland White of Monachbgv Efq^. 
Conning{by Williams of PcumynyMr Efq^ 
Edward Price of Bodowyr, Efq. 
Richard Bulkeley of Porthamel, Efq^ 
Owen Williams of Grocsfechan, Efq- 
Hugh WiHiams of Whacn, Efq* 
William Meyrick of Bodorgan, Efq\ 
Thomas Wyhne of Rydcroes, Efqv 
Thomas Michael of Maen y Dryw> Efq^ 
Hugh Wynne of Cromlech, Efq* 
David Llpyd of Llwydiart, Efq, 
Thomas Wynne, of Glafcoed,. Efq* 
Rowland Wynne of Porthamcl, Efq^. 
Robert Parry of Amlwch, Efq* 
Owen Hughes of Beaumares, Efq; 
Owen Bold of TreV DdAl,. Efq. 
Roger Hughes of Plas Coch, Efq%. 
Maurice Lewis of Tryiglwyn, Efq^j 
William Bulkeley of Coydcn, Eiq. 
Sir Hugh Owen of Bodpwcn, Kt; and* Bart* 
Henry Sparrow of Beaumares> Efq. 
John .Griffith of Garreglwyd, Efq. 
Samuel Hanfon of Bodfel, Efq. 
David Williams of Glanalaw, Efq. 
Owen Williams of Carrog, Efq^* 
William Jones of Pentraeth^ Efq; 
John Thomas; of Aber, Efq. 
Henry White of Fryars, Efqt 
Hugh Wynne of Tre lorwerth, Efq^ 
William Griffithof Garreglwyd, Efij. 
Pierce Lloyd of Llanidan, Efq. 
Francis Edwards of Pcnheikin, Eiq. 
John Williams of Chwaen Ifaf, Efq* 
John Wynne of Chwaicn Wen, E£q, 
Robert Owen of Penrhos, Efq. . 
William Owen of Crcmlyn, Efq, 












. 1692: 


















f I 











Hugh Wynne* of GromkcK> JEfq. 
Owen Meyrick df Bodorgan, Efq, 
Owen Roberts of Beaumares> Efq. 
John Sparrow bf Beaumares, Efq. 
John Griffith of Llanddyfnan, Efq. 
William Lewis of Try{glwyn, Efq* ' 
John Morris of Cell Lleiniog, Efq. 
William Roberts of Caerau, Efqj 
Thomas JRoberts of Bodiar, Efqi 
William Lewis of Llyfdulas, Efq. 
William Bulkeley. of Brynddu, Efq. 
Maurice Williams of Hafodgarrcgog, Efq. 
Edward Bayly of Plas Newydd, Efq. 
William 3odvel of Madrini Efq. 
Hugh Hughes of Plas Coch, Efq. 
Rice Thomas of Cpedalen, £fq< 
Thomas Lloyd of Llanidan> Efq. 
Richard Hampton of Henllys> Efq- 
William Owen of Penrhos, Efq. 
John Griffith of Garreg Lwyd, Efq. 
John Owen of Prefaddfed, Efq. 
Thomas Rowlands of Caerau> Efq. 
Henry Morgan oif HenblaSj? Efq. 
John Morris of Celleiniog, Efq- 
John Williams of Treiarddur, Efq. 
Henry Williams of Tr6s y Marian, Efq. ' 
Henry Powell of Llangefni, Efq. 
Robert Hampton of Henllys, Efq. 
William Evans of Trcfcilir, Efq. 
Robert Bulkeley of Gronant, Efq. 
Richard Lloyd of Rholbeirio, Efq. 
Richard Roberts of Bodfuran, Efq. 
Edmund Meyrick of Trefriw, Efq. 
William Roberts of Bodiar, Efq. 
Robert Williams of Penmynydd, Efq. 
Robert Owen of JPencraig, Efq. 
Rice Williams of Cwyrt, Efq. 

Uu 2 


A. Di 



















Anno Regni. A. D. 

1 6 Hugh Jones of Cyrnvtod, E&i. 1742 

17 Hugh Williams of Biyngwyn, Eiq* 174^ 

18 Richard Hughes of TreV Dryw, Efij, 1744 

1 9 John Nangle of LI wydiarth, E£q* 1 745 

20 Henry Williams of Tros y Mamn» Eiij* 1746 

21 William Thomas of Glafcoed, Eiq. 1747 

22 William Lewis of LUnddyihan, Eiq. 1748 

23 Owen Wynn of Pcnhelkinji Efq. 1749 

24 Charles Allanfoii of Ddreiniog» Efq. 1 7^ 

25 John Lloyd of Hirdrefraigr Efq. 1751 

26 Charles Evans of Trefeilir, Efq. ^75^ 

27 Bodjrchen Sparrow. of Bodychen, Efq. ^75^ 

28 Richard Hughes of Bodwyn,. Eiq.. ^754 

29 Hugh Davies of Brynhyrddin, Eiq. 1755 
3a Charles AUanibaof Ddreiniog, £6}. 1756 

31 John Rowlands of Potthlk>ngdy» Efq» 1757 

32 Edward Ow^A of Penrhos^ Efq. 1758 

33 Robert Owea of Pencraig, Efq. ^759 

34 Robert Lloyd of Tregaian^ Efq. 1760^ 
Georgii i Francis Lloyd of Monachdy, Efq. 176 1 

in. a Hugh Barlow of Ftntho$, Efq. 1762 

3 Felix Feaft of Bodlew, Efq. 1763 . 

4 John Lewis of Lknfihangel^ Efq. ^7^ 

5 Herbert Jones of Ll3mon4 Efq. 1765 

6 Hugh Williams of Ty Fry, Efq. . 1766 

A C A< 


C A T A L O G U E 


Beneficed Clergy of the Ifle of Anglesey, 

r K O M T H B 

Time of King Henr v VIII ; witlr an Account of the Value m 
the King's Books, Patronage, &c. of tHe ieveral Livings* 


A Reaory — St.BeuAO-^tlie PrefeafatioA thtreo^ in the Ptinct oTWftlesb 

valued, rm/^., JEirXth 20 7 6 


June 29> 

March 29, 

Sept. 29> 

Oaob. 289 
Oaob. 89 

Fcb^ 15, 






MR. Richard Murien 
Henry Williams, Clerk, ^^r mortem R. Murica 
John Thomas, M, A. per mortem H, W. He was bro* 

ther to Sir William Thomas of Aber, Kt. 
Thomas Hughes, B. A. per mortem J. T. 
Richard Rowlands, Clerk, per mortem T. H. 
John Jones, B. A. per mortem R,R. He was a Merion« 

yddlhire man 
Hugh Wynne, M. A. per mortem J. J. 
Owen Hughes, M . A. and B. L. L. He was chanceU 

lor of Bangor 
Thomas Owen, M. A. per mortem O. H. 
Hugh Williams, M. A. per mortem T. O. 


L L A N B A. D R I C. 

A Vicarage in the Princc'< Gift* 

£,. s. J. 

\T \ A cf J. 5 Henry VIII. 7 8 i 
Valued, Tempore^ Si^i- l i. 

^ ' ( Elizabeth, 792;. 


1546 t" TUgh Powcl, Cl^rk 
XjL John Hanton, Clerk 
June 27, 16 14 William Hughes, M. A. per mortem J. H. 

Michael Roberts, M. A. after Ds D. and fome timd 

principal of Jefus-College in Oxford 
Thomas V^illiams, M. A. 
0<aoberi6,i663 David Lloyd, M. A. per mortem T. W. 
Jiily 5, 1 69 1 William Wynne, B. A* per mortem D. LI. 
1712 Owen Davies, Clerk> per ce^juyf. W. 
David Jones, Clerk, per deprh. .O- D. 
jan; 17,1729-30 Owcn.Davies^ Clerk, per jmrtemD. Ji 
April 7, 1743 Robert Pugh, A, B. per mortem O. Di 
March 30^ 1749 Hugh Parry, per mortem. R, Pa 

* . a • « « 


l.'L A N B E ULAN. 

A P^iedlprjj, in .the Biflaop's- Gift/ h«h fifvc • Chapels- under itj viz. 
L/anfae/og, Llacbylcbed^^ Ceir.cbiog^ Llanerchmedd^ and Taly Llyn. 

£. s. d* 

• ' TTi J cT-^ CHenryVIIL 23 6 8. 

Valued; 7>/!»r«<?;T, ^T>,. f ,f -^ ,. 

. -'^ (Elizabeth. zz 4^ 6) 


TVyfOrgan Hughes, Clerk 

Jan, 23, I54;t JLyJL John Powell, Cl«rk, per morttmM.W. 
Auguft 6, I ^48. Hiiniphrey. ap Richard ap Jphn,. Clark* per mortem J.P- 
-. June 29, 1587 Hugh Edwards^ M. A- 

March 19, 1609 Edmund GviSith,jM. A. \ per* mor/em prior. incumL^ 
■ Mfty, i:6,\ 1 617:' William HiU^ D. D* per mortem E. G, 

Evan Lloyd, M. A. 
Thomas Csfar^ . D. D^ Ton of Sir Jnlkis Gsefiir, iHailer * 

of the rolls* 
John Kenrick, M. A'; 
April 82,. 1635 John Griffith^. M/Av per mortem ]:K>.^'^He wds bro- 
ther of Dr. .William Griffith of Garreglwyd, chan* 
cellor of Bangor and St. Afaph 
l^^y ^9 i(>25 The faid Jphn .Griffith was rc-inftitutcd, , Ue'i;. /►rg/Jw/^ . 

Michael Evanes, B. Da 
Dec: 31, 1670 Evan Hughes^ M. A. 
June 3, 1682: Henry Williams* M. A. 

Biihop EvanSi . in com^nendam^ 
July 9, 171 3 Jen kin Evans;. Clerk, /.^r^(^<7ii.^/^. 
Dec. I, 174^ Hugh Hughes, .M. A. afterwards D. D^ and ;dcaa of- 

Bangor, per mortem J- E. . 
Dec, 22, 1753 Thomas Lloyd, M. A* afterwards D. Dr and dean of / 

Bangor, per mortem H. H. . 


L LA N D E<J F A N. 

A Rddoijt tA ^ Lord Bulk«ky'8 GiTt, ImmSi one Cktpel im4er «!». 

•we, Btaumartt Ghttrck^. . * 

«r 1 j rf» * ^ Hettry VIIl. 26 00 


ARthur Bulkdty, D.D. afterwards bifliop of Bangof 
J^*^ Bulkeley, D. D, per ceffim A. B. 
•June 14^ 1545 John Lewis^ ^iS^ Vang^an^ fer mortem]. & 
July 2, 1555 Lewis ap John, Ocrk, per mortem J. V. iofiltuted per 

dean and chapter 
March 25^ 1573 Rowland Bulfceley^ deacan> per mortem L. J, ^r<^ted 

by Sir Richard Bulkelcy 
July 12, 1592 The (aid Row^hk! >Butkeley inftltuted again 
March 4, 1593 Launcelot Bulkelcy, M. A. afterwards archbifhop of 

March t5> 1*619 JoJ>n Lloyd^ fA. A% ba ^^ {^omotton of Lu£. to ihd 

archbi{h^i4c of Dublin 
July 10, 1626 Rowland Chedle, M. A, per mortem J. LI. 

Wniram Wi!liani6> M« A. a Denbighfliife gemSeoiani 

of Pottt y Gwyddd 
Peter Wynne, M, A. a Fllm^kiite genflemaai of Cop 
Dec, 5. 1683 John Jones, M. A. afterwards D.D.^ind dcaa of Baogor 
Jiinc 27> 170Q Kenrick Eyton, M. A, a Merionyddfhire gentlemani 

jper ceffion.].]^ D. D. 
AprJl 2, 1720 TbociMfcs iBean, fi. A. per mortem K. B*. 
March 30, 1733 Richard lagram, Ckrfc, per mortem T* B. 
"MiP^ n, 1737 John Lewis, A, M. per te§kn R. L 

1743 John Haghes, A. B. per moriem f . L. 
Nov. 16, 1754 John Hughes, A. B. per mortem ].Hy - 

1762 William Griffith, A. M. per mortem ]. H.— •-Neve* 
Dec. 3, 1762 Thomas Owen, M. A. per mortem]. H. 
April 20, 1763 Richard WilUams> B. A. per mortem T* O. 


MOrN A> A N Ti QJS A- R B S T A U RA T A. ^37 


LL A N P P E U S A fl T. 

A Re^torjr^ :m the Bifliop's Gift, hath two Chapels under itr viz. 

Xr/^^ Bah aad Lkf^airyngbornwy. 

\T \ ^ rr A CHenryVIII. 20 16 2 
VaUied, r^-r., |EiiJbcth 20 ,7 6 


Rthur Bulketey, D. D. afterwards bifhop of 
Odober 10,1543 Thomns Bulkeley, LL. B.per cegim epi/c. Bulkeley 
OiStobcr 17,1570 William Oriffithj Clerk, per mortem T. B. 
March 22, 1587 Robert Morgans, M. A. per refign.^. G. 
January 3, 1591 Richard Brickdale, Clerk, per deprh^ R. M« 

Bi£hop Bayly, in cammendam 
Odober 91 1626 Richard Hughe6> M. A. per c^n. epifc. 

Michael Evan«,^ M. A. 
Odober 1 3,1670 John Edwardi, M. A» 
Auguft 23, 1687 Richard Hughesi Clerk 
January 10,1693 William Hughes, M. A« per m$rtem K« H^ 
July 4, 1707 William Price, B, A» per mortem W^ H. . . 
June 16, 171 3 Owen Lloyds M.% A. per cfffion. W.P. 
Feb. 25, 1731-2 WiHiam Morgan^ A. S. per ctffwn. O.LK 
July , 174^ Robert FouUces, per ^mortem Vf* M. 
Dec« 29, 1746 Stephen WiIKaaM> A. B. per cej/ian. R. |^a 
Auguft 6, 1762 Bulkeley Hughes^ A. B* per mortem S. W* 






A Redory, In the Blihop's Gift» hath one Chapel under it; viz, 

Llanfibangel trir Bardd. 

Valued. r,^.e. {HaT' \\ ,? I 


May 22 
July 12 
Nov. 13 
Nov. 1 1 
M^rch 22 
May 23 

TObn Robins, Clerk 

1550 ^ Rcynald ap Grifiith, Clerk, per refign. ]. R* 

1569 Rpwland Thomas, LL. D. per mortem R* G* 

1 570 John Rovirlands, Clerk, per refign. R. Th^ 
1577 Robert Morgan,^ A. M. per mortem J. R. 
1587 William Griffith, Clerk, per rejign. R. M. 
1609 Robert Prichard, M. A* per mortem W, G^ 
1623 Robert Marfhj Clerk 

— — Jones, Clerk 

Humphrey Vaughan, Clerk 
July 15, 1670 Rowland Morgan, M. A. 
167S Nicholas Stodart, Clerk 
1691 Owen Davies, M. A. per cejjion. N. S. 
July 17, 1708 Owen Lloyd, LL. B. per mortem O. D. 
January 2, 17 15 Francis Griffith, M. AJ per mortem O. LL 
Feb. 20, 1722-3 Lewis Davies, B. A. per mortem F. G. 
Feb* 1 9, 1 749-50 Nicholas O^ycn, M. A, per mortem L. D^ 

May 191 



A Redory, in the Bifliop's Gift, hath three Chapels under it; viz. 
Llanfair Matbafarn Eitbaf, Llanbedr and Pentraetb. 


TTTniiam Hughes, B-LL. 

Sept. 26, 1565 V V Richard Brigdal, Clerk, per mortem^. H. 
Feb. 28, 1 59 1 Rowland Bulkcley, Clerk 
Nov. 13, 1593 Lancelot Bulkeley, M. A. per mortem R. B. 
Dec. 18, 1 619 John Bayly, M. A. on the ceflion of L. B. being made 

archbifhop of Dublin 
Sept. 5, 1620 Rowland Chedle, B. A. per rejign*]. B. 
April 8, 1622 Hugh Griffith, B.LL. 
January 1 3, 1636 Thomas Bulkeley, B. A. per rejign. H. G. 
May 20, 1642 Thomas Meredith, M. A. per mortem T. B. 
Nov. 19, Robert Morgan, D. D. afterwards bi(hop of Bangor^ 

per rejign. T. M. 
Nov. 4, 1672 Edward Wynne, M. A. 

John Ellis, D. D. of Yftymllyn in Caernarvonfliirc 
Bifhop Humphreys, in commendam 
Nov. 6, 1 70 1 Robert Morgan, Clerk, per cejjion. epifc. 

Bifhop Evans, in commendam 
171 5 Bifhop Hoadley, in commendam ^ 

1 72 1 Bifhop Reynolds, in commendam 
1723 Bifhop Baker, in commendam 
1728 Bifhop Sherlock, in commendam 
1734 Bifiiop Cecil, in commendam 
1737 Bifhop Herring, in commendam 
1743 Bifhop Hutton, in commendam 
1 747 Bifhop Pearce, in commendam 
1756 Bifhop Egerton, in commendam 




A Ktdiory, in the Biuiop's Gift, hath three Chapdd under it; viz. 

Ceedane, Rbofpeirio and Bodewryd. 

Valued. r«^„ {H»^^^«- H \ \ 


1560 TTUgh ap Rhees, Clerk 
June 13, 1573 JLJL Humphrey David Lloyd^ Clerk, fef mortem 

H. ap R. 

May 29, 1577 Hugh fiurches, M. A, per mortem H. LI. 

May 15, 1602 Morgan Davies, Clerk, per refign. H, B. 

May 13, 1603 John Llewclin, Clerk, per rejftgn. M. D. 

Auguil29, 161 a Robert Prichard, M.. A. per mortem J, LL; 

John Lloyd> M. A. 
March 15, 1619 William Lloyd„ M. A. ptrrefgn. J. LI. 

Rowland Lloyd,. M. A. . 
Owen Williams,. Clerk 
May 2j 1 687 Thomas Vaughn, M. A. 
June 15, 1699 Richard Jones, Clerk, per cefii^. T .Y . 
Nov. II, 1704 John Owen, B^^A, per mortem K.]. 
July 25, 1707 William Lloyd^., B* A. per mortem]. O. . 
July 24, 1739 Robert Joiies, B*.A; per mortem W J LL ^ 
Auguft 14, 1762 John Jones, B. A* per refign. R. J. - 

June 8, 1765 Thomas Vincent,^ Aj, M, per ceffuin^}.]i^ 


L L A N E U G R A D. 
ArKc&ovyl in the, Bifliop^s Gift^ hath under it one Chapel; viz. 

Valued renti^ore 5 Henry VIII. 911 9 
valued, i^;/^rf, ^gjj^^^^^^j^ 9 11 o 


TT TlUiam Nant, Clerk 

Auguff 2, 1550 V V Richard ap Evan, Clerk, per mortem W. N. 

William Griffith, Clerk, per deprhdt. R. ap E. conjugatl 
Arfguft 9, 1574 The faid William Griffith, per mortem R. ap E. 
Dec. 16, 1592 Richard Pulefton, M. A- per mortem W. G. 
Sept. I, 1592 David Rowlands^ Clerk, per rejSgn. K.P. He was 

. brother x)f bifhop Rowlands 
Dec. 4, 16 10 Hugh Griffith, , Clerk, per mortem D. R. 
Nov. 5, 16 J7 Robert Griffidi, M. A. per refign. H. G- 

Payn> Clerk 

Hugh Humphreys, M. A. 
June 8, J 668 Owen Wood* Clerks fon of Arnold Wood of Holy- 
head^; Gentleman . 
Ficb. 17, 1668 Edward Wynnd,^. Clerk, per mortem O. W. He was 

fon of John Wynne of Bodewryd, Efq. 
Nov. 5, 1670 Richard Hughes, Clerk, percejion. E. W. 
Oftoberai,i687 Maurice Jones, M.A. a Denbighshire man, per c^n. 

May 29, 1697 Francis Prichard, M.A. per c^ffion M. J. He was a 

Merionyddihire man, and had been fchoolmafter of 
Beaumares fchool 
June 30, 1704 Rowland Griffith,:, Clerk, per cejfion. F. P. 
Nov. 8, 17 1 2 William Wynne, ,B. A- per mortem R. G. 
March 17, 1717 Hugh Jones,r. M.A. per mortemW .^ . 
Qdober i, 1735 Robert Jones, B. A. per cejfion. H. J. 
July 24, 1739 Lewis Owen, Clerk, per ce/Jion. R. J, 




A Refldry, in the Lord^Chancellor's Gift^ hath one Chapel tinder it 1 

viz. JJanfeirion^ 

Valued, rrm/or., J ^j^^^^"^' J^ 7 ^J 


Owland Meyrick, conjugate &deprivaf. He was 
afterwards bifhop of Bangor 
June 9, 1554 Thomas Jones, Clerk, per deprhat. R. M. conjugat. 
^arch 14, 1572 Richard Williams, Clerk, per mortem T.]. 

April 7, 1 60 1 Owen Glynne, D. D. per mortem R. W. 
March 28, 1615 John Arthur, M. A. per mortem O. G. 
April 7, 1627 Robert Marfb, M. A. 

Francis Meyrick, M^ A. of Bodorgan 
Sept. II, 1668 Lewis Coytmor, M. A. of Llanfairfechan 

Hugh Wynne, M. A. of Menechtyd 
Peter Wynne, M. A. of Gop 
February 6, 1 68 3 Owen Davies, M. A. 
May 19, 1691 Nicholas Stodart, Clerk 
Nov. 22. 1722 John Ellis, M. A. of Bodlew 
March I o, 1723 WilliamWilliapis, a South- Wales ifian,^^ ;w^r/^/wJ.E. 

Nov. 29, 1725 Morgan Lewis, B. A. per mortem W. W* 
Mar. II, 1736^1 Rowland Hughes, per mortem M, L. 
February 8, 1 762 Owen Parry, LL. B. per mortem ^^ H. 



A Rciflcfry, In the Bifhop's Gift; hath one Chapel under it; viz* 

Tre Gat an. . 

£. s. d. 



Ugh Clement, Clerk 
Thomas Bulkeley, LL» B*. 
Nov. 4, 1570 George Smith, LL. B. per mortem T. B* 
Sept. 14, 1608 William Hughes, M. A. per mortem G. S. 
Oftoberao, i6i4',RQbcrt Griffith, Clerk, per rejign.^. H. 
Odober 4, 161 9 Owen Jones, M. A. per cejpon^ R. G. 

1660 Owen Hughes, Clerk 
Sept. 18, 1669 Rowland Lloyd,' M. A ♦ 
Sept. 23, 1689 Robert Owen, Clerk, per mortem JBi. LI, 
July 17, 1707 Roger Morgan, M. A. per mortem R. O. 
May 28, 1723 Rowland Johnfon, per mortem R. M. 
Jan. 17, 1729-30 William Evans, M. A, perceffion. R. J» 
Feb. 28, 173 1-2 Owen Lloyd, M. A. per ceffion. W. E. 
Mar. 21, 1 740- 1 Andrew Edwards, A. M. per cejjion. O. LI, 
July 10, 1753 John Lewis, B. A* per cejjton. k.E. 

344 M 6 K A -A^nT'T I <JJ3 A .'R3e:SlT A U-RAmA, 

L £ A N C E I N W £ N. 

• A Rtdory, in the Earl of Pembroke's Gift, h^th ohfc Chapel under il j 

viz. Lhn Gnffo. 

Valued> tempore, {eUzLTh^'^^ 


HEnry Syinmondsi Clerk 
Humphrey Brigdale^ Clerk, per mortem H, Si 
Auguil II, 1573 Owen Owens, M. A, per rejign. H* B. 
May 4, 1593 Owen Jones^ Clerk, per mortem O.O, 
March 6, 1603 Robert White, P. A. afterwards D*Da 

Edward Wynne, D. D* 
Owen Davies, M. A^ 
Auguft 2, 1708 Thomas Holland of Berw* Clerk, per mortem 0, 13; 

1747 Edward Jones, A^M. per morteml^i H4 



A Redory; in the Bifhop*s Gift, hath one Chapel under it; viz. 


£. s. d. 
Valued, Tm^orc, {EHzabedl"* } 9 3 4 


TOhn ap William, Clerk 

Feb. 13, 1 55 1 «J William Glynn, D.D. per mortem], ap W. (after- 
wards bifliop) 
May 17, 1558 John Rowland, Clerk, per cejjion epifc. 
January 2, 1^78 Thomas Price, Clerk, per mortem J. R. 
Sept. 25, 1583 Willianji Owen, Clerk, per ceJJion. T. P. 
Oftober 17,1605 Hugh Thomas, Clerk, per ceJJion. W. O. 
June 22, 1632 William Langford, M. A, per mortem H:T. 
March 5, 1632 William Stodart, Clerk of Treganwy, per rejign. W. L; 

Thomas Jones, Clerk 
July 12, 1662 Hugh Hughes, Clerk of Bodffordd 

William Williams, M, A. changed it with John Row- 
lands, brother of Richard Rowlands of AberfFraw 
May 4, 1668 John Rowlands, B. A. 

Humphrey Humphreys, M. A. afterwards bifliop of 

Rowland Williams, M, A. Vicar of Caernarvon 
May 14, 1684 Hugh Johnfon, Clerk, per mortem R. W; 
Oaober24,i69i William Hughes, M. A. per cejjton. H. J. 
January 10,1693 John Jones, B. A. per cejjion. W. H. 
Odlober i, 1694 Hugh Griiflith, M. A. per ceJJion. J. J. 
Oftober 2, iji^ Henry Thomas, B. A. per mortem H. G. 
Feb. 1 1, 1745-6 Robert Evans, A. B. per mortem H, T, 




A Vicange, in^Lord Bofton's Gift, hath three Chapefe niukr it; viar» 

Llan Edwen, Llanddamel Fdbf and Llanfair y Cvimmwd. 


( Henry VIII. 


£. s. d 



DAvid ap Rees» Clerk of Bocfcwyr : he was an- 
ceftof by the mother of the Johnfbns of Llanidan 
: Gregory ap Llewelyn^ Clerk 
June I, 1554 Lewis ap Evan ap Robert, Clcrkj per frhat. G. Ll. 

January 1 1, 1 579 Ja^er Price, A. M. of Bodowyr^ per m^tem L. E. 
Feb. 1 3^ } 581 The faid Jafper Price, re-inftituted pn the queen's pre* 

1626 Lewis Williams, A.M. per mortem J: 1?. 
i666 Henry Williams, A. M. per mortem L* W. He was (on 
of Thomas Williams, Clerk, redor of Lhmfadwrn 
Decern. 3, 1683 John Davies, M. A. perceJ^on.H.W. 
Oftobera, 1696 Henry Rowlands, Clerk, per mortem J. D. 

1723 Hugh Wynne, LL. B. per mortem H. R. 
Jan. 14, 1730-1 Lewis Hughes, Clerk, per cejmn. H. W. LL* D. 
Feb. 5, 1732-3 Robert Lewis^ A. M. per mortem L* H, 
Mar. J 6, 1747-8 Robert Hughes, A. B. per ceffion. R. L. 
Nov^ 2, 1756 Henry Rowlands, A, M. per mortem R* H. 

M 6 fr A AN T rOJJ A a E 8 T A UUAT A. ^47 
A Redbcy» in the Lpfd-Chancellor's Gift/ 

(Elizabeth 8 i 

o o 


TTUgh ap Robert, Cletk 

June 9, 1554 X X Robert ap Hughj Clerk| ftt prhiaS, H. R. cM" 

May 29, 1596 Edmund Griffi6> M. At ^ mrtm R. H. 
June 2)5, i6id Robert Whlte« M. A. after P. D; per t^Hkri. E. 6. 

John Davies». M. A. 
Sept. ii> 169^ Hugh Griffith). M. A i f*r Mortem \\ D. 

Robert Humf^rejrs, M. A. A Merionyddfliire man 
June 14) 1705. Evan J(>nes, M..A. per cejfion.. R. H. 

1722 William Williams* M. A. per nmfem E. J^ 
June 13, 1746 Edward Jonefi» A.M. per imrtem'W .^i ' 
JaUi 9» 1746-7 Owen Jones> B. A. per c^n, Et J> 



A Prebend of the Cathedral Church of Bangor, is in the Bifhop's Gift* 

^r 1 J ^ . \ Henry VIIL 813 4 
Valued, rm/.r.. ^gj-^^^^j^ 8 5 yi 


Wllriam Powel, Clerk 
Henry Rowlands, bifhop.&f Bangor, in com^ 
' Robel-t White, D. D^ ' 

Simon Lloyd, Clerk 

Gethin, Clerk 

Owen Davies, M. A. 
John Williams, M. A, 
Robert Wynne, M. A. 
Nov. 12, 172a Ow«n Hughes, chancellor of Bangor 
Feb. 18, 1740-1 Owen Lloyd, chancellor of Bangor 
March 29, 1743 Hugh Hughes, A.M. 

May 10, 1750 Peter Maurice, A. M. afterwards D. D, and deaa of 

1759 Egerton Leigh„ M. A. per mortem P. M.. 


R H'O S C O L Y N. • 

kor7> in the Bifhpp*^ Gift» . hath two Chapels und^r it ; via. 
Llanfairyn NtubwU and Llanfibanger y Traetb* 

' -.n J ^ . (Henry VIII. 10 6 » 
• Valued, r./«^r., I £,.J^^^^^ 10 5 a 



July 13, 1583 Richard Williams, Clerk, per mortem H. P. 
Auguft2i, 1 60 1 Henry Parry, B. D. per mortem R. W, 
January 7, 1606 Gwen Hughes, M. A., and B. LL. per rejign. H. P. 
February 1,1613 Owen Glynn,; D. D. per mortem. O. H. 
April 26, 1 61 5 Evan Lloyd, M. A. per mortem O.G. a Denbighihise 

April 29, 1663 Edmund Grifikh. Lloyd, Clerk 

Lewis Williams, M: A. of Glan y Gors 
July 4, .1671 JohnGunnis, Clerk, a Caernarvonfhire man 
June 3, 1672 John Jones, A.M. afterwards D. D. and dean of 

Richacd Hugjbes, Clerk 
Sept- 15, 1708 Hugh Wynne^ M. A. per mortem R.H. 
January 6, 1709 Simon Langford, M.A, a DenbighfliiVe mat), per cef- 

Jion H. W. 
Peb. 22, 1736-7 Thomas Owen, M. A. per mortem S- L. 
Sept. 22, 1753 William Griffith, B, A. per mortemT.,0.. 

L L A N R H'V D n^ iJ A D. 

A VitStotfi iti the Bifhop'A Cift, hacli two Chapels mider it; vi«. 

JJanffiitoyn and UMrbw/dnUk 


THomas Bulkeleyt Clerk 
Hugh Morgan, LL, B. per mortdn T. B. 
Auguft 1 6, 1 574 John Pricc> Deacon^ per inortem H^ M, 
May 27, 16 1 6 Griffith Hughes, M. A. per mortem J. P. 
May 5, 1647 Thomas Caefar, Mi A. .j6^ r^^tf«. eptfc. He was fori 

of Sir Julius Caefar* mafter of the rolls 
April i5i 1633 Hugh Williams, B;D. per mortem T.C. D. D. 
O^ober », 1670 Edward PricCi M. A. per mortem H. W. D, D. H« 

was of Llanliugah in Montgomeryihire 
January 8^ 1671 Thomas DavreSi M« Ai 

1689 David Lloyd, Clerk 
June 2 1 1 J 699 Henry Jone§, Clerki per m&tein )[>. LI; 
June 30, 1704 Francis Prichard, M. A. per mortem H. Ji 
Dec, 22, 1704 Ambrofe Lewis, Clerk, per mortem^. P; 
January i, 1729 David Doulben^ M. A. per mortem A. L; 

Feb. 7, 1730 Edward Bennet, Per cf^Jpon. D. D. 
March 17, J 755 John Hughes, Clerk, per t/iortim'E.B. 

M^ ^.A vAI^r T I QUA RE S T A U R ATA. 3^1 

b L A N S A D W R N. 
Kcaoiy, in the BUhop's Gif 



Valued, rempore. \ EiSe^h"* 
TT Tllliam ap David ap Thomas, Clerk 

7 18 6 

June 5, 1582 VV John Richards, M. A- j^er mortem W. D.T. 
January 8, 1588 John ap Lkwclyn> Ckrk, per refign.J. K. 
May 13, 1003 Robert Sherman, Clerk, per r^fign. J. LL 
Sept. 30, 16.08 Hugh Lloyd, M. A. per imrttm R. S, 
Auguft 19, 1609 Hugh Grij9ith9 Deacon, per ceffion. H« LI. 
May 28, 161 1 Robert Griffith, M. A- per cejion. H. G. 
Nov. 5, 1617 Hugh Griffith, Clerk, per refign. R. G. 
January », 1635 Thomas Williams, M. A- per rejgn. H. G. LL. D. 

John Rowlands^ Clerk, changed with 
May 4, 1668 William Williams, M..A. He was ichoolmafter of 

Beaumares fchool, a younger fon of ■ ■ ■ ■■> Williams 
of Pont y G wyddel in Denbighffiire 
Henry Williams^ M. A. 
Robert Humphreys, M. A. 
OdoSer28,i69i Robert pwen. Clerk, per c{ffim. R. H* 
July 5, 1707 Owen Lloyd, A. M. per mortem ^.O. 
Mar. I, 1 74 1 -2 Robert Lewis, A.M. per mortem O. LL 
Nov. 3, 1747 Nicholas Owen, A. M. per ceffion. R. L. 
Feb. 20,1749-50 John Ellis, LL. B. percejjion. N, O. 
April 20, 1750 Edward Foulkes, A. B. per ceffion. J. E. 
April 4, 1754 Henry Parry, A. B. per ceffion. E. F. 
July 20, 1764 Henry Williams, A. B. per mortem H. P» 

J52 MONA'ANTl<^l/A>^fe^¥Au4lA*A. 

'H " 

t R E F D R A E T H. 

A Reftory, in the Biflbop's Gift, liath one Chapel under it; viz. 


Valued remt>ore f HenryVIIL .14 8 10 

Inllitution. . . 

T Ewis ap Gwrgenc, Clerk 

Dec. II, 1546 i y David Owen, Clerk, per mortem L* G. 
June 26, 1 56 1 Hugh Morgan, LL* B. per mortem D. O. 
Auguft 7, 1564 David Lloyd ap Meredydd, Clerk 

Henry Rowlands^ biflbop of Bangor, in commendatA 
Dec. 30, 1606 Henry Parry> B. D. per cejjion. epifc. 
AOguft 18, 1618 John Meredydd, M. A. per cejion. Lud. Bayly epifc. 

William Hill, D. D. He married biftiop Bayly's 

Bifhop Bayly, hi commendum^ ^gain 
Sept. 30, 1626 Griffith Williams, D'.D. per cejion. epifc. He was after 

dean of Bangor, and bifhop of OiTory in Ireland 
. David Lloyd, D. LL, 
July 16, 1642 Robert Morgan, B. D. per re/ign.l^. LL 

William Lloyd, M. A. 
May 5, 1668 Hugh Humphreys, M, A. 

Lewis Lloyd, M. A. a Caernarvonfhire gefltletnilfi 
Sept, 10, 1702 Hugh Wynne, M. A. per mortem h. hi. 
Sept. 30, 1715 Owen Hughes, B. LL. and M. A. per mrtem H. W. 
Feb. 18, 1740 Hugh Hughes, A. M. per mortem O. H. 
Nov. 16, 1744 William Hughes, A. B. percejjioni. H. H. 
Nov. 2, 1747 Robert Lewis, A. M. afterwards chancellor of Bangor^ 

per mortem W. H. 
April 5, 1766 Thomas Bowles, D. D. per mortem R. L; 

.13L X A NT Jl I S- A- N T. 1 • 

A Rei^ry, in the Sifliop's Gift* hath fbar Chapels under it; v'lTi^ 

Uecicynfarity, Keidio, Gweredog,- an^ LlanlKbio. 

V.I«*J <T*,--k«r^ J Henry VIII. 26 o o, 
yaIwd,T«q(y(r^, |Elizabeth 25 10 o 


TJ Ohert Piggot; Clerk 

.Bfcpt 2+, T556 XV Thomas Yak, D, LL^ ^^r f^j:». R. P* 
March 1.8, 1577 |oh© Price, M* A, pernartem T. Y. 
Janamrys^Ot 157S f'rancis Broiighton, M. A. per refign. J. P. 
March 15^ 1594 Ridiacd Owynn, M* A. ptr refign. F. B. 
March 15, 2615 Wiltiatn Krytfaece&t M. A. pernsfi^.K* Q. 
: /Septi 3O9 i6eo John Bayly^ M. A. /ler mortem W. P. - He was fon of 

.faHhop fiayiy 
Griffith Hug^^ Ckrk 
May 8, i6a6 Hugh Williams, M. A^ (after D*D.) ^^r mortem G. H. 
:Odidberji 1670 Edward Wyj>ne# M; A* of Bodewryd, per mortem H.W* 

Robert W^join^, M^ A« 
Nov. 10, 1720 William Hughes, B. A. per mortem R. W. 
Dec. 28, 1744 John Owen, LL. fi. perceJJian.W.. M. afterwards chan^ 

I' cdior of B^ogor 
Noyem. 8,. 1755 Jokn £11|S, IX^ i^* per mortem J. O. archdeacon of 

. . Merioneth 



L L A N P A C H R. E T B. 

A Redory, in the Blfliop's Gift, hath' two ChapeK: nhder If j. rl7« 

. Llanengbenedl 9Xi^^ Llat/igel.. . :^ . . 

Vala«i.r«»^flr^, ^Elizabeth 14 u o 


A yTOrgah. Haghe5^. Clerk 

January 23, 1 542 iVJl William ,apRobcrt| Qcjk, per ynortem M^H. 
June 18, 1566 R'lchztd Bulkclcy 9 dczeon of Gianzvit, per mortemW.K. 

Henry Rowlands, bifhop of Bangoc» inx9mmendam : 
Dec. 30^ 1606 Owen Hughes, M. A. and LL«.£L per ^effioiu ep^c* :\ 
March 5, 1613 Henry Parry, B^D^ per mortem Oi I^^^ He !wa», de^ 

' fcendedfromonecfthie fons of Richard Aw^n Tudor 
of Penmynydd, a learned man, and grandfather to 
the late eminent divine Dr*. Maurice, chaplain to his 
grace archbiihop Bancroft 
William Oweit> Clerk. He marxied Mr. Parry's widow; 
was fon of David Owen of Penmynydd, Efq. 
June 14, 1645 Robert Lloyd^; Clerks a DenbighiKire man, per mor^ 

tern W, O^ . ... . . . : . 

William Williams,. Clerk 

Rice Williams, Clerk, afterwards re£tor of Llandwrog: 
May I, 1.668. Thomas Hughes,. M. A* pkr ceffiom Rv W.. 

Lancelot Bulkeley, B.H..per ceJion.^.\^. He was^ 
fon of William Bulkeley of Coyden, Efq. 
Nov. 3, 1690 Pierce Lewis, M. A. per cejjion. L. B* 
Nov. 3, 1693 John Anwyl, B. A. per ceJion.V.h. 
June 15, 1699 Evan Griffith, lA. A. per mortem]. A.. 
April 8,. 1703: William Wynne, M. A. per cejjion. E. G. 
Feb. 1.3,. 1705 Jenkin Evans, B.A. a South- Wales man, ^^r^rtfr/.W-W.. 
©aoberi4,.i7i3 Th Vincent, A.M. a Mierionyddfliire man,^^rrg^ J.E*, 

June 15, 1738 Richard Williams, B. A. per mortem T.Y. 
^n. 10, 1749-50 Henry Maurice, B. A. per mortem R. W, 
July 29, 1763 James Vincent, M. A. per mortem H./hL. 

MP N A AN T I Q U A RES T AU R AT A; , 355 

L L A N F A E: T H L U. 

A. Redary« in the Bi&op*s Cjift> hath one Chapel : under it ; vie. 


,y , J w ^ CHenry VIIL 17 o o 
. Valued, r.«?^.r., J gjj^^J^^ 17 7 6 

I _ 


TOhn Hughes, Clerk 

May 30, 1^44 O' William Griffith, Clerk, per mortem]. H. 
July 13, i'554 Richard ap Evan, Clerk, per private W. G. conjugat. 
May 13, 1^58 Richard ap Evan, aforefaid,' Clerk 

William Griffiths Clerk ' V 

Dec, 30, 1587 Richard Glynn, M. A, per mortem^. G. 

Bifhop Bayly, in commendam 
Sept. 18, 1619 Thomas Davies, M. A: per cejjion. eplfc. ^ 

-John Griffith, -M. A/ . ' ' ^ ^ 
- Abwland Chedle, D.D'. a Chefliire man 
Owen Lewis, Clerk, of (jrwdredog 
William Lewis, Clerk 
July II, 1671 Edward Price, M. A, a Montgoftieryfljire man 

Robert Foi>lks> M. A. a Dtiibighftiire many an eminent 
phyfician ' ' 

June 7, 1683 Henry Williams, M. A. 
Nov. 7, 1704 Hugh Griffith, M. A. per mortem H. W, 
Nov. 27, 17 1 2 Jenkin Evans, B. A. per mortem H. G. 
July 9, 1713 Henry Williams, M. A. per cejion.]. E. 
July 15, 1741 Humphrey Jones, A.M. per mortem H. W. 

• A • « 


z 2 

5^6 MOW A ANTIOU'A Jltl'gtAU^Bl^A't^A. 

L L A l«rB CH B L U 

A Reao«)r, in thu Biffaq>'s Gift^ hath «iit Cbi|iel:'fm4« 'k^T vk. 

Llanddygwelt fallen to rviai many years fince. 

Vahie^, ^4Xi|^< 

C Henry VIII. 

£. t. 




Ughdecnont, Qcdi 
Waiiftui Piythcrcb, CJ^k 
Dec. 14^ 1561 Hugh Williams, ^Uas Coydanc, Clerks ^ mttem 

w.p- . , •.. . .; • 

February 8^1581 William Mcyrick, LL. & permartem^lC. 

WiUiaoEi Prytherch» M. A • 
1623 Rowland Cnedle^ D. D. 
January 6, 1639 Edmund Priw, M. A* per rejigh. ^^Q^ D,P- 
January 1 1^1643 Robert Llbyd^ B A. fer mortem E. P. 
March 20^ 1645 Henry Evans^ M. A. per ceffintik R. LL 

David Lloyds M.A. 
June 259 1 69 1 Robert HumphreySt M. A« per mortem D. LL 
March 27, 1610 Thomas Jones> B.A« perm?r(^ : 
January 8^1 1730 Richard Bulkeley» B^ A, per mortem T. J,. ' 
April 4, 1757 John Evan8> A. B. per mortemK^ B» 




A Redory, in the Biihop's Gift, hath one Chapel under it; viz. 


VI J <r * rHenryVIII. 768 
Valued, rm/*r.. Igji^^^j^ ^,50 


1428 /^ RitHth ap Bneon ap Gwilim> Clerk 
1 542 vJT Th(»nas Kenrick, Clerk 
Auguft 14, 1543 David Moythc, Clerk, per mortem T. K, 
January 15,1583 David Morgan, Clerk, per mortem D. M. 
0<^ober 20,i6p2 Robert Parry, M. A. per mortem D. M* 
Odober 1 8, 1 606 Humphrey Roberts, alias Humphreys, M. A. and LL. B. 

per ceffion. R. P. 
Sept. 20, 1 6 17 William. Thomas, Clerk, per cejjion. H, R. 

John Cadwalader, Clerk 
Sept. 25, 1624 William Lloyd, Clerk, /^ ceffion.]. C* 
1664 Roger Williams, M. A. 
1666 Evan Hughes, M. A. 
April 30, 1672 Hugh Griffith, Clerk 
Auguft 17, 1682 Henry Rovelands, Clerk, per mortem H, G» 
January 25, 1723 Edward Price, B. A. per mortem H. R. 
May 13, 1740 Robert Williams, A. B, per cejjion. E. P^ 
April 24, 1758 Francis Wynne, Clerk, per cejhn. R. W* 

N 4 S. 



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The Reader is defired to correA the following 


Page Line 
34 5> 6 read rtUcs z . ' ' . ■ 

24 read whenu It is 

48 8 read later 
52 15 rezd matter 
6s 2 rczd Dfyw 

84 5 read Tref^ &c« where v is put for /, at it is in many other places 
100 10 read feet 

126 ult. read rr^^^i 

.139 ult. * Jiead tf ^/ ^ 

1 72 w/tf read /i&^tf ^r^ " 

173 ult. read Dinefawr 
234 n^/^ read written . 

249 7 read /i&^ iw^/fr - 

272 34 for ^^ read not